TRADE AND CULTIVATION OF OPIUM IN MALWA AND RAJASTHAN DURING 1750-1900

THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF IBoctor of ^l)ilo£;opl)p IN

'I ''•/;I \^ }^ BY N^D. FAISAL ABDULLAH

Under theJSupervision of -— ^ Prof. B?i^Bhadani

CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH ilNDIA) 2008 k) 'iM^^^h^

'"'/" n On''"'^ 2i|fi| 1^!)

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. .: T7346 1 I

Dedicated to the loving memory of My Niece Naseem Ara & Brother-in-law S. A. Siddique

^€ CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH- 202 002

B.L. BHADANI Professor of History Chainnan & Coordinator Dated:

CERTIFICATE

Certified that Md. Faisal Abdullah worked under my supervision on the topic ""^Trade and Cultivation of Opium in Malwa and Rajasthan during 1750-1900". This thesis is the original work of the candidate and I find it suitable for submission for the award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

(Prof B.L. Bhadani) Supervisor

Telephones: (0571) 2703146 (O); 2403387 (R); Fax No. (0571) 2703146; Internal: 1480 and 1482 I

CONTENTS CONTENTS

Page No. Acknowledgements i-iii Abbreviations iv-v Introduction 1-10 Chapter I The English East India Company and the Opium Trade: A Brief Introduction 11-25 Chapter II Opium Cultivation in Malwa 26-60 Chapter III Opium Cultivation in Rajasthan 61-83 Chapter IV Opium Trade in Rajasthan 84-101 Chapter V Opium Trade in Malwa 102-127 Chapter VI Indigenous Merchants and East India Company in Opium Trade 128-147 Chapter VII The British Opium Policy: Impact on Cultivators and Merchants 148-163 Conclusion 164-170 Glossary 171-174 Bibliography 175-187 Appendices Plate ACBCMIOWlLi&Ci TS

<1.« <^' ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

At the very outset, I express my gratitude and thanks to the Almighty for enabling me to complete this research thesis. First and foremost, I must thank my supervisor Professor B.L. Bhadani for his abiding support and tender care. This work benefited a lot from his expertise in the economic history of Rajasthan. I will always remain grateful to him for his toleration during my failings and distractions. I am greatly beholden to Dr. M. P. Singh for his ungrudging help who went through the entire typescript. His valuable suggestions and corrections brought about some necessary changes in the scheme of chapters. I take it as a pleasant duty to express my gratitude to my teachers who contributed in the advancement of my knowledge. Mr. M. K. Zaman taught me history in the easiest possible maimer and inculcated in me a deep interest for the subject. Dr. Ishrat Alam helped me a number of times and from him, I learned to systematize ideas and method of drafting. Dr. M. K. Pundhir took the pain to help me in preparing statistical tables from Rajasthani sources. For this, I am grateful to him. My thanks are also due to Dr. S. Chandiu Bi for her sincere appreciations and Prof. Tariq for his kind concerns.

To Dr. Sajjad, who is more than a teacher to me, I owe some of my basic understanding and skills to carry research of this kind, which does not only contains data but also involves the socio-cultural dimensions of narcotic drugs at some degree.

How can I forget Dr. Sumbul m'am who always listened and encouraged me in a very nice way. Dr. Mohd. Perwez Sir, through his generous comments led me to rethink some aspects of my study. Without reservation, my thanks are also due to. Dr. Hassan Imam, Dr. Pervez Nazir, Dr. Jawed, Dr. Bashir, Dr. Maksud, Dr. Waseem Raja, Dr. Ali Athar and Dr. S.L.H. Moini who time to time asked about the progress of my research.

There are countless friends and colleagues who supported me in various ways and kept my blood circulating when the chips were down. I thank all of them for their charming companionship. Athar Hussain helped me in the calculation of some figures for the thesis while friends like Hamid always provided relevant references related to my research topic. I am also thankful to Mr. Jibrael for his help. I also thank Mr. Taukeer Khan for his valuable suggestions. Thanks are also due to Mr. Shahnawaz Hussain, who always responded to my needs. For their great concern, I express my gratitude to Aziz Faisal Khan, Arzoo, Imtiyaz, Umair Salik, Ziauddin, Mirnool, Osama, Asghar, Osama, Aamir Zaya. I feel indebted to Zia Bhai and Bhabhi for their earnest interest in my research and concern for me. I am also indebted to Mr. Sohail Ahmad and my brother Shadab who helped me in getting my thesis typed and bringing about a few corrections. I would like to thank Zeeshan Ali, who enriched this thesis by his knowledge of computers and graphics. My most earnest thanks go to Mr. Faiz Habib, cartographic assistant at the History Department of AMU, Aligarh, for drawing maps whenever required. For preparing appendices, some of the important documents were scaimed by Mr. Nadeem. My thanks are also due to Mr. H. K. Sharma who managed time to type my thesis with superb professionalism.

The financial assistance provided to me by Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR) and University Grants Commission (UGC), New Delhi indeed enabled me to carry my research with great ease. I am highly obliged to the staffs and office heads of these organizations. The library staffs of Rajasthan State Achieves, Sri Nat Nagar Shodh Sansthan, Keshav Das Abhilekhagar, Nehru Memorial Museum & Library and National Archives of India, where I carried most of my research for this thesis, deserve special acknowledgement.

In learning Rajasthani sources, which at times baffled me, Mr. Mangtu Ram provided his aid. The hospitality at Bikaner by Mr. I. C. Modi and generosity shown by Mr. B. N. Kumar of Central Bureau of Narcotics at Sitamau never let me realize that 1 was unknown to these cities. At AMU, Aligarh, the library staffs of Maulana Azad Library, Department of History (CAS), to which I have a long association, I received all necessary facilities and their cooperation during my study. I wish to thank Mr. Mazhar Hussain, Mr. Bansidhar Sharma, Mr. Salman, Mr. Moin,

II Mr. Arshad, Mr. Nasir and Zubair who never failed to procure the materials, I ever required. My special thanks are due to Professor Syed Ahmad Gill, whose deep concerns and sincere feelings arrested some serious anxiety during the course of this research. His affections greatly elevated my mood whenever I felt low. Three of my greatest critics, my nieces, Fauzia, Aiman and Noor always inspired me to achieve higher level of perfection during my work. I also remember Shafia Sayeed and Fahad who always greeted me with a refreshing smile.

My thanks are also due to my sisters for their several acts of kindness to me. I also owe many debts to Saba for her imfailing love, support and continuous faith in me. I missed a lot my mother and father during my stay in Aligarh. I hope that they may forgive me for any of my insincerities towards them during the research. I can only wish that the deceased souls to whom I dedicate this thesis, my niece Naseem Ara and brother-in-law S. A. Siddique were there to witness this effort of mine. At last, I would just say that despite the best support and help rendered by my teachers and others in carrying out my work, I alone hold all the responsibilities for any of the inefficiencies or inaccuracies that might have crept in to this research thesis.

(MD. FAISAL ABDULLAH)

111 ^iiHiVIITIONS Abbreviations

AHA Aligarh Historians Society

AES Asian Educational Services

BCSO Board of Customs, Salt and Opium

CAS Centre of Advanced Study

CIA Central India Agency

CPC Concept Publication Corporation

CUP Cambridge University Press

EIC East India Company

EPW Economic and Political Weekly

FD Foreign Department lESHR The Indian Economic and Social History Review

JIAEA Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia

JPH Jaipur Publishing House

KDA Keshav Das Abhilekhagar

LMPH Lung Men Press Ltd

LPP Low Price Publications

K4AS Modern Asia Studies

NAI National Archives of India

MUP Manchester University Press

OUP Oxford University Press

PSJ Publication Scheme Jaipur

RHC Rajasthan History Congress

RPSS Research Publications in Social Sciences

IV RSA Rajasthan State Archives

RSM Rajasthan Sahitya Mandir

SNNSS Sri Nat Nagar Shodh Sansthan

SRBC Separate Revenue Branch Consultations

SUP Stanford University Press

VPH Vikas Publishing House

YUP Yale University Press i INTRODUCTION Introduction

Between 1750 and 1900, Britain extended its dominions and sphere of

influence in Asia from India to China.' During the 18th Century, the trade relations

between Britain and China continuously expanded. This period marked the

development of a new trade relations and increasing commercial activity. One

important feature of Anglo-Chinese trade in the early period was that the balance of

trade was unfavourable for Great Britain. Whatever the reasons, China took very little

from England, but England could not do without tea and silk from China. This period

also saw Opium becoming an important element in the process of commercialized

products in the trade of Asia.^

By the mid-eighteen century, Europe was rurming a large trade deficit with

Asia, sailing next to nothing in China apart from a few clocks and other minor

manufactured goods. Meanwhile Chinese exports of tea, porcelain, silk and curious

objects were rising steadily.^ The massive increase soon in exports of tea to England,

led to a frantic search for the means to pay for it. Exports of the Indian commodities

i.e. raw cotton and opium provided an answer to this problem.

What was of prime significance to the Indian interests was Indian opium. The

British-Indian opium enterprise had two main components, the 'Bengal-Patna' (opium

produced in the Gangetic belt) and 'Malwa opium'. The former was promoted by the

1. The British developed opium triangular trade between India, China and Britain. It was the assumption of the opium monopoly in India by the British Government, which led to the proscription of the opium trade in China. Opium proved as a most convenient instrument to enlist the riches of China in support of the British colonialism. See my chapter-1. 2. The rising importance of the Indian opium trade during the eighteenth century had aroused heated debates in the House of Commons. The Honorable Philips Francis, for instance, had condemned the "pernicious" cultivation of poppies-"the most noxious weed that grew"-in India. But an uiuuffled Dundas replied that opium was a widespread consumer goods in Asia and that the more of it was exported from India to China, the less money would flow out of Britain to India. For details see Allain Peyrefitte, The Collision of Two Civilizations (Harvill, 1992), pp. 8- 11. 3. Ibid., p.9. British while the later was constantly suppressed. The British began with the Patna

opium extended their control over Telengana opium in the princely state of the Nizam.

But it was much later they managed to control the Malwa opium produced in the

present day Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan.

Regarding opium cultivation and trade, several works till date have been

published. But these works generally focuses upon opium production in the Gangetic

basin^eIt and referred to in historical literature as 'Bengal-Patna opium'. Actually,

opium was produced in Malwa and Rajasthan region long before the cultivation and

trade of Bengal opium started.

Scholars have generally made a passing reference about Malwa opiiim, which

according to them was most formidable rival to the British opium monopoly of

Bengal opium. Opium cultivation at Malwa and subsequently in Rajasthan was a

traditional and it goes back to Mughal period. Moreover, the existence of poppy

cultivation and factors for its expansion, the role played by indigenous traders and

impact made by the British has not been studied in detail.

Scholars seem to have expressed little interest in questions related to opium

cultivation, opium revenue management and the growth of opium based capitalism,

particularly pertaining to the early decades of twentieth century. In works on the

economic history of India such as those by Wright, Marshall, and Pamela Nightingale

and few others, the primary interest is on the period of Warren Hastings, Comwallis

and Wellesley, and events of the period 1770 to 1830.'* Possibly because opium was a

government monopoly, and not considered as a part of the private economy of India,

4. H.R.C. Wright, East-Indian Economic Problems of the age ofCornwallis and Raffles (London, 1961); P.J. Marshall, East Indian Fortunes: The British in Bengal in the Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1976); Pamela Nightengale, Trade and Empire in Western India, 1784-1806 (Cambridge, 1970); W.S.K. Waung, The Controversy: Opium and Sino-British Relations, 1858- /S57 (Hong Kong, 1977), narratives of Indian economic history before 1770 and after 1830 on the whole ignore opium altogether especially Malwa opium (which became an important cash crop in the region under study); or give it only cursory treatment at best.

The starting point for most of the scholarly work on opiiun is by D.E.Owen/

Owen has provided the essential background of British trade between India and China and traced the development of British policy both in Chinese coast with regard to the opium trade. Despite the work, do not provide any detail about the opium production in Rajasthan region, though it is of immense value in providing a broad overview of the opium trade between India and China.

Subsequent studies have been restricted to opium produced in the Gangetic belt. B.B. Chaudhury, Om Prakash and recently J.F. Richards, have looked at opium production in the 19"' century Gangetic India referring only in passing way to tlie production of Malwa opium, which by the turn of the century, had emerged as a serious rival to those of Ghazipur, Banaras and Patna.

In the case of the early period of Indio-Chinese commerce, the era of the

'country trade', scholarly studies begins with G. Nortlicote Parkinson's book, which further expanded the story of British trade in china and to some extent in Southeast

Asia.* Amalendu Guha, in his article^ on Parsi entrepreneurs, underscored the linkage between the Malwa opium and the rise of indigenous business groups in Western

India. Guha had pointed out that it was by sharing the opium and raw cotton trades.

5. David Edward Owen, British Opium Policy in China and India (New Haven, 1934). 6. B.B. Chaiidliury, Growth of Commercial Agricultuie in Bengal 1757-1900, Vol.1 (Calcutta, 1964); Om Prakash, 'Opium Monopoly in India and Indonesia in the Eighteenth Century', lESHR, XXIV, No. I (1987); J.F. Richards, 'The Indian Empire and Peasant Production of Opium in the Nineteenth Century', MAS, Vol. XV, No.l (1981). 7. C. Northcote Parkinson, Trade in the Eastern Seas, 1793-1813 (Cambridge, 1937). 8. Also Jhon K.Fairbank et al. East Asia: Tradition and Transformation (Delhi, 1998) is a scholarly work which gives an account of the British trade policies in China. He mainly emphasized the exploitative nature of British Colonialism in China. 9. Amalendu Guha, 'Parsi Seths as Entrepreneurs: 1750-1850', EPW, Vol.V.No.35 (1970).

