Can the Status of Prisoners of War Be Altered?
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Prison Abolition and Grounded Justice
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2015 Prison Abolition and Grounded Justice Allegra M. McLeod Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/1490 http://ssrn.com/abstract=2625217 62 UCLA L. Rev. 1156-1239 (2015) This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Social Control, Law, Crime, and Deviance Commons Prison Abolition and Grounded Justice Allegra M. McLeod EVIEW R ABSTRACT This Article introduces to legal scholarship the first sustained discussion of prison LA LAW LA LAW C abolition and what I will call a “prison abolitionist ethic.” Prisons and punitive policing U produce tremendous brutality, violence, racial stratification, ideological rigidity, despair, and waste. Meanwhile, incarceration and prison-backed policing neither redress nor repair the very sorts of harms they are supposed to address—interpersonal violence, addiction, mental illness, and sexual abuse, among others. Yet despite persistent and increasing recognition of the deep problems that attend U.S. incarceration and prison- backed policing, criminal law scholarship has largely failed to consider how the goals of criminal law—principally deterrence, incapacitation, rehabilitation, and retributive justice—might be pursued by means entirely apart from criminal law enforcement. Abandoning prison-backed punishment and punitive policing remains generally unfathomable. This Article argues that the general reluctance to engage seriously an abolitionist framework represents a failure of moral, legal, and political imagination. -
FBI Independence As a Threat to Civil Liberties: an Analogy to Civilian Control of the Military
\\jciprod01\productn\G\GWN\86-4\GWN403.txt unknown Seq: 1 30-AUG-18 9:12 FBI Independence as a Threat to Civil Liberties: An Analogy to Civilian Control of the Military Justin Walker* ABSTRACT At a time when the President is under investigation, and in the wake of a controversial dismissal of the FBI Director, the need for an “independent” FBI has appeared to many to be more important than ever. Indeed, the Senate would not have confirmed the new FBI Director, Christopher Wray, if he had not promised to be independent of the President and the Attorney General. This Article argues that calls for an independent FBI are misguided and dan- gerous. The Article analogizes presidential control of the FBI to civilian con- trol of the military by demonstrating that, contrary to conventional wisdom, the FBI and the military share the same purpose. It then explores in depth how the FBI has often infringed on civil liberties in the same way that the framers worried an out-of-control military might do so, and it explains why the inde- pendence that the FBI has often enjoyed was a cause of those violations. Fi- nally, it concludes that if it is necessary to preserve the FBI’s investigative independence, the solution is to split the FBI to reflect the model of many western democracies—creating an independent agency to investigate crime (like Britain’s New Scotland Yard) and a separate agency to continue the FBI’s national security functions (like Britain’s MI5). TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ................................................. 1012 R I. -
The Hostage Through the Ages
Volume 87 Number 857 March 2005 A haunting figure: The hostage through the ages Irène Herrmann and Daniel Palmieri* Dr Irène Herrmann is Lecturer at the University of Geneva; she is a specialist in Swiss and in Russian history. Daniel Palmieri is Historical Research Officer at the International Committee of the Red Cross; his work deals with ICRC history and history of conflicts. Abstract: Despite the recurrence of hostage-taking through the ages, the subject of hostages themselves has thus far received little analysis. Classically, there are two distinct types of hostages: voluntary hostages, as was common practice during the Ancien Régime of pre-Revolution France, when high-ranking individuals handed themselves over to benevolent jailers as guarantors for the proper execution of treaties; and involuntary hostages, whose seizure is a typical procedure in all-out war where individuals are held indiscriminately and without consideration, like living pawns, to gain a decisive military upper hand. Today the status of “hostage” is a combination of both categories taken to extremes. Though chosen for pecuniary, symbolic or political reasons, hostages are generally mistreated. They are in fact both the reflection and the favoured instrument of a major moral dichotomy: that of the increasing globalization of European and American principles and the resultant opposition to it — an opposition that plays precisely on the western adherence to human and democratic values. In the eyes of his countrymen, the hostage thus becomes the very personification of the innocent victim, a troubling and haunting image. : : : : : : : In the annals of the victims of war, hostages occupy a special place. -
Serving Those Who Serve?
