Child Marriage in Georgia (Overview)
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Bride Kidnapping and Labour Supply Behaviour of Married Kyrgyz Women
DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 14133 Bride Kidnapping and Labour Supply Behaviour of Married Kyrgyz Women G. Reza Arabsheibani Alma Kudebayeva Altay Mussurov FEBRUARY 2021 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES IZA DP No. 14133 Bride Kidnapping and Labour Supply Behaviour of Married Kyrgyz Women G. Reza Arabsheibani LSE, University of Roehampton and IZA Alma Kudebayeva KIMEP University and CERGE-EI Altay Mussurov KIMEP University FEBRUARY 2021 Any opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and not those of IZA. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but IZA takes no institutional policy positions. The IZA research network is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The IZA Institute of Labor Economics is an independent economic research institute that conducts research in labor economics and offers evidence-based policy advice on labor market issues. Supported by the Deutsche Post Foundation, IZA runs the world’s largest network of economists, whose research aims to provide answers to the global labor market challenges of our time. Our key objective is to build bridges between academic research, policymakers and society. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. ISSN: 2365-9793 IZA – Institute of Labor Economics Schaumburg-Lippe-Straße 5–9 Phone: +49-228-3894-0 53113 Bonn, Germany Email: [email protected] www.iza.org IZA DP No. 14133 FEBRUARY 2021 ABSTRACT Bride Kidnapping and Labour Supply Behaviour of Married Kyrgyz Women Using data from the 2011 and 2016 Life in Kyrgyzstan surveys, we examine Kyrgyz women’s labour supply elasticities at the extensive margin. -
The Hmong Culture: Kinship, Marriage & Family Systems
THE HMONG CULTURE: KINSHIP, MARRIAGE & FAMILY SYSTEMS By Teng Moua A Research Paper Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Master of Science Degree With a Major in Marriage and Family Therapy Approved: 2 Semester Credits _________________________ Thesis Advisor The Graduate College University of Wisconsin-Stout May 2003 i The Graduate College University of Wisconsin-Stout Menomonie, Wisconsin 54751 ABSTRACT Moua__________________________Teng_____________________(NONE)________ (Writer) (Last Name) (First) (Initial) The Hmong Culture: Kinship, Marriage & Family Systems_____________________ (Title) Marriage & Family Therapy Dr. Charles Barnard May, 2003___51____ (Graduate Major) (Research Advisor) (Month/Year) (No. of Pages) American Psychological Association (APA) Publication Manual_________________ (Name of Style Manual Used In This Study) The purpose of this study is to describe the traditional Hmong kinship, marriage and family systems in the format of narrative from the writer’s experiences, a thorough review of the existing literature written about the Hmong culture in these three (3) categories, and two structural interviews of two Hmong families in the United States. This study only gives a general overview of the traditional Hmong kinship, marriage and family systems as they exist for the Hmong people in the United States currently. Therefore, it will not cover all the details and variations regarding the traditional Hmong kinship, marriage and family which still guide Hmong people around the world. Also, it will not cover the ii whole life course transitions such as childhood, adolescence, adulthood, late adulthood or the aging process or life core issues. This study is divided into two major parts: a review of literature and two interviews of the two selected Hmong families (one traditional & one contemporary) in the Minneapolis-St. -
Child Marriage in Ukraine (Overview)
Child Marriage in Ukraine (Overview) My father gave me in marriage. I was not asked if I wanted to [marry] or not. —Roma child spouse, married at 14 The decision to marry should be a freely made, Child marriages informed decision that Early or child marriage is the union, whether official or not, of two persons, at least one of whom is under 18 years of age.1 By virtue is taken without fear, of being children, child spouses are considered to be incapable of giving full consent, meaning that child marriages should be coercion, or undue considered a violation of human rights and the rights of the child. In Ukraine, among the general population, early marriage is closely pressure. It is an adult linked to early sexual debut and unplanned pregnancy. Among the Roma minority, child marriage affecting girls and boys is driven by decision and a decision patriarchal traditions and poverty, among other factors. that should be made, when Child marriage is a gendered phenomenon that affects girls and boys in different ways. Overall, the number of boys in child marriages ready, as an adult. around the world is significantly lower than that of girls. Girl child spouses are also vulnerable to domestic violence and sexual abuse within relationships that are unequal, and if they become pregnant, —Dr. Babatunde often experience complications during pregnancy and childbirth, as their bodies are not ready for childbearing. Upon marrying, both Osotimehin, Executive boys and girls often have to leave education to enter the workforce and/or take up domestic responsibilities at home. -