3 Parsis, artisans and petty traders were able to carry out primitive accumulation, which

was the prerequisite for their emergence as an industrialist capital class. The lucrative

opium trade facilitated the transition by assisting in the growth of mercantile capital.

Guha did not view the rise of Parsi enterprise as being the product of any peculiar

value system or unique cultviral traits but as a historical process in which a class

among the Parsis was to take advantage of the opium trade with China.

The discovery of a large collection of letter books and other materials which

now constitute the archives of Jardine Matheson & Co. opened up yet another area of

study, that of the individual European firm operating in China. These have added an

important dimension to the information in the India House Records and those of the

colonial office. The first product of these papers, and certainly one of the best, is

Michael Greenberg.'" It gives information about growing competition between Malwa

opium and Bengal opium and role of Portuguese merchants in facilitating opium trade.

However, the book confines itself mostly to the foreign traders and European trading

firms and neglects the role played by indigenous firms and local traders.

The most recent study by Amar Farooqui has emphasized some important

aspects of the subject (opium) which were not touched upon by most of the earlier

writers. Farooqui looks into the growing rivalry between Malwa opium and Bengal

opium monopoly of the British. Secondly, he traces the series of measures, which the

British authorities attempted in order to control or end the Malwa opium trade. Owen has akeady pointed these issuses"but Farooqui also examines the involvement of

Indian traders and their collaboration with other traders engaged in this trade and offers an analysis of the growth Indian capitalism in western India.'^

10. Michael Greenberg, British Trade and the Opening of China, 1800-1842 (Cambridge, 1951). 11. David Edward Owen, Op.cit. 12. Amar Farooqui, Opium City (New Delhi, 2006). The present work focuses upon the importance of opium as a cash crop and its place in the agrarian history of Malwa and Rajasthan. It also looks the factors responsible for the rise in poppy cultivation and opium trade. The role played by peasants, traders, trade routes, rulers and the differences made by the British are some questions, which this work attempt to search and answer. It will draw on comprehensibly the results of a detailed study of primary sources besides a critical engagement with the secondary sources as well.

Rajasthan has been fortvmate in possessing singularly rich archival sources in the form of statistical information. The local repositories and Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner houses a number of rare & unique documents. This imiqueness is primarily because of the availability of contemporary indigenous sources on various aspects of the medieval and modem Indian History. Some of the important sources are classified as-Arhsattas, Baje Talke, Bayav-ri-Bahi, kagdo ri Bahi, Sri Mandi ro owargi (Zakat Bahi), Shri Mandi ro Golak ro Lekho etc. of various Vikram Samvat. These sources are in Rajasthani dialect and housed in Rajasthan State Archives Bikaner. Some English files such as Jaisalmer records, Mahekma Khas: Udaipur (Mewar) residencies are valuable primary documents preserved in the Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner. These files/sources reflect upon the opium taking practices and various repressive policies adopted by the British such as heavy taxation on cultivation and curb on opium trade.

Sri Nat Nagar Shodh Sansthan and Keshav Das Abhilekagar, Sitamau (MP), also offers valuable sources related to the present study. Various letters in vernacular and Gazetteer Files provide us important information about the local trade and poppy cultivation in Malwa, which was in practice along with sugarcane. For local consumption Opium, was carried between villages on bullock-carts through kutchha

sarak (unmettled roads).

Arhasattas are very valxiable source in Rajasthani dialect. These

revenue documents provide us information such as description of land, crop, name of

cultivators engaged in opium production etc. These documents are arranged in Bastas

and Bundles of different years and of various regions. Arhasattas of Kota, Tonk and

Ajmer are mainly used. These Arhasattas are in good condition and it is important to

see that poppy was cultivated even in less fertile areas such as Ajmer and Tonk where

land was not very conducive for poppy cultivation. This also shows that opium was

not only important as a cash crop but it was equally important in the socio-cultural life

sphere of Rajasthan where cup of 'amV was offered to the guests as a symbol of

hospitality and respect.

The Mahajan ri Pediya ri Bahi tells us about opium trading activity. In

Byar-ri-Bahi information is given about use of opium during marriage ceremony.

While Baje Talke records the classification of villages producing various crop.

The Zakat Bahis gives useful information about the commercial products and

local trade routes of the area. In the northern India, Bikaner state occupied a

significant position as a commercial centre both because of its various Mandis

(commercial towns) and because of the trade routes that passed through the state. It provided an important link between the commercial centres situated at Delhi, Bhiwani,

Nagaur, Phalodi, Pali and Ahmedabad. In Shri Mandi ro Golak ro Lekho information is recorded about the rates of opium and its transportation to local 'mandis''or market place.

During the research, a number of difficulties in collecting study materials had to be faced. For the period 1750 A.D., documents in Rajasthani and Malwi are not sufficiently available on the subject. Since some of the Arhasattas are missing or

misplaced, this therefore created certain problem in the preparation of statistical tables

in a chronological order. Therefore, I incorporated some English files (British

records) which are nevertheless an important primary source available in National

archives of India, New Delhi.

The National Archive of hadia provides a treasure house of information,

which is helpful in imderstanding the regional history of Malwa and Rajasthan. Some

important files related to subject are, records of Finance Department, Foreign

Department, Separate revenue (opium), Department of trade and commerce and

Central India Agency, Excise Commissioner's Office etc. These files contain

information about cuUivation, prices, internal trade and opium smuggling and about the British opium policies in Malwa and Rajasthan. The statistical tables in these files also show the area of opium production.

The Ain-i-Akbari and accounts of foreign travellers such as William Finch,

John Jourdain, Reginald Heber, Tavemier etc., in which references about opium is given about the region under study have been also consulted. James Tod's, Annals is also an important published source used in the present thesis.

'Malwa opium' was the generic name given to the opium produced in Malwa, the large parts of Central India and the princely states of Rajasthan. In the early period, however, poppy as an established commercial crop was grown only in Malwa.'^ In many other places, it was produced only for the consumption of the producer's families; it was not intended to be a marketable commodity.

13. The origin of opium trade in Malwa is shrouded in obscurity, but the writing of Portuguese and other Europeans, who visited India in the beginning of the 16th century, afford evidence of the fact that opium was then the principal crops in Malwa and was grown in several parts of Rajasthan. From these places opium was exported to China and other countries; FD, Intemal-A, Progs., January 1909, Nos.40/51, NAI, New Delhi.

7 What gave Malwa superiority in growing poppy was due to the exceptional

fitness of its climate and soil for the crop. The nature of soil in Rajasthan though not at all places was conducive to the growth of poppy but even those areas which provided possibility and suited to poppy cultivation, it was cultivated. The ceremonial use of opium was also common in Rajasthan. Guests were offered a 'Strained solution' of opium in water, known as Kasiunba or 'AmlpanV. During marriage ceremonies, there was also a common practice of taking opium among Rajputs of

Malwa and Rajasthan.

Several developments in the eighteenth century made traders very important to the Maratha. Maratha forces had shifted from roving bands to large, mercenary armies.

At the opening of the eighteenth century, Maratha troops were lightly armed, highly mobile, and recruited mainly with the promise of booty. Cash outlay was minimal. By mid-eighteenth century, there were permanent camps of 50,000 men and more, each soldier needing a regular salary. This pressure for cash to pay the troops generated an increasing monetization throughout the countryside. In Malwa, there was virtually no settlement in kind, by mid-eighteenth centiory. With land taxes collected in cash, traders were the means by which cash reached the coimtryside. In the few Maratha records that list the actual production of a village, what is surprising is the variety of the cash crops that were grown in addition to basic grains and dais (pulses).'^ The local/princely Chiefs also attracted traders by offering lower transit duties.

The market demand also attracted peasants to grow poppy on a larger tract.

Consequently trading indirect developed in marketing the larger production. Tlie merchants of Malwa and Rajasthan engaged themselves in opium trade and expanded

14. I have found insufficient datas even at the best maintained repository, SNNSS & KDA, Sitamau. The early 19thcentury records beginning on the subject are not easily available. 15. Sanjay Subrahmanyam (ed.), Merchants, Markets and rhe State in Early Modern India (Delhi, 1990), p.63.

S^ 8 its scope. Rajasthan had proved to be an important trading partner for western India in

the late eighteenth century. PaU became an important entreport for the exchange of

various commodities coming from various places. Upto 1770, peasant farmers in

Jaipur and Udaipur had profited from growing demand for opium throughout India

and other places. Malwa opium played a pivotal role in integrating Bombay with the

west coast of India, Rajasthan, Sind and Malwa, as well as with China. After 1770,

the British sought to exclude opium of Malwa and Rajasthan from its eastern and

western markets in order to benefit the production which they controlled (i.e.Bengal opium).

Malwa opium also made its way to China from the ports of Goa and Surat.

It was only then that the British learnt for the first time that opium produced in the

Malwa and Rajasthan region had the potential of becoming a serious rival to the

Bengal opium in China market. The rising market prices of opiimi and the prevalence of a 'free' system of production immensely stimulated poppy cultivation in Malwa and Rajasthan. While cultivation of Bengal opium not increased immediately after this threat to, the Bengal opium had appeared. Soon Malwa opium became the most formidable rival to the Bengal opium. Therefore, the British tried to stamp out frade m

Malwa opium by a number of methods. But the British lacked the actual political control over any significant part of Western and Central India. It was not until after the Third Anglo-Maratha war when large-scale territorial acquisitions took place that enabled the British to apply some force to control the Malwa opium trade.

The British sought at first through various devices to control Malwa opium.

The most notable one was to intervene in the market as buyer of a considerable quantity of Malwa opium and to try suppressing the rest of the cultivation in the princely states, with the active collaboration of their rulers in both cases. But the association of Indo-Portuguese traders with the sea-borne commerce of the west coast,

combined with the links that they had with the Portuguese at Macao who actively

participated in the smuggling of the opium into China, gave them a distinct advantage.

Thus, the British plan to control Malwa opium was not very successful. The rulers of

the princely states also backed out of their promise of support to the British in the face

of a large-scale opposition devices, such as the merchants, bankers and money

lenders-cimi-small traders (sahukars), who had invested a considerable capital in the

thriving opium trade, and a large number of opium cultivators and traders who shared

in the gains from a 'free' trade in opium. Nevertheless, later on, the British

government applied various repressive methods and ultimately the trade in opiimi

suffered a setback due to prohibition of opium imports in the Chinese market.

The increasing importance of opium as a cash crop, its expansion both in production and trade, grov^dng competition between Indian traders with the British, tells us not only the transformation of opium into a pure commercial & narcotic drug just for monetary gains but also the potentiality of indigenous traders as an entrepreneurs. Further it also shows that how the oppressive British opium policy to control Malwa opium and finally suppression of opium exports to China in wake of various agreements between the British government and the Chinese, led to hardships and monetary losses to those coimected with opium-directly or indirectly.'^

16. See my Chapter-7, the decision to curtail and to impose a ban on Malwa opium exports to China created a critical situation in the region under study. There was a general anxiety prevailing amongst the traders who had their investment in the opium trade. As this trade was going to be an end. Therefore, traders became apprehensive of their capital which was blocked in the market.

10 CHAPTER 1 The English East India Company and the Opium Trade: A Brief Introduction

Prior to the classical periods of Greece and Rome, several species of Papaver somniferum (opium) were found growing in India. It was used as a source of oil and medicine. As a narcotic drug, its use was not common. The cultivation of opium in India was at first confined to coastal regions and meant for local consumption.' Opiimi could not acquire a significant status among commercial commodities till the arrival of the British in India.

The 18* century saw a continuous expansion of British trade relations with China. During this period the East India Company conducted an extensive trade in Chinese silk, tea and porcelain. Unfortunately Chinese demand for the British goods was negligible. At the end of the eighteenth century, the East India Company bought an average of 4,000,000 silver teals of tea fi-om China each year. While the value of the British product-woolen fabrics, metals and cotton-imported into China fi:om 1781 to 1793, amounted to only one-sixth of the value of the tea China exported to Britain. So to get tea and silk, Britain had to pay large amounts of silver. This continuous drain of treasure from England to China brought a perplexing problem to the forefront, that of tackling a one-sided trade.

The British started exporting opium and raw cotton to China. While the Indian cotton trade with China could not gain much momentum'', opium trade took firm roots.^

1. Celsa Pinto, Trade and Finance in Portuguese India: A Study of the Portuguese Country Trade, 1770- 1840 ( New Delh, 1994;, p. 126. 2. Portuguese traded in Indian opium before the coming of the EIC. Malwa Opium, produced in the Indian states was at first shipped in small quantities and only by the Portuguese, through their Settlements on the north-west coast of India.Goa and Daman. But the coming of the EIC brought new dimension by expanding and increasing the volume of the opium trade with china. They organized its production and distribution at a large scale for the fu-st time. 3. Celsa Pinto, Op.cit., pp. 126-127. 4. Cotton was extensively produced in China and this naturally narrowed the trade in Indian cotton. 5. Celsa Pinto, Op.cit, p. 127.