Serving Those Who Serve? Restrictions on abortion Access to safe, legal abortion services is essential to access for servicemembers, a person’s health and central to their economic and social veterans, and their well-being. Everyone deserves access to, and comprehensive dependents coverage for, safe abortion services in their communities, and that includes members of our military and their families. Yet servicemembers and their dependents, as well as veterans, face unjustified, hardline restrictions on their access to abortion. Federal law prohibits the Department Overall, the rate of unintended pregnancy of Defense from providing abortion in the Armed Forces is higher than among services at military treatment facilities, the general population.5 An analysis of the and the TRICARE insurance program 2011 Survey of Health Related Behaviors from covering such services, except when found that seven percent of active-duty a pregnancy is the result of rape, incest or women of reproductive age reported an when the life of the pregnant person is at unintended pregnancy in the previous risk. The Veterans Health Administration year. That same year, 4.5% of women of (VHA), which provides health services to reproductive age in the general U.S. popu- veterans, does not provide or cover abor- lation reported an unintended pregnancy.6 tion services under any circumstances. This issue brief — the first in a three-part Bans on abortion care and coverage series — discusses the unique barriers adversely impact veterans, servicemem- servicemembers, veterans and their bers and their families, including the dependents face in accessing abortion women and transgender men whose care. First, we explain the restrictions on service is vital to the national security abortion for active duty servicemembers of the United States. -
Uniformed Services Employment and Reemployment Rights Act (USERRA)
Uniformed Services Employment and Reemployment Rights Act (USERRA) - ------------------ ----------------------- District of Arizona 40 N. Central, Suite 1200 Phoenix, Arizona 85004 Table of Contents Arizona Facts and Figures…………………………………….1 Uniformed Services Employment Reemployment Rights Act (USERRA)……………………………………….….2 Making It Easier for Civilian Employers of Those Who Serve in the National Guard and Reserve ………………………………………………………10 USERRA FAQs for Employers…………………………….12 A Smooth Transition for National Guard and Reserve Members Avoiding Job Conflicts ………..16 USERRA FAQs for Service Members.………………..19 Employment Rights and Benefits of Federal Civilian Employees Who Perform Active Military Duty………………………………………………………23 Veterans’ Reemployment Rights (VRR)……………30 Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA)………………34 USERRA – A Quick Look……………………………………36 USERRA Complaints………………………………………….41 USERRA - Veterans’ Rights………………………..…….43 Answers to Frequently Asked Questions About The 2302(c) Program ……………………………………….45 Resources…………………………………………………….…...47 Arizona Fact and Figures Major Installations Army • Fort Huachuca • Navajo Army Depot, Flagstaff • Papago Park, Phoenix • Barnes Reserve Center, Phoenix • Herrera Reserve Center, Mesa Navy & Marine Corps • Yuma Proving Grounds • Yuma Naval Air Station Air Force • Luke AFB • Davis Monthan AFB Disclaimer This pamphlet is intended to be a non-technical resource for informational purposes only. Its contents are not legally binding nor should it be considered as a substitute for the language of the actual statute or the official USERRA Handbook. USERRA The Uniformed Services Employment and Reemployment Rights Act (USERRA) was enacted to ensure that members of the uniformed services are entitled to return to their civilian employment upon completion of their service. They should be reinstated with the seniority, status, and rate of pay they would have obtained had they remained continuously employed by their civilian employer. -
Treatment of American Prisoners of War in Southeast Asia 1961-1973 by John N. Powers
Treatment of American Prisoners of War In Southeast Asia 1961-1973 By John N. Powers The years 1961 to 1973 are commonly used when studying American POWs during the Vietnam War, even though history books generally refer to the years 1964 to 1973 in defining that war. Americans were captured as early as 1954 and as late as 1975. In these pages the years 1961 to 1973 will be used. Americans were held prisoner by the North Vietnamese in North Vietnam, the Viet Cong (and their political arm the National Liberation Front) in South Vietnam, and the Pathet Lao in Laos. This article will not discuss those Americans held in Cambodia and China. The Defense Prisoner of War/Missing Personnel Office (DPMO) lists 687 American Prisoners of War who were returned alive by the Vietnamese from 1961 through 1976. Of this number, 72 were returned prior to the release of the bulk of the POWs in Operation Homecoming in 1973. Twelve of these early releases came from North Vietnam. DPMO figures list thirty-six successful escapes, thirty-four of them in South Vietnam and two in Laos. There were more than those thirty-six escapes, including some from prison camps in Hanoi itself. Some escapes ended in recapture within hours, some individuals were not recaptured for days, and some were simply never seen again. There were individuals who escaped multiple times, in both North and South Vietnam. However, only thirty- six American prisoners of war escaped and reached American forces. Of those thirty- six successful attempts, twenty-eight of them escaped within their first month of captivity. -