Susan Blackburn and Sharon Bessell
M arriageable Ag e : Political Debates on Early Marriage in Twentieth- C entury Indonesia Susan Blackburn and Sharon Bessell The purpose of this article is to show how the age of marriage, especially for girls, became a political issue in twentieth century Indonesia, and to investigate the changing intensity, focus, and participation in the debate over the issue. Compared with India, the incidence of very early marriage among Indonesian girls appears never to have been exceptionally high, yet among those trying to "modernize" Indonesia the fact that parents married off their daughters at or before the onset of puberty was considered a "social evil." Social reformers differed as to the reasons for their concern and as to what action should be taken and by whom. In particular there were strong disagreements about whether government intervention was either desirable or effective in raising the age of marriage. The age at which it is appropriate for girls to marry has been a contentious matter in many countries in recent centuries. In societies where marriage was considered to be the prerogative of families, the children themselves were rarely consulted and the age of marriage, or at least of betrothal, was likely to be quite young, before children could exert their own will. Although physical readiness for sexual intercourse and child bearing was a consideration, this was a matter to be supervised by adult kin, and the wedding could, if necessary, be timed so that it occurred separately from the consummation of marriage. Apart from families, the only other institutions directly concerned with marriage were likely to be religious ones. -
Child Marriage Has Negative Effects on Adolescents' Health and Is a Cause
LEGAL MINIMUM AGES AND THE REALIZATION OF ADOLESCENTS’ RIGHTS MINIMUM AGE FOR MARRIAGE • International standards set the minimum age of marriage at 18. ABSOLUTE MINIMUM AGE OF MARRIAGE WITH PARENTAL OR JUDGE CONSENT OR EXCEPTIONAL CIRCUMSTANCES • Child marriage has numerous long-term negative implications on children’s rights, in particular the right to education, the right to express views, the right to be protected from violence, and the right to health, among others. Girls are particularly vulnerable to the practice, with significant impact on their development and gender equality in general. • Rates of child marriage in the Latin America and the Caribbean remain significant and close to global averages. However, they have not decreased in recent years like in other regions. • Child marriage – i.e. marriage when at least one of the intending spouses is under 18 – is generally forbidden under international standards, although recent evolutions provide for the possibility for adolescents over 16 to marry under specific circumstances and on their own consent, through judicial approval. • While providing that adolescents can fully consent to marriage on their own no data available at 18, legislations in the overwhelming majority of countries provide for the possibility for children to get married with parental and/or a judge’s consent. 12 years old 14 years old • Approximately one third of the countries have different minimum ages 15 years old for marriage for boys and girls, thus effectively featuring discriminatory 16 years old This map is stylized and it is not to scale. It does not legislation. reflect a position by UNICEF on the legal status of any 18 years old country or territory or the delimitation of any frontiers. -
Marten Stol WOMEN in the ANCIENT NEAR EAST
Marten Stol WOMEN IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST Marten Stol Women in the Ancient Near East Marten Stol Women in the Ancient Near East Translated by Helen and Mervyn Richardson ISBN 978-1-61451-323-0 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-1-61451-263-9 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-1-5015-0021-3 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivs 3.0 License. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc-nd/3.0/ Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. Original edition: Vrouwen van Babylon. Prinsessen, priesteressen, prostituees in de bakermat van de cultuur. Uitgeverij Kok, Utrecht (2012). Translated by Helen and Mervyn Richardson © 2016 Walter de Gruyter Inc., Boston/Berlin Cover Image: Marten Stol Typesetting: Dörlemann Satz GmbH & Co. KG, Lemförde Printing and binding: cpi books GmbH, Leck ♾ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com Table of Contents Introduction 1 Map 5 1 Her outward appearance 7 1.1 Phases of life 7 1.2 The girl 10 1.3 The virgin 13 1.4 Women’s clothing 17 1.5 Cosmetics and beauty 47 1.6 The language of women 56 1.7 Women’s names 58 2 Marriage 60 2.1 Preparations 62 2.2 Age for marrying 66 2.3 Regulations 67 2.4 The betrothal 72 2.5 The wedding 93 2.6 -
Positive Deviance and Child Marriage by Abduction in the Sidama Zone of Ethiopia Ashley N