11 Opium Triangular Trade between India, China and Britain

Map 1 In March 1801 the Court of Directors had explicitly suggested to the

Governor-General of Bengal that the production of opium be increased to avoid the

necessity of shipping bullion to China. Also all who were connected with the tea trade

were vitally interested in the progress of the opium traffic. Therefore the Company

has done everything in its power to foster the opium trade.^According to Pamela

Nightingle, "by 1809 opium had definitely superseded cotton as the most lucarative

branch of commerce at Canton".'

J.M.Scott writes, "slowly at first but eventually in fearfijUy increasingly ratios,

the trade(opium) made way...fi-om 1767 to 1820...it rose firom 1,000 to 4,2449

year...from 1820 to 1854...fi-om 4,244 to 78,354 chests...merchants began to extend

Q the trade along the coast and thus a demand was created".

Hu Sheng mentions, "prior to the opium war, foreign traders, led by the

British, shipped an ever-increasing amount of opium to China, year after year. In

1773, when the East India Company established an opium monopoly in India, the

total consigrmient shipped to China was 1,000 chests. Early in the 19* century, the

volimie was increased to more than 4,000 chests. In the few years before the opium

war, the annual shipment to China reached 40,000 chests, approximately. Each chest

weighed between 50 and 60 kilograms and priced at 400 to 800 Chinese dollars in

silver".^

Opium increasingly consolidated its position in the Eastern market and the trade in opium came to assume greater and greater significance in course of time.'

6. Michael Greenberg, British Trade and The Opening Of China, 1800-42 (Cambridge, 1951), pp. 106-107. 7. Pamela Nightingle, Trade and Empire in Western India, 1784-1806 ^Cambridge, 1970), p.233. 8. J.M. Scott, The White Poppy: A History of Opium (London, 1969), p.88. 9. Hu Sheng, From The Opium war to The May Fourth Movement, tr. by Dun J.Li (Beijing, 1991), Vol., p.33. 10. Benoy Chowdhury, Growth of Commercial Agriculture in Bengal, 1757-1900 (Calcutta, 1964), Vol. I., p.5,

12 Apart from the huge revenue, which the opium monopoly yielded to the British Indian

government, opium soon became an important commodity in the Britain-China-India

trade triangle'' (See Figure 1). "The expansion of opium trade, Benoy Chowdhry

says, led to an expansion of poppy cultivation". 12

Opium from Tea and silk from India to China China to England

\ Cotton goods to India from England

Figure 1.

Bengal Opium

Till about the first decade of the 19"' century, the only opium with which the

British Indian government was familiar was the opium produced in the Ganga region,

particularly Bihar (Patna Opium). This opium, referred to, in British official

terminology as Bengal Opium'^, was monopoly of the E.I.C. This monopoly was acquired as soon as Englishmen arrived at Patna after the battle of Plassey. But officially it happened only in 1773''*. By all means this commodity had come under

11. Araar Farooqui, Smuggling as Subversion: Colonialism, Indian Merchants and the politics of Opium (New Delhi, 1998), p. 13. 12. Benoy Chowdhury, Op.cit., pp.5-6. 13. Amar Farooqu, Smuggling as Subversion, p. 12. 14. Tan Chung, Triton and Dragon: Studies on Nineteenth-Century China and Imperialism (Delhi, 1986), p.28.

13 the complete control of the East India Company by the end of the 1S^ century. The

Exercise of monopoly broadly meant the company's exclusive right to control its

production and sale.'^Afterwards, that the region of East India was developed into the

leading opium-producing area. Officials known as opium agents were put in charge of

opium trade. The opium poppy could be grown, under a contract to sell to the British

government at the dictated prices which were lowest possible to yield maximimi profit. Any attempt to evade this control was severely pimished. The supply was also

sought to be controlled so as maintain a high price in the Chinese market. In the words of Michael Greenberg, "the East India Company perfected the technique of growing opium in India and disowning it in China."

Though poppy was produced before partly for the Eastern market and partly for the market in Western India; but compared to the volume of production in the period referred to, its quantity had formerly been quite insignificant. Before 1767, the quantity of opium exported was only 500 chests; in 1770-71, it was 1400; in 1771, it rose to 1800. Towards the close of the sixties of the next century, the British were contemplating to supply 48,000 to 50,000 chests of opium but in fact, the supply was much larger. During the period (1797-98), the land under of poppy cultivation in

Bihar was only 46,000 bighas but it was increased to above 4.5 lacs of bighas i.e., near about ten times increase was recorded.'^Chinese exports of tea doubled between

1813 and 1833, while imports of opium quadrupled.'^

According to one contention, "opium advanced to the position to the premier article of export of India, exceeding £ 5.7 million in value in 1849 and £ 9.1 million in

15. See Amar Farooqui, Smuggling as Subversion, p.l2. 16. Michael Greenberg, Op.cit., pp. 109-110. 17. Benoy Chowdhury, Op.cit. p.6. 18. AlJain Peyrefitte, The Collision of Two Civilizations; The British Expedition to China in 1792-4. tr., by Jon Rothschild (Harvil, 1992), p.519.

14 1858, easily dwarfing the other items of export, and accounting for nearly a third of

the total value of Indian exports. Under this impetus, the cultivation of poppy during

the twenty years preceding 1837 is said to have multiplied fourfold."'^

Poppy was grown also in several parts of western and central India.* It is

hardly surprising then that opium from this part of the country should have started

making its way to the far Eastern markets following the footsteps of the Bengal

Opium mentioned above.

Malwa Opium**

In the early times, poppy as a commercial crop was grown in Malwa and

around Banaras which was sold and consimied locally. Malwa opium was supposed to

be best due to climate and soil of the region.

Expansion of Opium Cultivation. Political turmoil associated with the extension of

the Maratha supremacy over Malwa and other neighbouring regions adversely

affected the poppy cultivation. But restoration of peace after the elimination of the

Marathas and of the Pindari menace led to the peasants, to restart the poppy

cultivation with full vigour and resultantly manifold increase in the production.^'

19. Irfan Habib, 'Colonialization of the Indian Economy, 1757-1900', no.115 F (Aligarh, no date), p.40. * Malwa opium was the generic name given to the opium produced in this area (i.e. Malwa and Natives States of Rajasthan).See George Watt A Dictionary of the Economic Products of India, Pachyrhizus to Rye (Delhi. 1972), Vol. VI, Part I, p.94. ** The Malwa area was centred round Rutlam in Central India, where from time immemorial the poppy plant has found its congenial habitat. It was from the tract nearest this centre that fmest opium was forthcoming, and the states which benefited from its production were, like Rutlam itself, mostly small in size and restricted in their resources. The states with the largest area of cultivation, extending to about 20 per cent of the whole was Gwalior, in which Ujjain is situated: Indore, Kota and Udaipur were supposed to each, had about 10 per cent, and the remaining 50 per cent, was divided up amongst numerous other principalities. Cf. CIA. Excise Commissioner Office., File No.30 EXC/1910-1 l.NAI, New Delhi. 20. Malwa was known generally for high agricultural productivity. The black soil retained water well, and the whole plateau produced both a kharif and rati crop. See Benoy Chowdhury, Op.cit. p.ll. 21. "To quote Celsa Pinto, the tranquil state of Malwa after the Pindari war leading to an increased cultivation of poppy, which gave vent to so valuable commodity". See Celsa Pinto, Op.cit., p. 147.

15 An important feature of the financial policy of the small native states was the

imposition of high transit duties on the movement of commodities of which opium

formed an important item. But in spite of it, poppy cultivation continued to grow?^

The market demand attracted peasants to grow opium on larger tracts and thus

increasing production quantitatively.

The English views about the cultivation and trade of opium are reflected and

recorded in an official record which mention, "The Malwa trade with China first came

into prominence over a century ago, when the East India Company was striving to

establish its monopoly, and it took some years to adjust the conflicting interests. The

difficulties were accentuated by the fact that the two systems were, and had always

continued to be, entirely distinct. In Malwa absolute fi-ee trade has always been found.

Here there is no restriction as to cuhivation: anyone may sow the poppy who likes and

the manufacture and export of the opium itself has always been in private hands. The

Durbars have made a point of keeping clear of any direct cormection with the trade,

and have merely excised it through the medium of a duty on the export of the

prepared drug."

Norbert Peabody writes, "although Kota, in Rajasthan initially was not an

important producer of the opium, its southern fi-ontierwa s at the periphery of the

Malwa opium-growing region, and vast quantities of the commodity passed through

Kota on its way to the Portuguese port of Daman. The trade in opium, which was duly taxed, appears to have been one of the major reasons why Zalim Singh (ruler of Kota) ordered the construction of the new city of Jhalrapatan, in the extreme south of the kingdom, in 1796.Jhalrapatan quickly established itself as an important wholesale

22. Benoy Chowdhury, Op.cit., p. 11. 23. CIA, Excise Commissioner's office, File no. 30 Exc/1910-11, NAI, New Delhi.

16 centre in the trade-where the opium was initially collected, processed, and stockpiled,

and where agents were posted to monitor its quality, make purchases, and place future

orders."^'*

Malwa Opium Trade via Daman to China

Daman was used as an important market by Indian traders for opium exports.

It was used as an alternative route for the passage of opium from Malwa to the west coast. From Daman opium was shipped to China (See table l).^^Until 1815 the exports of Malwa Opium via Daman to China by country merchants was not smooth and they could sale only small quantity. In that year the high price to which the Bengal opium had been forced by 'a combination among the foreign merchants' led to the introduction of cheaper substitutes. In 1817 the exports of Malwa and opium from

Turkey jumped to 1,100 and 1,900 piculs respectively and in the following year to even greater quantities to China via Daman. The effect of the Malwa Opium, and the high rate of profit compared with the monopolist Bengal opium, attracted the small speculators. Also the possibility of large-scale operations outside the control of the

East India Company* invited the attention of the big opium dealers.^^ What was significant is that so long as the Daman route was thriving opium exporters of

Bombay were not dependent upon the East India Company alone for their supplies.

They worked hard even to reduce this dependence by promoting the Daman trade.^'

24. Norbert Peabod, Hindu Kingship and Polity in the Precolonial India (Cambridge, 2003), p. 135. 25. Amar Farooqui, Opium City: The Making of Early Victorian Bombay (New Delhi,2006), p.31. * Although the East India Company was by far the biggest trading concern, and had no rivals, other countries were not inactive. They smuggled Turkish and Persian opium. Also a certain amount of opium grown in the princely states was smuggled out of India so that the Portuguese could smuggle into China. Cf J.M.Scott, Op.cit., p.20. 26. Michael Greenberg, Op.cit., p. 124. 27. Amar Farooqui, Opium City, p. 31.

17 Table 1: Exports of Malwa Opium to China, Daman and Bombay (Chests)

Year Daman Bombay* 1821 678 1600 1822 2255 1600 1823 1535 1500 1824 2063 1500 1825 1563 2500 1826 1605 2500 1827 1524 2980 1828 3889 3820 1829 4597 3502 1830 9136 3720 * Excludes Malwa chests auctioned at Calcutta. Source : Amar Farooqui, Opim City, p. 38.

The opium trade in China was legalized after the second Opium War (1857-

60), by the "Treaty of Tianjin" which provided Hong Kong agency houses an upper hand in the opium trade. As a result, merchants who had more intimate connections with both producers and consumers, and who could reduce the cost of doing business at the upstream and downstream ends of the trade, gained advantage. In India, this meant that control of the trade fell to merchants who could accept the risks of direct investment in commodity production and could thus guarantee their control of the drug at its source. On the other hand, those who had access to distribution networks inside China and elsewhere, could monopolize or at least significantly control, retail sales of the opium 28

In Malwa, groups of independent merchants, revenue farmers, moneylenders and financial investors in major towns of the region rose to prominence through the opium trade. They were able to succeed because they had already been controlling networks of indebtedness that penetrated into hundreds of villages. This gave them

28. Carl A. Trocki, Opium, Empire and the Global Political Economy: A Study of the Asian opium trade, I750-l950(LondQn, 1999), p.l09.

18 leverage over the rulers of the states in which they operated^', thus they controlled the

political forces in their areas also. They further developed links to the outside world

through the various ports between Karachi and Goa, and finally in Bombay. In these

outlets they forged alliances with Parsis, Jewish and western merchant firms that

involved in the colonial economy. The very same country firms that had worked

under the wings of the East India Company earlier were also ready to do business

with the opium "smugglers" when they had a product (i.e. Malwa opium) to compete

with Bengal opium.

The Board of Customs, Salt and Opium of Bengal government in 1820 discovered three advantages held by Malwa opium over Bengal opium in Chinese market.^'

(1) The Chinese could get 75% of pure extract firom Malwa opium whereas from

Bengal opiimi it was 57%;

(2) The Malwa cakes were small and flat, thus easier to smuggle into China than the

large and globular Bengal cakes;

(3) The Malwa chest adopted the Chinese picul system (a picul weighing 133 Y2 lbs,

which was the weight of opium in a Malwa chest), thus was more convenient for

Chinese counting than the two-factory-maunds (weighing 149 lbs) of Bengal

chest.