Securing Equal Justice for All
Sec Eql Justce_Cvr 2/7/07 8:45 AM Page 2 Securing Equal Justice for All: A Brief History of Civil Legal Assistance in the United States BY ALAN W. HOUSEMAN LINDA E. PERLE Revised January 2007 CENTER FOR LAW AND SOCIAL POLICY Sec Eql Justce 2/5/07 10:25 AM Page i Securing Equal Justice for All: A Brief History of Civil Legal Assistance in the United States BY ALAN W. HOUSEMAN LINDA E. PERLE Revised January 2007 CENTER FOR LAW AND SOCIAL POLICY Sec Eql Justce 2/5/07 10:25 AM Page ii Acknowledgements This short history is based on the previous written work of Justice Earl Johnson, Justice John Dooley, Martha Bergmark, and the authors. We want to thank all of those who reviewed the manuscript and made helpful comments, which significantly improved the accuracy and substance of the piece. These reviewers include: Jon Asher, Hulett (Bucky) Askew, Earl Johnson, Victor Geminiani, Bill McCalpin, and Don Saunders. We also want to thank Gayle Bennett for her efforts to pull together assorted materials the authors had previously written and for her editorial assistance. The Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP) serves as counsel to the National Legal Aid and Defender Association (NLADA) and its member programs. Securing Equal Justice for All: A Brief History of Civil Legal Assistance About the Authors Alan W. Houseman is CLASP’s Executive Director. Mr. Houseman has written widely about- civil legal assistance to the poor and has been directly involved in many of the initiatives described in this paper. -
1 1 US Torture Policy and Command Responsibility James P. Pfiffner Abstract: Civilian Control of the Military and Political Cont
A revised version of this paper was published in Examining Torture: Empirical Studies of State Repression, ed. Tracy Lightcap and James P. Pfiffner (NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), pp. 103-126. US Torture Policy and Command Responsibility James P. Pfiffner Abstract: Civilian control of the military and political control of the executive branch are important constitutional principles upon which the United States government is based. After the 9/11 atrocities, President Bush used his power as president very effectively to pursue policies that would allow and encourage U.S. personnel to use harsh interrogation techniques to obtain intelligence in the war on terror. In implementing these interrogation policies, the Bush administration used legal arguments and the chain of command to ensure that the harsh interrogation policies would be carried out. In this process, the administration failed to heed the warnings of both civilian and military career professionals, and this led to the abuse and torture of detainees in the war on terror. This chapter will examine U.S. policy making on interrogation in the war on terror in light of several important principles of American government and international law: the politics-administration dichotomy, civilian control of the military, and command responsibility. President Bush used his power as president very effectively to pursue a policy direction that would allow and encourage U.S. personnel to use harsh interrogation methods to obtain intelligence in the war on terror. His aides marshaled legal arguments to support his position, despite serious objections from his Secretary of State, Colin Powell, and professional military lawyers in the Judge Advocate General Corps, among others. -
THE LAND WARFARE PAPERS Koje Island: the 1952 Korean Hostage
.. ••• • f .._ ., ,,•,. •,,u .••••., "• o • , • ....., ·�.\ �· � , , "'•. 0 , , , , .. ...· _. ...... i THE LAND WARFARE PAPERS No. 19 SEPTEMBER 1994 Koje Island: The 1952 Korean Hostage Crisis William Roskey A National Security Affairs Paper Published on Occasion by THE INSTITUTE OF LAND WARFARE ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED ST ATES ARMY Arlington, Virginia KOJE ISLAND: THE 1952 KOREAN HOSTAGE CRISIS by William Roskey The Institute of Land Warfare ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY The Institute of Land Warfare 's purpose is to extend the educational work of AUSA by sponsoring scholarly publications, to include books, monographs and essays on key defense issues, as well as workshops and symposia. A work selected for publication as a Land Warfare Paper represents research by the author which, in the opinion of the edito rial board, will contribute to a better understanding of a particular defense or national security issue. Publication as an Institute of Land Warfare Paper does not indicate that the Association of the United States Army agrees with everything in the paper, but does suggest that the Association believes the paper will stimulate the thinking of AUSA mem bers and others concerned about important defense issues. LAND WARFARE PAPER NO.l9, SEPTEMBER 1994 Koje Island: The 1952 Korean Hostage Crisis by William Roskey William Roskey enlisted in the United States Army in March 1965 and spent nearly four years in Army Intelligence as a Kore an translator, serving both on the Korean De militarized Zone and at the headquarters of the National Security Agency. For more than 20 years, he has worked for the Health Care Financing Administration, the fe deral agency responsible for administering the Medicare and Medicaid programs. -
Accountability for Torture: Why a Criminal Investigation Is Necessary