Antioch University AURA - Antioch University Repository and Archive Student & Alumni Scholarship, including Dissertations & Theses Dissertations & Theses 2014 Positive Deviance and Child Marriage by Abduction in the Sidama Zone of Ethiopia Ashley N. Lackovich-Van Gorp Antioch University - PhD Program in Leadership and Change Follow this and additional works at: http://aura.antioch.edu/etds Part of the African Studies Commons, Community Psychology Commons, Developmental Psychology Commons, Family, Life Course, and Society Commons, Gender and Sexuality Commons, Politics and Social Change Commons, Social Psychology Commons, and the Sociology of Culture Commons Recommended Citation Lackovich-Van Gorp, Ashley N., "Positive Deviance and Child Marriage by Abduction in the Sidama Zone of Ethiopia" (2014). Dissertations & Theses. 150. http://aura.antioch.edu/etds/150 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Student & Alumni Scholarship, including Dissertations & Theses at AURA - Antioch University Repository and Archive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations & Theses by an authorized administrator of AURA - Antioch University Repository and Archive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. POSITIVE DEVIANCE AND CHILD MARRIAGE BY ABDUCTION IN THE SIDAMA ZONE OF ETHIOPIA ASHLEY N. LACKOVICH-VAN GORP A DISSERTATION Submitted to the Ph.D. in Leadership and Change Program of Antioch University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy -
(Cmps) Are Prepared by Researching Publicly Accessible Information Currently Available to the Refugee Documentation Centre Within Time Constraints
September 2013 Refugee Documentation Centre Country Marriage Pack Egypt Disclaimer Country Marriage Packs (CMPs) are prepared by researching publicly accessible information currently available to the Refugee Documentation Centre within time constraints. CMPs contain a selection of representative links to and excerpts from sources under a number of categories for use as Country of Origin Information. Please note that CMPs are not, and do not purport to be, exhaustive with regard to conditions in the countries surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or protection. 1. Types of Marriage Civil Marriage The United States Department of State’s website Travel.State.Gov states: “In Egypt, marriage laws are based on Sharia law. Under Egyptian law, there are three conditions for a valid civil marriage contract. First, the parties must both agree to the marriage and its conditions. Second, the couple must meet the proper age requirements (minimum age for men and women is 18). Finally, the marriage contract must be announced, notarized, and signed by two witnesses. However, there are other types of marriage contracts that are commonly used such as Urfi, Mot’aa and Misyar marriages, not all of which are recognized as valid. In an Urfi marriage, a man and woman sign a contract in front of a judge without any witnesses. This is not considered a legal marriage in Egypt and does not allow for spousal inheritance. The Mot’aa and Misyar marriages are temporary marriages, usually for a few weeks. This type of “marriage” is basically a form of legal prostitution and does not allow for spousal inheritance either. -
Models of Ala-Kachuu
Page 1 of 38 FORCED MARRIAGE: Models of Ala-kachuu Charles Becker Department of Economics, Duke University Susan Steiner Leibniz Universität Hannover and IZA Lin Zhao Department of Economics, Duke University For presentation at the Association for Comparative Economic Studies sessions Allied Social Science Associations Annual Meetings Philadelphia, PA January 4-7, 2018 Abstract This paper provides an economic analysis of the practice of bride abduction based on a neoclassical model of family fertility and consumption. The point of reference is the Kyrgyz Republic in Central Asia, though the practice is not unique to Central Asia. We show that social acceptance of bride kidnapping is rational behavior for an elder generation that values offspring more than the younger generation. It is also rational for prospective grooms seeking to lower wedding costs, and for some potential brides who seek to increase their chances of getting married. Keywords: Forced Marriage, Bride Kidnapping, Marriage Models, Sorting Models, Kyrgyzstan JEL classification: I12, J12 Acknowledgements: We are indebted to many colleagues and associates for discussions of modeling and forced marriage. Particular recognition with respect to the theoretical aspect of modeling is due to Damir Esenaliev, Aliya Ibragimova, Joshua Jacobs, Bakhrom Mirkasimov, Akylai Muktarbek kyzy, and Kani Omurzakova, We are also grateful for comments received on related presentations at Duke University, the 3rd annual Life in Kyrgyzstan conference, the New Economics School, and Stockholm University’s SITE 25th anniversary conference. All errors, omissions, and faulty interpretations remain our own. Becker, Steiner & Zhao Bride Kidnapping 31-Dec-17 Page 2 of 38 I. INTRODUCTION Although conventional “love marriage” is perceived as the standard type of marriage in modern societies, especially among the middle and upper classes, other types of marriage still play important role in forming families elsewhere. -
Marriageable Age Law Reforms and Adolescent Fertility in Mexico