To quote Greenberg, "Malwa consumption continued on the increase. Its quality, though inferior to good Patna, was improving and in addition it yielded a

29. See Amar Farooqul, Smuggling as Subversion, p. 7 ; Claude Markovits, TJie Global World of Indian Merchants, 1750-1947:Traders of Sindifrom Bukhara to Panama (Cambridge, 2000), p. 41. 30. Cf. Carl A. Trocki, Op.cit., pp.84-85. 31. Tan Chung, Op.cit., p.29.

19 greater proportion of smokeable extract than the Bengal drug. It has now become the

favourite drug of the great mass of Chinese with the exception of the wealthy, and is

certainly safer to speculate in."^^

Also what distinguished the Malwa from the Bengal drug was that in the native

states the practice prevailed that of collecting and storing the poppy-juice in oil. This

clings to the prepared product giving it a peculiarly rich and viscous flavour. In

Bengal and the United Provinces, on the other hand, the cultivators were required to

bring in the juice in its crude state. The Malwa Opium foimd market in China and was

supplied to Shanghai and so up to the Yang-Tse to the river ports in the interior of the

coimtry.''^

Malwa soon rose as a non-company enterprise, emulating and began competing

with the Bengal opium in the Chinese market.

Lakshmi Subramanian writes, "Opium exports from western India- procured

primarily from Malwa and Rajputana-constituted but a trickle in the closing decades

of the eighteenth century. It was not before the 1820s and 1830s that the trade in

opium assumed overriding proportions and those enormous quantities were shipped...

Yet by the last decade of the eighteenth century, western India's trading coimections with central India, the Deccan and Hindustan had been considerably reactivated, opium exports constituting the most valuable item in the traffic."^'*

Between 1821 and 1831 the East India Company tried to control Malwa shipments by a variety of methods. First it tried to buy up the whole crop itself In

1821-22, 4,000 chests of Malwa opium were purchased on company account and sold

32. Michael Greenberg, Op.cit., pp. 129-130. 33. CIA., Excise Commissioner Office, File No.30Exc/1910-l 1 .NAL.New Delhi. 34. Lakshmi Subramanian, Indigenous Capital and Imperial Expansion: Bombay, Sural and the West Coast (Delhi, 1996), p.273.

20 by public auction to agents in the same manner as Patna and Benares were sold in

Calcutta. The result of this measure was to double the China import of Malwa Opium;

for "Smuggled Opium" (i.e. non-company opium) continued to be brought from

Daman. Malwa transactions, encouraged by the company's action*, had been very

extensive.''^ The East India Company, faced with competition of Malwa Opium, had

gradually and reluctantly been forced from its policy of restricted production and high

prices mto a policy of maximum production in both British India and the Native states

of Malwa and Rajasthan,''^

Thus wdth the gradual expansion of increasingly prosperous trade in opium

and with the gradual expansion of poppy cultivation, opium became a vital part of the

small peasants economy and mercantile class of Malwa and Rajasthan. This narcotic

commodity linked the peasants and traders of this region to the international economy

dominated by the British colonialism.

A British official official writes, "The Malwa opium trade certainly existed

before the establishment of British rule in India, but it has flourished only because the

Native States producing it form component parts of the British Empire. When Malwa

was settled in 1818 after the Pindari war the opium trade was at a very low ebb, and it

is the peace which the establishment of British rule has given to the country that has led to the extension of the poppy cultivation. Similarly, it is British commerce that has

35. Michael Greenberg, Op.cit, p. 127. * The effort to control Malwa opium trade in fact stimulated the clandestinely operated commerce. It led to the stupendous increase in Malwa opium consumption in China. The energetic restrictive measures meant to control the Malwa opium trade, not only through British territories, but also through those of the allies and vassals of the British government, proved counter-productive: In fact, this stimulated the ingenuity and adventuresome sprit of the speculators to device plans to counteract them by seeking a circuitous route(to avoid check- posts) for the transit of the trade, opium found its way to Karachi and thence to the ports of Daman and Goa, and was later consigned to eastern markets in ships belonging to the Portuguese and other foreigner. 36. Michael Greenberg, Op.cit., p. 131.

21 made the opium trade so easy and profitable; and it is the political influence of the

British Government and the force of its arms that has secured for Malwa opium a

market in China. The British Government is therefore justified in taking a share of the

profits of the trade, and this share is contributed not by the producing Native States

but by the consumers of opium in China".^'ln fact the Chinese consumers were the

subservients to the opium by the British government in India and England.

We can conclude in the words of Carl A. Trocki that, Opivmi did far more than

simply play a role in "fixing" the trade imbalance that had existed between Britain

and China. It did more than help the East India Company service a part of its massive

debt. It also did more than make a small number of Englishmen, Indians, Chinese and

a few others very rich.. .Opium trade also acted as a keystone factor in rearranging the

relations of production for large number of people in India. By the 1880s, the

requirement to cultivated Opium impinged on the lives of at least a half-million

peasant households in both the Malwa area as well as the Bihar/Benares areas. It

occupied nearly half-million hectares. Opiimi was the major foreign exchange-eamer.

It created a mass market and a new drug culture.''^ It becomes clear from this passage

that it was the British colonial interest which created a 'drug culture' in China simply

to multiply its profit. For that material gain they had destroyed the Chinese culture.

37. From E.H.S. Clarke, Deputy Secretary to The Hon'ble Lieutenant-Colonel H. Daly, Agent to the Governor-General in Central India., FD, Intemal-A., Progs., March 1909, No.70, NAI, New Delhi. 38. Carl A. Trocki, Op.cit., pp.86-87.

22 Table 2: Showing land under opium cultivation in Banares and Bihar.

Years Total Number Of Bighas Cultivated in Benares and Bihar 1828-29 1,27,181 1829-30 1,42,451 1830-31 1,48,080 1 831-32 1,53,376 1832-33 1,72,489 1833-34 1,97,252 1834-35 2,09,172 1835-36 2,21,984 1836-37 2,44155 1837-38 2,65,703 1838-39 2,82,792 Source : Benoy Chowdhury, Growth of Commercial Agriculture in Bengal, p. 18.

Table 3: showing increase in cultivation of land under opium (Bengal Opium).

Year Total number of Bighas 1842-43 2,54,134 1843-44 2,56,355 1844-45 2,76,724 1845-46 2,96,282 Source : Benoy Chowdhury, Growth of Commercial Agriculture in Bengal, p.21.

Table 4: Showing Shipment of Indian opium to China during (1795-1840) I chests.

Period Bengal Malwa Total Annual Average 1795-1800 12,261 Nil 12,261 2043.5 1801-1810 25,648 13,219 38,867 3,887 1811-1820 29,649 14,396 44,045 4,404.5 1821-1830 52,867 62,067 114,234 11,423 1831-1840 77,608 165,940 243,548 24,355 Source: Tan Chung, Triton and Dragon: Studies on Nineteenth-Century China and Imperialism, p.30.

23 Table 5; Showing Shipments of Opium to China during 1800-39.

Season Bengal(Patna Malwa Turkey Total and Benares) Chests Chests Chests 1800-01 3,224 1,346 - 4,570 1801-02 1,744 2,203 - 3,447 1802-03 2,033 1,259 - 3,292 1803-04 2,116 724 - 2,840 1804-05 2,322 837 - 3,159 1805-06 2,131 1,705 102 3,938 1806-07 2,607 1,519 180 4,306 1807-08 3,084 1,124 150 4,358 1808-09 3,233 985 - 4,208 1809-10 3,074 1,487 32 4,593 1810-11 3,592 1,376 - 4,968 1811-12 2,788 2,103 200 5,091 1812-13 3,328 1,638 100 5,066 1813-14 3,213 1,556 - 4,769 1814-15 2,999 674 - 3,673 1815-16 2,723 1,507 80 4,321 1816-17 3,376 1,242 488 5,106 1817-18 2,911 781 448 4,140 1818-19 2,575 977 807 4,359 1819-20 1,741 2,265 180 4,186 1820-21 2,591 1,653 - 4,244 1821-22 3,298 2,278 383 5,459 1822-23 3,181 3,855 - 7,773 1823-24 3,360 5,535 140 9,035 1824-25 5,960 6,663 411 12,434 1825-26 3,810 5,563 - 9,373 1826-27 6,570 5,605 56 12,231 1827-28 6,650 5,504 - 12,434 1828-29 4,903 7,709 1,256 13,868 1829-30 7,443 8,099 715 16,257 1830-31 5,672 12,856 1,428 18,956 1831-32 6,815 9,333 402 16,550 1832-33 7,598 14,007 380 21,985 1833-34 7,808 11,715 963 20,486 1834-35 10,207 11,678 ? 21,885 1835-36 14,851 15,351 ? 30,202 1836-37 12,606 21,427 243 34,776 1837-38 19,600 14,773 ? 34,373 1838-39 18,212 21,988 ? 40,200 Source : Michael Greenberg , British Trade and The Opening of China, p. 221.

24 Table 6: Showing the number of opium chests exported from India to China during 1840 to 1860.

Year Bengal (Patna & Benares) Malwa Total 1840-41 5,817 12,022.5 17,839.5 1841-42 10,752 14,473 25,225 1842-43 11,867 19,369 31,236 1843-44 13,067 16,944 30,011 1844-45 14,709 18,150.5 32,859.5 1845-46 16,265 * * 1846-47 20,668 17,389.75 38,057.75 1847-48 19,434 * - 1848-49 27,870 21,392.25 49,262.25 1849-50 30,996 16,513 47,509 1850-51 28,892 19,138 48,030 1851-52 27,921 28,168.5 56,089.5 1852-53 31,433 24,978.5 56,412.5 1853-54 33,941 26,113.5 60,034.5 1854-55 43,952 25,958.25 69,910.25 1855-56 37,851 25,576 63,427 1856-57 36,459 29,846.5 66,305.5 1857-58 31,878 36,125.5 68.003.5 1858-59 33,858 40,849 74,707 1859-60 22,329 32,534 54,863 *In the years so marked, calculations similar to the above were not practicable, two rates of duty existed, while the actual number of chests was not upon records. Source: Finance and Commerce Department, Separate Revenue- A, July 1882, Nos. 1095-1096, NAI, New Delhi.

Table 7. Showing Consumption and value of Indian opium in China During 1821 to 1831. Season Bengal(Patna Malwa Total & Benares) Chests Value $ Chests Value $ Chests Value $ 1821-22 2,910 6,038,250 1,718 2,276,350 4,628 8,314,600 1822-23 1,822 2,828,930 4,000 5,160,000 5,822 7,988,930 1823-24 2,910 4,656,000 4,172 3,559,100 7,082 8,515,100 1824-25 2,655 3,119,625 6,000 4,500,000 8,655 7,619,625 1825-26 3,442 3,141,755 6,179 4,466,450 9,621 7,608,205 1826-27 3,661 3,667,565 6,308 5,941,520 9,969 9,610,085 1827-28 5,114 5,105,081 4,361 5,277,000 9,475 10,382,141 1828-29 5,960 5,604,235 7,171 6,928,880 13,132 12,533,115 1829-30 7,143 6,149,577 6,857 5,907,580 14,000 12,057,157 1830-31 6,660 5,789,794 12,100 7,110,237 18,760 12,900,031 Source:Michael Greenberg, British Trade and The Opening Of China, p.220.

25 CHAPTiR Opium Cultivation in Malwa

The Mughal province of Malwa now forms the part of present day state of

Madhya Pradesh with some patches overlapping with Rajasthan. Some historians, at

the beginning of the 19* century also used the term 'Central India' for Malwa.'

In 1695, the Suba of Malwa comprised of twelve sarkars and three hundreds

and nine mahals, but by 1697, a slight change was effected, with the transfer of sarkar

of Bijagarh the Subah of Burhanpur.^ The province now comprised 11 sarkars and

250 parganas only. These eleven sarkars were Ujjain, Raisin, Chanderi, Sarangpur,

Mandu, Handia, Gagron, Kotri, Paraya, Garh, Mandsaur and Nandurbar. The

Narmada in the south, the Betwa in the east and the Chambal in the north-west

roughly marked its boundaries. The provinces of Kanthal and Bagad separated Malwa

from Rajputana (Rajasthan) and Gujrat'', while the tract known as Hadoti formed the

extremist limit on the north-west Bundelkhand and Gondwana surroimded Malwa on

the south-eastern side. The coimtry within the province was mainly a plateau, with

alluvial tracts scattered all over the land.^

The districts of Mandsaur, Ratlam, Ujjain, Indore, Dhar, Dewas and Shajapur constituted what might be referred to as the core Malwa area. Besides these, Malwa included parts of the Madhya Pradesh; districts of Jhabua, Raj garh, Sehore, Bhopal and Vidisha. A small stretch at the neck of Mandsaur is located in district Jhalawar, and another protrudes into the Chittaurgarh district of Rajasthan.