Accountability for Torture: Why a Criminal Investigation is Necessary The Senate Intelligence Committee’s torture report confirms that the CIA tortured and brutalized prisoners in secret prisons around the world. The report, which is the culmination of a multi-year inquiry, also provides startling, new details about the level of cruelty perpetrated in our names. The conduct that the report describes violates both international and domestic law. Much of this conduct was authorized at the highest levels of government, with the involvement of the White House, the Justice Department, and the Defense Department. Given the gravity of the conduct described in the report, the Justice Department has a duty to investigate issues of criminal responsibility. A criminal investigation is an unequivocal obligation under international law. It is also necessary to repair our country’s damaged moral authority and prevent similar abuses from occurring again. The Justice Department Should Appoint a Special Prosecutor To ensure that the investigation of the torture program is comprehensive and insulated from political interference, Attorney General Eric Holder should appoint a special prosecutor from within the Justice Department and transfer to that special prosecutor all of his authority to investigate and prosecute crimes relating to the program. A special prosecutor would be able to make prosecutorial decisions without having to seek the attorney general’s permission. The special prosecutor’s mandate should be broad. It should include the authority to investigate and prosecute decisions to approve torture, to carry it out, and to conceal it. The special prosecutor should also examine CIA efforts to impede or improperly access the Senate’s investigation of CIA torture. -
What Is a Prisoner of War For?
19 WHAT IS A PRISONER OF WAR FOR? Professor John Hickman Associate Professor of Government, Berry College Abstract This article presents a conceptual map of the purposes served by continuing custody of prisoners of war and captured non-combatants. Morally legitimate and non-controversial purposes include preventing prisoners of war from rejoining their comrades-in-arms, preventing both prisoners of war and captured non-combatants from giving material support to combatants still in the field, facilitating orderly release and repatriation at the end of hostilities, and the prosecution for war crimes. Morally illegitimate purposes include punishment, exploitation as conscript labour, recruitment or conscription as combatants, exploitation for intelligence, display as proof of victory, and ideological indoctrination. Analysis of historical cases illustrating each purpose reveal that continuing custody is often motivated by multiple purposes, both legitimate and illegitimate. What explains adoption of multiple and illegitimate purposes for continuing custody? Prisoners are available for legitimate and illegitimate purposes because neither elites nor masses within the captor state typically view prisoners as members of the moral community.1 Continuing custody does not alter the perceived status of the captured as aliens who cannot be intuitively invested with expectations of reciprocity. This suggests both ending custody as soon as legitimate purposes are served and bringing the captured within the moral community while in continuing captivity. Introduction Throughout human history, those captured in war have presented their captors with the basic choice between immediate execution, immediate release, or continuing custody – holding them in custody pending their release or other 1 The moral community comprises those persons to whom moral obligations are owed because moral values are shared. -
Torture by Proxy: International and Domestic Law Applicable to “Extraordinary Renditions”
TORTURE BY PROXY: INTERNATIONAL AND DOMESTIC LAW APPLICABLE TO “EXTRAORDINARY RENDITIONS” The Committee on International Human Rights of the Association of the Bar of the City of New York and The Center for Human Rights and Global Justice, New York University School of Law © 2004 ABCNY & CHRGJ, NYU School of Law New York, NY Association of the Bar of the City of New York The Association of the Bar of the City of New York (www.abcny.org) was founded in 1870, and since then has been dedicated to maintaining the high ethical standards of the profession, promoting reform of the law, and providing service to the profession and the public. The Association continues to work for political, legal and social reform, while implementing innovating means to help the disadvantaged. Protecting the public’s welfare remains one of the Association’s highest priorities. Center for Human Rights and Global Justice The Center for Human Rights and Global Justice (CHRGJ) at NYU School of Law (http://www.nyuhr.org) focuses on issues related to “global justice,” and aims to advance human rights and respect for the rule of law through cutting-edge advocacy and scholarship. The CHRGJ promotes human rights research, education and training, and encourages interdisciplinary research on emerging issues in international human rights and humanitarian law. This report should be cited as: Association of the Bar of the City of New York & Center for Human Rights and Global Justice, Torture by Proxy: International and Domestic Law Applicable to “Extraordinary Renditions” (New York: ABCNY & NYU School of Law, 2004). - This report was modified in June 2006 - The Association of the Bar of the City of New York Committee on International Human Rights Martin S.