ifo 314 2019 WORKING November 2019 PAPERS (Revised May 2020) Prohibition without Protection: Marriageable Age Law Reforms and Adolescent Fertility in Mexico Audrey Au Yong Lyn, Helmut Rainer Imprint: ifo Working Papers Publisher and distributor: ifo Institute – Leibniz Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich Poschingerstr. 5, 81679 Munich, Germany Telephone +49(0)89 9224 0, Telefax +49(0)89 985369, email [email protected] www.ifo.de An electronic version of the paper may be downloaded from the ifo website: www.ifo.de ifo Working Paper No. 314 Prohibition without Protection: Marriageable Age Law Reforms and Adolescent Fertility in Mexico* Abstract In this study, we exploit the differential timing in minimum marriageable age laws in Mexico to estimate the impact of these civil law reforms on child marriage, adolescent fertility, girls’ school attendance and the likelihood of engaging in a consensual union. Using a difference- in-differences methodology, the results show that states adopting minimum marriageable age laws exhibited a 49% and 44% decrease in child marriage rates and the likelihood of girls being in consensual unions respectively. Contrary to what was expected however, the law had no impact on total teenage birth rates and girls’ school attendance. Additional findings reveal that the fall in child marriage rates was mainly driven by 16-17-year-old girls, and states where child marriage was less rampant prior to the law. We also find evidence of a decrease in teenage birth rates among girls living in rural areas by approximately 14% as a result of the law. JEL Code: J12, J13, J18, K15 Keywords: Adolescent fertility, child marriage, minimum marriageable age laws, consensual unions Audrey Au Yong Lyn Helmut Rainer ifo Institute – Leibniz Institute for ifo Institute – Leibniz Institute for Economic Research Economic Research at the University of Munich, at the University of Munich, Munich Graduate School, University of Munich University of Munich Poschingerstr. -
Bride Kidnapping in Kyrgyzstan Dinara Ismailova, IREX Exchange
Bride Kidnapping in Kyrgyzstan Dinara Ismailova, IREX exchange-student from Kyrgyzstan at Carroll College, Montana Women are very important and crucial part of every society. As Charles Malik, former President of the United Nations General Assembly, said: “The fastest way to change society is to mobilize the women of the world.” However, even if Kyrgyzstan is considered as democratic country, I think women’s rights in Kyrgyzstan are prone to be limited due to common tradition of “bride kidnapping.” Bride kidnapping or “ala kachuu” which is directly translated as “grab and run” is a marriage by abduction or marriage by capture. Although bride kidnapping has been illegal in Kyrgyzstan since 1994, it is a law that is rarely enforced, and one in three rural ethnic Kyrgyz women have been forced into such marriages. I think this “barbaric” tradition is very shameful truth about Kyrgyzstan which needs thorough consideration and taking immediate measures. Participating in a Conference "Women of the Mountains" gives me great opportunity to present this unusual to other countries tradition of “bride kidnapping.” I see bride kidnapping as a real threat for Kyrgyz women in the present and the future as well. First, bride kidnapping is a violation of civil rights of Kyrgyz women. Every woman is a human being who needs a respect. However, some see a woman as a “child-machine” which also includes such functions as cleaning, ironing, cooking, and washing. What a “convenient thing” for potential grooms who kidnap brides as if they are an animal which also includes so many functions in only one set. -
Marriage Laws Around the World
1 PEW RESEARCH CENTER Marriage Laws around the World COUNTRY CODED TEXT Source Additional sources Despite a law setting the legal minimum age for marriage at 16 (15 with the consent of a parent or guardian and the court) for girls and 18 for boys, international and local observers continued to report widespread early marriage. The media reported a 2014 survey by the Ministry of Public Health that sampled 24,032 households in all 34 provinces showed 53 percent of all women ages 25-49 married by age 18 and 21 percent by age 15. According to the Central Statistics Organization of Afghanistan, 17.3 percent of girls ages 15 to 19 and 66.2 percent of girls ages 20 to 24 were married. During the EVAW law debate, conservative politicians publicly stated it was un-Islamic to ban the marriage of girls younger than 16. Under the EVAW law, those who arrange forced or underage marriages may be sentenced to imprisonment for not less than two years, but implementation of the law remained limited. The Law on Marriage states marriage of a minor may be conducted with a guardian’s consent. By law a marriage contract requires verification that the bride is 16 years of age, but only a small fraction of the population had birth certificates. Following custom, some poor families pledged their daughters to marry in exchange for “bride money,” although the practice is illegal. According to local NGOs, some girls as young as six or seven were promised in marriage, with the understanding the actual marriage would be delayed until the child [Source: Department of reached puberty.