1. Raghubir Singh, Malwa in Transition or A Century of Anarchy: The First Phase, 1698-1765 (New Delhi, 1993), pp. 1-2. 2. Ibid,, p.2. 3. Ibid. 4. Bagad comprised the Guhil states of Banswada and Dungarpur, Kanthal of Partabgarh. Both theseterms mean a hedge over all these states Mewar claimed right of Suzerainty, though not accepted by the Mughal Emperors. Partabgarh extends, even into Malwa. See Raghubir Singh, Op.cit, p. 3. 5. Raghubir Singh, Op.cit.,p.3 Malwa had fertile land condusive to the cultivation of poppy and other cash

crops. "Malwa was rich in agricultural wealth which produced large quantities of the

higher crops, such as opium, sugarcane, grapes, muskmelons and betel leaf Sujan

Rai, describing the products of Malwa,says, "grow excellently, wheat, poppy,

sugarcane, mango, melon and grape grow well".^

The reference about the cultivation of 'Khaskhas' (poppy) as a rabi crop in

suba Malwa is found also in Ain-i-AkbariJ The accounts of contemporary foreign

travelers, too, provide evidence of extensive cultivation of poppy in Malwa in the pre-

colonial period. For example, William Finch, who was in India between 1608 and

1611, saw the 'fertile soil of Malwa' abounding with opium 'on his way from Surat to

Agra'.^ John Jourdain writes, "we departed from Augen and came to a ragged town

called Conostia', eleven coses. Here is made much opium."'° The Flemish geographer

Joannes de Laet, who compiled a book on the Mughal Empire during the first half of

the 17* century, using various published and unpublished sources, stated that Malwa

was a great producer of opium and grain." Nevertheless, the reputation of Malwa as a

poppy growing area was well established by Akbar's time.

In Malwa, poppy was mainly a rabi (locally, unhalu) crop. The soil of

Malwa was known for its capacity to retain moisture. The presence of a rich black loam {Kali matti) accounted for the high agricultural productivity of the tableland making it ideal for poppy cultivation. Another type of soil, dhamni (dark brown) was

6. Cf. Raghubir Singh, Op.cit., p. 7. 7. Abul Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari, English tr., H.S. Jarret (New Delhi, 1978) Vol. II., pp.92,207. 8. William Foster (ed.), Early Travels in India, ]583-1619 (Delhi, 1968), p.l42. 9. Conositia 'a little village'(Finch);probably Kanasia,about 29 miles E.N.E. of Ujjain, and three miles north of Maski'. Cf William Foster(ed.), The Journal of Jhon yowrrfa/w, 1608-1617(New Delhi, 1992), p. 149. 10. The Journal of John Jourdain, Op.cit., p. 149. 11. Donald F.Lach and Edwin J.Van Kley, Asia in the Making o/£«rope(Chicago),Vol. Ill, pp.616- 620. 12. Swinton to BSCO, 8 April 1826, SRBC, Nos. 9/22, NAI, New Delhi.

27 OPIUM PRODUCING AREA5

u 24 >

Mabm

^___ "Jf XJ" '\ -r

•trr= 76 roo 5 0 0 160 KM. mm*

Map 2 also very fertile due to its depth. A third type was bhuri matti (brownish). It was also

suitable for poppy cultivation but was of poorer quality owing to being shallow.'^

Method of Poppy Cultivation

The fields meant for the cultivation of poppy were sown during the rainy seasons with hidian com, hemp, and vegetables. Cutting of crops generally took place by the end of September. The ground was then prepared for the poppy. The seeds were sovra after the rains as the fields were ready, generally in the end of the October or in the beginning of November.'''

The ground was chosen in the vicinity of a well, a river or reservoir of water, which was obtained by means of 'Moaths' drawn up by bullocks. Previous to sowing the seeds, the ground was ploughed several times, and the soil then pulverized, leveled, and divided into conveniently sized beds, vwth pathways and water courses, and shallow ditches for irrigation, a basket or two of manure was added to each bed, and well turned over by means of a rake; all lumps of earth then carefiilly reduced to powder.'^The seeds were then lightly thrown or broadcast over the ground and immediately covered with earth. The plots were watered at once to prevent the otherwise certain devastation caused by little ants called 'elee\ and this water should fill the beds up to the brim. The seeds were spread at the rate of 2 to 2.5 ser per bigha}^ The TiQlds were kept free of weeds and plants could be seen shooting after ten or twelve days.'^

13. 'Replies from the Rutlam Darbar regarding the points to be considered by the Irrigation Commission, in Central India, December 1902', File no. 450, p. 27, KDA, Sitamau. 14. Financial Department, Separate Revenue 'A' (opium), February 1868, Nos. 77/79, NAI, New Delhi. 15. Ibid. 16. Danger Field's, Report; F. Dangerfjeld, Surveying officer to John Malcolm, 3 October 1820 December 1820, SRBC, Nos. 18/1, NAI, New Delhi 17. Ibid.

28 There were two kinds of seeds, white and black. The plants from the former

required most attention and care and yielded the greater amount of juice.'*

Manuring

The dung of animals, mixed with decayed grass thoroughly decayed made the

manure used in poppy fields. It was also mixed with a quantity of ash.'' For green

manure sowing hemp was a common practice in Malwa, which when at its full growth

was trodden down and ploughed up with the soil. Urad was also at times sown for

green manuring and was similarly ploughed in when it began to flower. Land which

was freshly brought under poppy held the prospect of a reasonably good yield only in

the third year. Sowing commenced nearly in November and was concluded by

December. Malwa cultivators could grow poppy and sugarcane in the same field since

both crops required a great deal of water. These two didn't interfere interfered with

each other as poppy was off the ground before sugarcane had attained a height of

eight inches.^°This was to remain a favourite combination with peasants in Malwa.

Opium cultivation in Malwa depended on availability of irrigation facilities

since very large quantities of water was required for it. As a rabi crop, it cannot be

sustained merely winter rainfall in Malwa. Poppy must be watered at least eight to

nine times. Two or three watering was necessary before the plant has appeared above

the ground. Following this the plant has to be watered another five to six times. In

order to facilitate this kind of continuous irrigation, poppy fields in Malwa were

broken up into square compartment.^' The time for watering the plants is ascertained

18. Ibid. 19. Ibid. 20. Danger Field's Report: Swinton to BCSO, 17 April 1824, Nos. 16/14, NAI, New Delhi. 21. Ibid.

29 by examining the ground; if it is hard and cracked in some places, water has to be

supplied.^^

While northern and western Malwa had large numbers of wells, tanks, orhis

(pits dug in nalas and tanks for harvesting water) and streams, the cultivators of eastern and southern Malwa were relatively more dependent upon rain.^'^Initially large outlay was required for the construction of wells?'* During 1820s the cost of construction of a well ranged from Rs. 800-1000 to Rs. 1,500-2,000 depending upon whether the well was dug through the soil using iron implements or whether it was done by perforation of rocks with gimpowder; and whether they were masonary wells or kachha or earthen wells. Leather buckets (chants) were used to lift water from wells, of which two could be used at the same time so that one well could irrigate about ten bighas of poppy field. Malcolm gave a detail description of Malwa charas in his Report on Malwa. According to him a pair of ordinary Malwa bullocks could in an eight hours day draws roughly 14,440 gallons of water from a 44 feet deep well.

Extraction of poppy juice: The flowers require three days to expand and in seven or eight days more the poppy are well matured, and the proper time for scarring is discovered by pressing it, and seeing if it is supple, and if the colour has changed from green to a light straw. "^^

The cultivators then use a 'Nushtur', or lancet, composed of three small blades bound together, and would round with cotton or thread, so as to leave only one-

22. Financial Department, Separate.Revenue 'A' (opium), February. 1868, Nos. 77/ 79, NAI, New Delhi. 23. Swinton to Saunders, 21 February 1825. SRBC, March 1825. Nos. 13/17. Swinton to Trotter, 24 April 1826, June 1826, SRBC, Nos. 21/22, NAI, New Delhi. 24. Swinton to BCSO, 17 April 1824, SRBC, Nos. 16/24, NAI, New Delhi. 25. Ibid. 26. FD, Separate Revenue 'A' (opium), February 1868, Nos. 73/70, NA, New Delhi.

30 twentieth of an inch exposed, as the limit to the depth of incision to be made.^^ In the

afternoon they proceed to the fields, and taking the poppy heads one by one, make

into each three parallel longitudinal incisions, whence a thick gummy fluid

immediately begins to exude, at first slowly, but faster during the night. In the

morning they return, a certain number having a blimt piece of iron, called 'chirpulla'

or 'Nakha' in Malwa with this in one hand, the gummy juice, or "chick", is scraped

off by and put into a copper dish containing sweet oil, the operation of scraping being

aided by squeezing the juice out of the capsule, with the other hand, the thumb of

which is kept moist with a piece of cotton, soaked in linseed oil?^

This system of incision and scraping is repeated two to three times, till there is

no more juice to be extracted. The incisions on the first occasion are about a quarter

of an inch in length; then half an inch, and so on, increasing each time. The incision

was made vertically upward in capsules. The peasants of Malwa had a reputation to

have sufficient expertise in collecting juice from the poppy by the beginning of the

19*** century. So much so that when it was found in Gujarat that 'unskillfiil

management' by mories 'in extracting the juice from the pods and preparing the

opium' was led to a considerable loss, the 'assistance of a few experienced cultivators

from Malwa' was sought.

The fields yielded their produce at the beginning of February, and by the end of March the whole of the opium was collected by the cultivators, and readily available for sale.'''

27. Ibid. 28. Ibid. 29. Ibid. 30. T. Williamson, Collector Broach, to Bombay Government, 20 September 1828, November 1820, SRBC, Nos. 20/30, NAI, New Delhi. 31. Financial Department SRBC A' (opium) 1868 February, Nos. 77/79, NAI, New Delhi.

31 All the opium in Malwa was grown in the territory of the local chiefs or

princes and they collected revenue from the peasants in three installments in the

months of December, March and May. First two installments had to be paid before the

produce of the fields were available to meet them.

Consequently, the raw opium was frequentlysol d to Banker and Zamindars in

anticipation also called 'zullup\ for loans to meet the revenue, and it was estimated

that nearly half the produce of Malwa was thus disposed of to petty vill^e bankers,

who then became 'Teepdars\ and were sec;irity (guarantor) for the payment to the

Durbars (Native chiefs) demand.^^

The cultivators who were not compelled to adopt this plan retained the produce

of their fields till the market turned advantageous by prospective.^"*

The village bankers who got possession of the raw opium as 'Teepdars'

retained it till the end of April, and during May and Jime it became the property of the

large dealers who transformed it into cakes, of 12 ounces each called ^Buttees' or

'gottees'; and exposed it in store-houses to dry, for the next two months, after which it was ready to be sold.^^

Opium cuhivation is aided by moderately cold nights and warm days, without clouds. While it suffers if there is a rain-fall soon after the seeds are sown, or while the process of incising and scrapping goes on. Excessive cold and cloudy weather leading to hailstorm, while the plants blossom, is held highly destructive.^^

32. Ibid. 33. Ibid. 34. Ibid. 35. Ibid. 36. Ibid.

32 Weather conditions prevailing during January and mid March were a crucial

factor in determining the nature of the harvest. Even minor variations in weather at

this stage could affect the poppy (see table 1).

Table 1: Showing weather conditions and agricultural season for poppy in Malwa, 1819/20 to 1827/28.

Crop- Rabi Year Nature of season Weather 1819/20 Unfavourable Frost, January 1820

1821/22 Favourable -

1922/23 Favourable - 1923/24 Favourable - 1924/25 Unfavourable Rains late, scanty in September/ October 1924; Frost, 28 February 1825 1825/26 Unfavourable Heavy rain, 24, 25 November 1825; Severe frost, 3,4 February 1826 1826/27 Average Poor rainfall in season 1827/28 Favourable Good harvest, though late sowing due to heavy rain at the beginning of the season and very cold weather, 8, 9 February 1828. Source: Dangerfield's Report, SRBC, June 22/15, 1821; 56/19 September, 1822; 41/12 June 1823; 13/17 March 1825; 45, 46/9 March 1826; 12/8 February, 1827; 12 & 13/24 April 1828, NAL, New Delhi.

Poppies grovra in Malwa were extremely susceptible to low temperatures. The plant generally failed to withstand extreme cold. Most undesirable were cloudy weather, frost and strong easterly winds.^' If the cloudy weather continued for long, it could prohibit the juice from being exuded properly.''* A serious calamity was frost as it caused the drying up of juice even though in outward appearance the plant might

37. Taylor to Mackenzie, 4 April 1823, SRBC, Nos. 41/12, NAI, New Delhi. 38. Ibid.

33 look healthy.^^ Injury was normally sustained by the poppy when it was in blossom

and capsule rather than the earlier stages of its growth. In Malwa winter nights were

very cold and poppy cultivators used to be constantly on tenterhooks from around

January, when the flower for stalks were reaching maturity, till the beginning of

March/'' Rainfall at the time of lancing could hamper the collection of juice. Strong

easterly winds too were likely to destroy the poppy crop. If on the juice was collected

late due to some reasons, or if hot weather set in early, the heat would reduce the

quality of juice.'*'

Adverse climatic conditions at the begiiming of the sowing season were also

problematic. If the season got delayed due to late rains, which would reducing the

time available for manuring, particularly in areas where dependence on rain was

greater, late sowings would result to the stunted growth of the plant. Heavy rainfall at

the time of ploughing, as at the begiiming of rabi 1825/26, could also be a cause for

delay with similar results.'*^

Peasants and the role of intermediary class

In Malwa, small and middle class peasants used to cultivate poppy.

Specialized cultivation of poppy was not in vogue among the peasants. They used to

sow several important crops, such as cotton, wheat, urad, masur, arhar, bajrajowar, maize (makai), rice, peas, mung, linseed and sugarcane. Opiimi cultivation in Malwa region because of poverty could hardly be regarded as a very profitable enterprise because of cultivator's dependence on others for finances to carry out poppy cultivation.

39. Swinton to Saunders, 8 March 1828, SRBC, April 1825, Nos. 17/4, NAI, New Delhi. 40. Dangerfield to Swinton, 13 February 1826, SRBC, Nos. 48/9, NAI, New Delhi. 41. Swinton to Saunders, 21 February 1825, March 1825, SRBC, Nos. 13/17, NAI, New Delhi. 42. Dangerfield to Swinton, 13 February 1826, SRBC, Nos. 46/9, NAI, New Delhi.

34 Opium was a burden for one more reason. The peasants' depressed status in

relation to the various appropriators of surplus in Malwa prevented their access to a

market both for selling the produce, including opium, or for procuring food, clothing,

seeds, implements, etc. Market transactions were not extensive making it difficult to

accurately translate inputs into monetary terms.'*'' A large share of the peasants

produce was claimed by revenue farmers, rent collectors and various intermediaries.

These were able to claim in most devious ways, a large share of the peasants' produce

without allowing proper quantum corresponding to the share appropriated by them.

Paper assessment always would be at a lower rate than the actual burden imposed on

cultivators.

From the mid 1820s, British officials did try to arrive at more reliable figures

by ignoring written/official statements and making on the spot oral enquiries fi-om

time to time. Even then it cannot be said with certainty that the data they were able to

collect was reliable.

Estimated costs for poppy cultivation ranged fi-omRs . 12.50 per bigha to more

than double this figure (exclusive of ground rent).A British official named

Dangerfield worked out the cost to be nearly Rs. 15.While another British official

Malcolm's total estimates comes to almost Rs. 24 with the following break-up."*^

43. Minute by Wellesley, 20 September 1823, January 1824, SRBC, Nos. 71/17, NAT, New Delhi. 44. Jhon Malcom, A Memoir of Central India including Malwa, and adjoining Province (London, 1824), vol. II., p.359.

35 Table 2: Expenses of Cultivating Opium in one Bigha. Rs. Annas 5 seers of opium seed 0 9 Manure, including conveyance 2 0 Expenses of watching the crop 4 0 Weeding, ploughing, sowing, etc. 6 0 Gathering the opium and wounding the poppies 4 0 Watering the field nine times 6 0 Oil for putting the juice of the poppy in when scrapped 1 0 Rent to the sircar(Govemment) 6 0 Total Expense 29 9

Major Henley, the political agent for eastern Malwa, put the expenses at

Rs. 12.50 exclusive of rent.''^ Another official Wellesley felt that the actual costs

incurred were much lower than what Malcolm, Dangerfield and Henley had indicated.

He held the view that the figuresarrive d at by them were on the higher side due to the

error of throwing charges which should have been divided among a great number of

bighas and several seasons all to the accoimt of one bigha of opium in one season. He,

therefore, proceeded to calculate the total cost of cultivating a bigha of land in one

year.'*^ His break-up is as following.'*' Table 3: Cost of cultivating one bigha of land in a year mth wheat and poppy, 1823. Seed (wheat) Rs. 1.25 Seed (poppy) Rs. 0.37 Other expenses Rs. 12.50 (taking Henley's figures) Rent Rs. 7.00 Total Rs. 21.12

As the cultivator would have got, at prevailing prices, Rs. 8 for his wheat (6 man), and another Rs. 25-26 for opium cakes (one panserf), his profit would be almost Rs. 12-13, 'being much more than double the gain on the wheat crop to reward

45. Wellesley, 1823 Minute SRBC, NAI, New Delhi. 46. Ibid. 47. Ibid.

36 their labour and care'.'*^ For all that, however, Wellesley did not specify the actual

poppy component of total expenses. Moreover, his calculation seems to be based on

the assumption that the peasant is able to realize from his produce profit at a rate

which prevails in the market. Not that Wellesley was unaware of the fact that the

peasant was likely to make it to the market only on rare occasions, but he somehow

glosses over this aspect. He also did not offer any explanation for taking the rate for

condensed opium, in which form the peasants did not dispose of their opium, rather

than chik, in working out the gain to the cultivator whose remuneration must be

regarded as being, thus lower than what Wellesley had suggested.

It appears that, on the whole, this terrible crop could not have been cultivated

for less than Rs. 25 a bigha, inclusive of land rent, with the average yield being five

ser of raw juice per bigha. If opium was then sold in an unadulterated and crude form,

remuneration to the peasant would have been at the rate of Rs. 25-35 per five seers,

the price reportedly prevailing at the begiiming of the second decade of the 19

centxuy.'*^ This was 'barely sufficient to cover the expense of cultivation', and would

have left the peasant 'seldom any profit but in the other products of the plant', for

example, poppy seeds.^

The village level banias also played a dual role. In most of the cases they

acted as an intermediary between peasant and kamavisdar. They also acted as a petty

shopkeeper or a moneylender. 'The Bunneah\ as Swinton remarked with reference to

Mandissuipargana, 'furnishes the ryot with all he requires... charging a high rate of

48. Ibid. 49. F. Dangerfield, surveying officer, to John Malcolm 3 October 1820, December 1820, Nos.18/1, NAI, New Delhi. 50. Ibid.

37 interest in all the advances. The Bumeah debits the rent, giving credit for the value of the opium juice'/'

The peasant's lack of freedom in the matter of growing poppy, even though

returns were not commensurate with labour/costs of production, is underscored by the

continuous strain on them to meet demands of the state and various intermediaries, the

peasants were thus forced to seek credit.^^ Commenting on the disadvantageous

position in which opium producer were placed, Dangerfield noted: For as opium is

always cultivated as a second crop on ground which has borne one of Indian com or

Jowarry, were these demands obtained from but at the four regular periods and the

proper amount of each, the cultivator might, during the respite of four months, by the

disposal of one crop, manage to meet the expenses of another and pay the

Government dues. At any rate the time would admit of his making bargains, and now

forced by his immediate necessities. He might be so far independent of sowkars as to

dispose of his produce to the best advantage.^^

The enormous political authority wielded by big revenue farmers in major

opium growing tracts, for example, Appa Gangadhar in Mandsaur and Khachrod, the

Bhuskute family in Bamagar, or ministers like Tatya Jog at the Holkar court, Gokul

Parakh at the Sindia court and Bapu Raghunath at Dhar, all had interests in opium^'*,

made the producer succumb to pressures both in term of choice of crop as well as

extra economic considerations which bore on procurement prices. The stranglehold of revenue farmers like Appa Gangadhar with their domination exercised through

51. Swinton to Major Stewart, Resident, Gwalior, 17 February 1826, March 1826, SRBC, Nos. 12/16, NAI, New Delhi.. 52. Danger Field's Report, SRBC, NAI, New Delhi. 53. Ibid. 54. Dangerfield's Report Wellesley to W. Newnham, Secretarj', Bombay Government, 20 September 1819, SRBC, November 1819, Nos. 13/12, NAI, New Delhi.

38 control over land and reinforced by the hold they had acquired over the bahis of

village banias and moneylenders by extending credit to them considerably reduced

the possibilities of resistance on the part of the peasantry. Zalim Singh is stated to

have 'almost compelled' the raiyyats to cultivate poppy.^^ Similarly, the increase of

opiimi production in Indorc pargana under the 'fostering care' of Tatya Jog could not

have been achieved without an element of coercion, the more so as Indore was not

much suited to poppy cultivation.^^

In order to enable the peasants to meet their immediate requirements village

mahajans, banias, Sahukars or the gomashtas of revenue farmers provided advances

against opium. These advances were offered when the poppy plant had attained a

certain height, either in cash or in the form of grain. Interest was realized in the form

of opium." Thus the cultivators were fully dependent on others for growing poppy

plant.

There were six colonial officials who during 1818-1831 made serious efforts

to acquaint themselves with, and to influence the working of, Malwa opium

enterprise. John Malcolm, who held general political and military charge of Malwa

and Central India (1818-1821); F. Dangerfield, G. Wellesley, James Taylor and

Samuel Swinton, and William Henley agent to the governor general in eastem Malwa

(1819-23).Among them Dangerfield was the key figure.

Dangerfield had begun his career as surveying officer in the Bombay Native

infantry.'^ He carried out a major survey of the routes passing through Malwa and traversing the whole of Mandsaur from west to east turned south terminating the

55. Swinton to Saunders, 21 February 1825, NAI, March 1825, SRBC, Nos. 13/17, NAI, New Delhi. 56. Note by Mackenzie, SRBC,June 1826.Nos. 24/22,NAr,New Delhi. 57. Dangerfield's Report; Taylor to Flower, 13 February 1822, Aprill822, SRBC, Nos. 30/10, NAI, New Delhi. 58. Parish to Mackenzie, 9 January 1824, SRBC, Nos. 25/30; East India Register, NAI, New Delhi.

39 survey at Indore. Though the survey had essentially a military purpose, his notes and

maps proved to be a rich source of information on Malwa at the close of the Third

Anglo-Maratha war.^'

Dangerfield was also entrusted with the job to perform inquiry on Malwa opium. He was also the Indore resident's candidate for the post of opium agent before the arrival of Taylor in Malwa.^° Dangerfield later became assistant opium agent under Swinton and continued to hold the same position after Swinton's departure. His association with Malwa and with the Malwa opium agency was, thus, a very long one.

Dangerfield in order to arrive at his total for the quantity of opium produced

1820 made use of land revenue statistics, which were more easily accessible than the bahis of traders. This method is not without its limitations. The political instability of the late 18* and early 19* century in the region took its toll in terms of the quality of centralized land revenue records. As a matter of fact there is reason to believe that even Mughal arazi measurement had been far from satisfactory with respect to Malwa though this area had been annexed early during Akbar's reign.**

One suspect that survey and measiirement of land under poppy, a crop which had grown in importance relatively recently, could not have been undertaken systematically in a period when the revenue collection apparatus of the Maratha,

Rajput and Pathan states of Malwa were under severe strain. Even in areas with more settled conditions, the peasants and local landholders might be having their own reasons to conceal the area imder poppy due to the higher rates payable on the crop.

Revenue farmers in some parts of Malwa used to reduce the measure of the bigha

59. Survey of India, Memoirs, Route Book No. 36/11, NAI, New Delhi. 60. Wellesley to Parish, 28 March 1820, SRBC, June 1820, Nos. 26/6, NAI, New Delhi. 61 . See Shireen Moosvi, The Economy of the Mughal Empire, c. 1595 (Delhi, 1987), p. 145.

40 while recording the area under opium to actual rates payable higher. In Bamagar, the

bigha was 13 biswas instead of 20; whereas at Khachrod it was 18 biswas!'^

Dangerfield was slightly better informed about Western as compared to

Eastern Malwa, though he supplies statistics for both parts.*^

The following table(4). is based mainly on Dangerfield's statistics. However

Henley's information for a few Eastern Malwa parganas were also utilized. This is

not much at variance with Dangerfield's overall picture. Curiously Dangerfield

completely omitted Indore from his list. For Ujjain he hazards a guess on the basis of

oral evidence.

The following (table 4) indicates that the districts of Mandsaur, Ujjain and

Ratlam, constituted the main opium producing zone of Malwa. The concentration of

poppy growing villages was the largest in Mandsaur district. In Mandsaur distric,t the

Mandsam pargana of Sindia followed by the Gaxot pargana of Halkar had 9,684 and

3,560 bighas, respectively, under poppy. This amounts to about 50% of the total in

Mandsaur district. These two parganas along with Sitamau, Malhargarh and Sanjit

made Southern Mandsaur a crucial opium producing tract.

In Mandsaur pargana, the average area under poppy per village was also very

high being 49.4 bighas as compared to the lowest average of 6.63 in Dewas pargana

(Dewas state). But then Dewas had been laid waste in the early 19* century, though

interestingly the Dewas controlled pargana of Alot located in Ratlam district had a very high average area of land under poppy - as much as 139.33 bighas per village.

62. Swinton to Steward, February 17, 1826, SRBC, March 1826,Nos. 12/16, NAI.New Delhi. 63. 'I trust the statement will be found different in a few pergunnahs only on the eastern frontier, which time did not admit of my visiting', Dangerfield's Report, NAI, New Delhi.

41 Growing demand for opium compelled the peasant to be forced to bring more

land under poppy cultivation in areas of high concentration like Mandsaur. Land

around villages, hitherto given over to horticulture, was utilized for poppy which

displaced vegetables. Peasants also adopted costlier, though more efficient, methods

of maximizing yield. British officials noted that cultivators had taken to 'a better,

more careful and, of course, expensive mode of ciUtivation by wells...' wells and

tanks that had fallen into disuse for one reason or another were repaired so that poppy

cultivation in Mandsaur became even less dependent on rain. A Higher investment in

manure, which 'being brought fi-omdistan t places', was also observed. 64

Table 4 : Area under poppy in Malwa, 1820. Pargana Jurisdiction No. of villages Area sown producing {bigha) opium A. Madhya Pradesh I. District Mandsaur 1. Mandsaur Sindia 196 9,684 2. Kiampur Sindia 30 992 3. Sawakhera Sindia 16 339 4. Jawad Sindia 87 1,833 5. Jiran Sindia 28 687 6. Nimach Sindia 83 1,916 Total Sindia 440 15,451 7. Antri Holkar 16 365 8. Manasa Holkar 31 681 9. Kukreshwar Holkar 7 295 10. Jamuniya Holkar 7 93 11. Chandwasa Holkar 39 161 12. Bhatkheri Holkar 9 286 13. Kanjarda Holkar 10 346

64. Swinton to Trotter, 24 April 1826, SRBC, June 1826.Nos. 11/22. Swintoh to Trotter, 26 May 1826, SRBC, June 1821, Nos. 24/15, NAI, New Delhi.

42 14. Garot Holkar 101 3,560 15. Bhanpura Holkar 39 489 16. Rampura Holkar 34 390 Total Holkar 293 7,272 17. Malhargarh Jaora 49 998 18. Sanjit Jaora 30 590 Total Jaora 79 1,578 19. Sitamau Sitamau - 2,000 District Mandsaur Total 812 26,301 II. District Ratiam 1. Ratlam Ratlam 78 3,391 2. Piploda Jaora 19 877 3. Tal Jaora 39 756 4. Mandawal Jaora 28 425 5. Jaora Jaora 68 1,537 6. Barauda Jaora 20 260 Total Jaora 174 3,855 7. A lot Dewas 6 836 District Ratlam Total 258 8,082 Ill District Ujjain 1. Ujjain Sindia - 7,000 2. Khachrod Sindia 154 4,305 3. Bamagar (Nolai) Sindia 104 2,827 l4. Unhei Sindia 61 412 Total Sindia 319 14,544 5. Mehidpur Holkar 177 1,700 6. Jharda Holkar 6 173 Total Holkar 183 1,873 District Ujjain Total 502 16,417 IV. District Indore V. District Dewas 1. Dewas Dewas 57 378 2. Sonkach Sindia - 1,000 3. Bagli (Salim Singh) - 1,700 District Dewas Total 57 3,078

43 VI. District Dliar 1. Dhar Dhar 86 1,237 2. Badnawar Dhar 101 1,761 Total Dhar 187 2,998 3. Amjhera Amjhera 31 749 District Dhar Total 218 3,747 VII. District Shajapur 1. Agar Sindia - 1,500 2. Unchod Sindia - 100 Total Sindia - 1,600 3. Susner Kota 66 1,031 4. Nalkhera Kota 57 767 5. Baroda Kota 57 650 6. Kanad Kota 44 320 Total Kota 224 2,768 7. Shujalpur EICo (Smdia) - (593) District Shajapur Total 224 4,961 VIII. District Rajgarh 1. Soyet Kota 30 613 2. Saranjpur Dewas 22 146(141) 3. Talen E.I.Co. (Holkar - (514) &C.) 4. Narsinghgarh Narsinghgarh - (1,300) 5. Rajgarh Rajgarh - (160) 6. Khilehipur Khilehipur - (244) District Rajgarh Total 52 2,977(2,972) IX. District Vidisha 1. Vidisha Sindia - 5,000 2. Sironj Holkar - 1,200 District Vidisha Total - 6,200 X. District Sehore 1. Sehore Bhopal - 1,500 2. Devipura (Ahmadpur) Bhopal - 100 3. Duraha Bhopal - 500 4. Icchawar Bhopal - 800

44 . . 5. Ashta Bhopal 1,600(635) District Sehore Total - 4,500(3,535) XL District Bhopal 1. Berasia Bhopal - (160) XII. District Jhabua 1. Thandia Holkar 21 91 B. Rajasthan I. District Jhalawar 1. Dag Kota 71 920 2. Awar Kota 31 766 3. Gangdhar Kota 79 660 4. Pachpahar Kota 57 787 District Jhalawar Total 238 3,133 II. District Chittaurgarh 1. Pratapgarh Pratapgarh 161 3,458 2. Chhoti Sadri Udaipur 24 312 District Chhitaurgarh Total 185 3,770 C. Unidentified 1. Nine Parganas 205 4,774

Some caution needs to be exercised with respect to figures for Ujjain. Sindia's officials were extremely hostile and Dangerfield's himself admits that, his figure for

Ujjain pargana were not based on documentary evidence. Nevertheless, the conjecture of 7000 bighas makes \J]]ain pargana the second largest opium producing tract in Malwa, after Mandsaur pargana. Both, may be repeated, were imder Sindia but placed imder different Kamavisdars. Between the two, the administration of

Mandsaur was relatively much more stable and had greater continuity in the person of

Appa Gangadhar 65

The total for Ujjain district is 16,417 bighas and for Ratlam 8,082 bighas making these two districts, respectively, the second and third largest producers of

65. Malcolm to close, 3 March 1821, SRBC, Nos. 2/23, NAI, New Delhi.

45 opium in Malwa. The three contiguous districts of Mandsaur, Ratlam and Ujjain

constituted the primary opium belt of Malwa. The total land under poppy in these

three districts alone (50,800 bighas) exceeded the total land under Bengal opium

about the same time. In 1818, 45, 492 bighas of land in the Ganga region was

producing opium. ^^

In case of eastern Malwa, it is observed that Dangerfield had not been as

painstaking as he had been while compiling statistics for Western Malwa. Figures are

either not stated or else rounded off to 100s in a manner that does not make them

appear very accurate. The column for nimiber of villages in which poppy was

cultivated is left blank for district Vidisha and Sehore. The figure of 5,000 bighas for

the Vidisha/jargana of Sindia is probably exaggerated.

Going by Dangerfield's Report, 85,200 bighas was the area under poppy in

Malwa c. 1820 excluding Indore district (83,901 bighas if Henley's figures are used

for the TQ\Q\aniparganas of Eastern Malwa).

The estimate of 5,000 for Vidisha pargana may be allowed to stand because

we have on the other hand nothing for Indore. Multiplying the sum by 4 ser (5 seer

average yield per bigha less 1 ser for minimum 20% dryage) we get 340,880 ser or

17,044 man, i.e., 4869.7 chests.^^ The total arrived at in table 4 is based on the

outcome of rabi season 1819-20 which had not been a particularly successful one for

opium. The date was not stated explicitly by Dangerfield, but was implied in his

report. Henley specifically refers to the season 1819-20 (fasli 1227).°'* With settled

conditions, growing demand, and in a good season, a higher figure could be expected.

66. Tan Chung, 'The Britain-China-India Trade Triangle (1771-1840)', IESHR,X1 ,No.4 (1974).p.417. 67. "This estimated produce is rather under than over-rated". Ibid. 68. Henley to Malcolm, 13 November 1820, SRBC, June 1821, Nos. 24/15, NAI, New Delhi.

46 When Taylor drew up a statement on the opium produce of Malwa in 1823, he

recorded significant increases in area under poppy cultivation in most of ihQ parganas

for which he had figures (table 5A). His statistics are not as exhaustive as those of

Dangerfield and make no mention of important tracts like Mandsaur, but are adequate

enough to give us an idea of the broad trend (table 5 B).

Table 5(A): Showing area undei' P<^PPy ^ Malwa, 1823. Pargana Jurisdiction No. of villages Area sown producing {bigha) opium A. Madhya Pradesh I. District Mandsaur 1. Nimach Sindia 103 2,245 2. Jawad Sindia 79 3,098 3. Jiran Sindia 41 1,795 4. Sitamau Sitamau 84 1,241 5. Rampura Holkar 52 1,404 6. Garot Holkar 136 4,500 7. Manasa Holkar 36 1,135 8. Chandwasa Holkar 46 1,300 9. Antri Holkar 23 750 10. Sanjit Jaora 46 1,423 11. Malhargarh Jaora 48 3,843 Total 694 22,734 II. District Ratlam 1. Ratlam Ratlam 87 4,728 2. Sailana Sailana 43 2,169 3. Barauda Jaora 26 1,272 4. Jaora Jaora 79 1,420 5. Tal Jaora 42 2,320 6. Mandawal Jaora 39 2,896 7. A lot Dewas 76 3,532 Total 392 18,337 III. District Ujjain 1. Kachrod Sindia 163 6,952 IV. District Dhar 1. Dhar Dhar 102 3,558 2- Badnawar Dhar 30 813

47 3. Amjhera Amjhera 67 1,769.75 Total 362 6,140.75 V. District Jhabua 1. Thandla Holkar/ 14 130 Jhabua 2. Petlawal Holkar/ 20 414 Jhabua 3. Kanas Jhabua(?) 2 14 Total 36 558 B. Rajasthan V. District Chittaurgarh 1. Karunda Udaipur(?) 48 1,013 C. Unidentified 3 Talukas + 1 village 25 744 Total A+B+C 1,720 56,478.75

Tables (B); Showing Increase in area under Poppy in Selected Malwa Parganas between 1820 and 1823. Pargana Increase (%) 1. Jawad 69.01 2. Jiran 161.28 3. Nimach 17.17 4. Antri 105.47 5. Manasa 66.66 6. Jamuniya 91.39 7. Chandwara 69.49 8. Garot 26.40 9. Rampura 260.00 10. Sanjit 141.18 11. Ratlam 39.48 12. Tal 206.87 13. Barauda 389.23 14. Khachrod 61.48 15. Dhar 187.63 16. Amjhera 136.31 Source : 'Statement of the number of Beeghas of Opium cultivated in the Pergunnahs (Parganas) in Malwa', 15 November 1823, SRBC, Nos.l6/s,December 1823 (see table 5 A above). NAI, New Delhi.

48 Table 6: Showing the area under opium cultivation in the Princely states under the Baghelkhand Agency (Malwa) during the year 1822-83.

Name of Area under poppy cultivation Remarks Princely States Bigha Biswa Biswansi Kuchwansi Rewah 290 2 4 5 Opiimi has been grown in 63 villages prospects good. There may be a surplus over the local consiunption of the outturn.

Nagode 7 17 5 •• The crop has been sown in 76 villages.

Maihar 35 11 •• ... Details not given

Sohawal •• •• •• None is grown in this state.

Kothi — Very littie poppy is grown. No quantity given in return. Source: Letter from Capt. D. Robertson, First Assistant to the Agent to the Governor General for Central India, To C. Grant, Esq. C.S.I., Secretary to the Government of India, FD, A. Pol-I Pros. Sept. 1883, Nos. 172/174, NAI, New Delhi.

49 Table 7: Showing the area under poppy cultivation in the Princely states of Malwa for the year 1882.

Name of State Area under poppy cultivation Bigahs Biswas Bhopal 30,204 6 Rajgarh 12,202 12.75 Narsinghgarh 18,744 18 Khilchipur 8,976 Mahomedgarh 7 10 Suthalia 786 16 Dugree 45 17 Dabla Dhir 395 6.75 Jabri 23 6.5 Khajuri 83 4 Sadan Kheri 101 8.5 Tappa 429 ... Hirapur 30 Ramgarh 15 ... Dhabla Ghosi 112 3 Jamgade Patharia 148 7 Razapur Kheri 104 16 Kurwai ,, .. Basoda .. .. Pathari 34 7 Maksudangarh 1,233 18.75 Agra Barkhera 112 15 Piplianagar 73 12 Dariakheri 94 12 Jabria Bhil 112 18 Total 74,062 211

Source: FD, A Pol.I, Pros.Sept.1883, Nos. 172/174, NAI, New Delhi.

50 Table 8: Showing the area of Land under poppy cultivation in the Princely States under the Bhopawar Political Agency (Malwa) during the year 1882-83.

Number of Probable Opium likely to Remarks beeghas quantity be brought to under produced Government cultivation scales Beeghas Rs. Mds. Srs. Mds. Srs. (40 sers) Dhar 21,630 5 2,986 10 2,567 10 The area under opium cultivation Jhabua 2,354 12 454 6 in the estates of the Ali Raj pore 79 12 5 31 Badnawar Thakura has been expanded this year.

Barwani 1,184 5 124 38 ... Were formerly underthe Maunpore Agency

Jobut 40 0 .... — There being almost a total failure of opium crops. Bukhtgurh 1,421 0 151 13 Neemkhera 253 1 33 17 Jamnia 335 17 35 25 Bagond 684 8 101 11 Bharudpura 34 0 2 11 Were Kotide 13 10 0 37 formerly imder the Maunpore Agency Chicktiabar 19 10 1 35 Garhi 13 10 2 5 Rajgarh 59 10 5 7 Maunpore 295 6 27 31 Total 28,412 106 3,926 277 2,567 16

Source: FD, A. Political-I, February 1884 Nos. 30/31, NAI, New, Delhi.

51 Table 9: Showing the area under poppy cultivation in the Jaora state during 1884-1900.

Year Estimated cultivated Estimated production Remarks land Acres Rod (?) Man Ser Chatak 1884 11,569 1,630 10 12 Average from 1885 10,286 1,783 1884 to 1890 is 1886 9,578 1,213 11 9,900 1887 9,258 1,502 acres sown and 1888 10,542 1,687 28 1500 maunds 1889 7,467 1,196 produced 1890 10,547 1,687 20 1891 8,609 1,377 20 1892 7,866 928 38 1893 8,106 972 27 Figures not 1894 available

1895 10,785 1,087 20 1896 10,487 1,586 10 1897 6,476 844 36 12 1898 7,478 934 30 1899 6,780 847 21 1900 818 78 Average from 1891 to 1900 is 7500 acres sown and 960 maunds produced Source: Narsingarh State Gazetteer, British India Press 1908, p.41.

52 Opium was a popular crop in the state of Jaora. Both state and the cultivators took interest in poppy cultivation. The financial assistance was given to cultivators by the state for poppy cultivation. Later on poppy cultivation spread in small areas and villages which helped cultivators to pay the tax in cash to the state while the production of food grains was enough to feed the families of the cultivators.

Poppy plant was susceptible to changes in climate such as excessive heat or cold. Thus we find that due to fluctuation in climate, decrease in rain and unavailability of the irrigation facilities the crop was affected. In the last decades of the 19* century, decline in the price also led to the decrease in the cultivated land under opium. Thus, we find a decrease of 50% m the land under poppy.^'

Table 10: Showing the area under poppy cultivation in the Native States under the Central India Agency and the probable outturn during 1886-87, 1887-88 and 1888-89.

Central India Estimated area in Bighas Probable outturn in Maunds Agency 1886-87 1887-88 1888-89 1886-87 1887-88 1888-89 Indore 64,469 88,971 86,658 7,096 6,595 6,050 Residency Gwalior 170,983 187,704 114,631 23,883 13,519 12,145 Bhopal 68,387 56,935 56,935 6,337 4,297 4,297 Bundelkhand 338 317 362 17 18 43 Baghalkhand 410 394 445 58 54 51 Western 47,394 49,285 35,579 3,541 3,606 3,178 Malwa Bhopawar 16,799 17,701 17,029 1,986 2,056 1,864 Goona 3,704 15,097 13,926 213 1,324 833 Total 372,484 416,404 325,565 43,131 31,469 28,461

Source: FD, Internal A, June 1890, Nos. 147-149, NAI, New Delhi.

69 .Western Malwa States Gazetteers, Administrative Report.p.l 53.

53 Table 11(A): Showing the area under opium cultivation in the Central India Agency for the year 1888-89.

Name of State Estimated area Probable outturn Remarks Bighas Biswas Maunds Sets Indore Residency Indore 76,508 .. 5,012 25 Dewas (Senior Branch) 4,387 15 646 33 Dewas (Junior Branch) 5,016 3 271 24 Bagli Thalmats 747 ., 119 2 Total 86,658 18 6,050 84 Gwalior Residency Gwalior 1,14,631 15 12,144 28 Total 1,14,631 15 12,144 28 Bhopal Agency Bhopal 25,908 8 1,487 26 Rajgarh 9,272 6 762 24 Narsingarh 11,961 .. 1,196 4 Khilchipur 5,609 3 496 29.75 Maksudangarh 1,140 17 85 22.5 Muhammadgarh 8 3 10.25 Suthalia 628 .. 15 4 Piplianagar 28 6 ,. 35 Khajuri 60 12 7 .. Agra Barkhera 332 .. 24 36 Kamalpnr 27 11 3 15 Razaporekheri 48 16 2 1.5 Sadankheri 93 .. 6 39 Jamgod Patharia 166 .. 20 30 Dhabla Dhir 302 19 18 30 Dugree 29 .. 1 23.75 Sundersi Pargana 138 17 11 24 Jabria Bhil 118 3 8 4 Seronj (Tonk) 750 131 10 Tuppa 76 7 20 Amia 7 35 Dhabla Ghosi 80 •• 4 ... Contd. Table... contd. Dariakheri 149 10 3 18 Total 56,929 131 4,297 627 Bundelkhand Agency Datia 247 18 39 14 Panna 53 .. .. 32 Charkhari 6 0.5 Owing to want of timely rains the produce has been rather scanty. In five or six villages of the State opiiun is cultivated at a very small scale, consequently no full detail could be furnished Ajaigarh 4 ... 15 Bijwawar .. .. 9 Baoni 4 12 .. 5 Chhataipur 27 15 .. 31 Barammdha 14 15 19 Total 349 66 39 126.5

Source: FD, Internal A, June 1890, Nos. 147-149, NAI, New Delhi.

* r^- ^ ?M^ ,\^ Nc.

55 Table 11(B): Showing the area under opium cultivation in the Central India Agency for the year 1888-89.

Name of State Estimated area Probable outturn Remarks Bighas Biswas Maunds Sets Bundelkhand Residency Sarila 5 0.25 Paldeo 5 .. ., 9 Pahra 3 10 •• 7 No cultivation of opium last year Taraon 1 .. ... 1 Beri 8 0.50 Gaurihar 5 C1.2 5 Total 362 14 42 2 3.5 Baghelkhand Agency Rewah 412 10 49 1'12 5 The rainfall in January 1889 did Nagode 6 4 2.3.7 5 great damage to the poppy plants, hence prospects were unfavourable. Maihar 27 13 1 20 The produce is locally consumed. Total 445 27 50 57 Western Malwa Agency Jaora 19,113 ... 1,738 ... Rutlam 6,189 386 Sailana 3,051 ... 260 Sitamau 5,189 ... 716 .. Piploda 1,350 ... 35 .. Panth Piploda 687 .. 43 .. Total 35,579 ... 3,178 .. Bhopawar Agency Dhar 14,138 ... 1,536 :1 3 Jhabua 724 ... 129 1 4 Ali Rajpur 6 ... 19 Barwani 702 29 2 1 Jobat 2 8 Bagode 622 ... 77 3 0 Contd.

56 Table..Contd. Manpur (British) 243 22 22 Jamnia 293 30 30 Nimkhera 173 24 ... Kalibaori 50 2 36 Rajgarh 59 5 22 Bharudpura 23 2 15 Kotideh 5 ... 10 Chiktiabar 19 1 35 Total 17,059 1,857 295 Goona Agency Raghogarh 1,400 ... 52 2 Paron 39 1 38 Gurra 560 .. 35 ... Umri 117 7 12 Bhadaura 40 ,. 2 20 Dhamauda 608 ... 37 2.5 Sirsi 12 ... 21 Chabra (Tonk) 11,150 — 696 35 Total 13,926 ... 830 130

Source: FD, Internal A, June 1890, Nos. 147/149, NAI, New Delhi.

57 Table 12(A): Showing the area under opium cultivation in the Central India Agency for the year 1890-91.

Name of State Estimated area Probable outturn Remarks Acres Rods Maunds Sets Chs. Baghelkhand Agency Rewah 114 0 31 29 13 Maihar 10 0 0 31 8 Nagoda 3 0 0 3 1.5 Total 127 0 31 63 22.5 Western Malwa Agency Jaora 10,000 0 3,000 0 0 Rutlam 4,868 0 879 0 0 Sailana 2,212 0 469 0 0 Sitamau 3,076 0 512 0 0 Total 20,156 0 4,860 0 0 Bhopawar Agency Dhar 8,395 0 1,549 12 0 Jhabua 646 0 186 18 0 Barwani 188 0 13 22 0 All Rajpur 6 0 0 25 0 Jobat 2 0 6 14 0 Bagode 239 0 53 30 0 Nimkhera 125 0 23 5 0 Kalibaori 14 0 1 19 0 Rajgarh 29 0 6 13 0 Bhamopura 3 0 0 20 0 Chiktiabar 2 0 0 9 0 Manpur (British) 74 0 14 35 0 Jamunia 114 0 18 8 0 Total 9,837 0 1,869 230 0 Goona Agency Raghogarh 643 0 96 18 0 Parone 17 0 1 36 8 Gurra 133 0 19 38 0 Umri 50 0 9 15 0 Bhadaura 17 0 1 36 8 Dhamauda 203 0 18 0 0 Sirsi 3 0 0 11 4 Total 1,066 0 144 154 20

Source: FD, Internal A, Pros. Feb. 1892, Nos. 1/27, NAI, New Delhi.

58 Table 12(B): Showing the area under opium cultivation in the Central India Agency for the year 1890-91

Name of State Estimated area Probable outturn Remarks Area Rods Maunds Sers Chs. Indore Residency Indore 35,880 0 6,939 30 0 Dwas, Senior Branch 6,277 3 862 20 15.33 Dwas, Junior Branch 3,700 1 689 37 0 Bagli 900 0 143 16 0 Total 46,757 4 8633 103 15.33 Gwalior Residency Gwalior 69,769 2 10,685 26 5 Total 69,769 2 10,685 26 5 Bhopal Agency Bhopal 8,939 0 2,161 17 0 Rajgarh 2,980 0 834 6 0 Narsingarh 4,561 0 1,377 20 0 Khilchipur 1,580 0 509 1 0 Maksudangarh 374 2 84 33 0 Kurwai 11 1 2 3 0 Muhanunadgarh 3 3 0 12 0 Basoda 14 2 0 19 0 Sutaiia 207 3 15 4 0 Agra Barkhera 29 2 5 33 0 Kamalpur 41 1 15 24 0 Dhabla Dhir 96 1 25 2 0 Dhabia Ghosi 34 2 5 10 0 Dariakheri 16 3 2 15 0 Rajapur Kheri 12 1 2 14 0 Jabria Bhil 36 0 8 7 0 Tappa 26 3 5 2 0 Patara 16 2 6 10 0 Piplianagar 17 3 3 23 0 Khajuri 23 0 7 0 0 Dugri 8 2 1 12 0 Sadan Kheri 25 2 9 17 0 Total 19,048 33 5,075 293 0 Bundelkhand Agency Datia 121 0 12 5 4 Panna 22 3 0 32 12 Ajaigarh 2 2 0 26 0 Baoni 1 2 0 4 4 Chhatarpur 11 1 0 34 6 Baraundba 5 0 0 21 0 Paldeo 4 3 1 16 0 Pahra 1 2 0 15 0 Taraon 2 1 0 7 0 Gawrihar 0 0.5 0 1 8 Total 169 17 13 161 34 Source: FD, Internal A, i*ros., Feb.] 892,Nos.l 111, NAI, >^e w Delh i.

59 Table 13: Showing area under opium cultivation in Malwa and export of chick during the year 1895 to 1901. Year Land under poppy Chick exported (in cultivation (in acres) man) 1895 4,185 601 1896 4,127 677 1897 3,885 957 1898 9,753 1,341 1899 3,239 1,386 1900 929 1224 1901 4390 189

From the table 13 above, it is obvious that the export of chick declined

though the table shows an increase in area under poppy ciiltivation during the year

1901 which was 929 acres in 1900. This was primarily due to the agreement between

India and China in the year 1882 to curtail export of opivmi from Malwa to China.'"

Subsequently a convention between India and China was also held to regulate 'Malwa

opium' exports to china'.''

70. Finance & Commerce Department Separate Revenue, July 1882. Nos. 1095/1096, NAI, New Delhi. 71. FD, Internal - A Prog. Jan. 1909, Nos. 40/51, NAI, New Delhi.

60 HArlER S 2 Opium Cultivation in Rajasthan

The word Rajasthan is a 'sanskritized' form of the Dingal word Rayathana. It

was also known as Rajwada, which meant abode of the Rajas (kings).^ Rajasthan is

situated in the northwestern part of India. It has an areal extent of 342,239 sq.km and

is the second largest of the Indian states. It is situated between north latitudes 23''03'

and 30°12' and East longitudes 63°30' and 78°17'. Its western border is an

international boundary with Pakistan. It is bounded by Gujarat in the southwest, by

Madhya Pradesh in the southeast, towards north by Punjab and towards northeast by

Haryana and Uttar Pradesh.^

The state of Rajasthan, before its formation consisted of nineteen princely states, the centrally administered territory of Ajmer-Merwara and two chiefships. The British during their rule called this area Rajputana.''

In the 18* century, Rajasthan was bounded by the Mughal provinces of Delhi

in the north, that of Agra in the east, Malwa in the south-east, Gujarat in the south and

Multan and Sindh in the west. Rajasthan then chiefly comprised of the principalities

of Mewar, Marwar, Jaipur (Amber), Bikaner, Jaisalmer, Kota, Bundi and Sirohi.

Politically the principalities had no separate political and administrative existence.

These were in fact, parts of the Mughal Suba of Ajmer. However, Gagron belonged to suba Malwa, and Bayana, Hindaim, Dholpur, Alwar, Tijara and Toda Bhim to Suba

Agra. But the Rajput chieftains enjoyed a considerable degree of autonomy in their internal administration. The Mughal emperors interfered only rarely such as in the case of break down of administration generally due to succession disputes.'*

1. B.L. Gupta, Trade And Commerce in Rajasthan During The 18th Century (Jaipur, 1987), p. 1 .See also, James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan or The Central and Western Rajpoot States of India (New Delhi, 2001), Vol.1., p.l. 2. T. S. Chouhan (ed.). Encyclopaedia of Rajasthan (Jodhpur, 1996), Vol. I, p.l. 3. Ibid. 4. B.L. Gupta, Op.cit., p.l. Nature of Soil and Climate

Rajasthan has predominantly been an agricultural and pastoral region. During

the 18"^ century, the people of Rajasthan relied heavily on agriculture/

The difference in the alluvial nature of land and variation in climate had a

considerable impact on agricultural production. Except the territory of Sirohi and the

fertile belt in Marwar along the bank of the river Luni and its tributaries, the entire

north and northwestern parts, viz., Jaisalmer, Bikaner, Shekhawati were a vast desert.

The rainfall was extremely scanty. Water was available far below the surface

rendering irrigation through the wells a great problem. The cultivation, as such, was

sparse and precarious everywhere. Only one crop, named kharif ox locally called

saylu, was grown.^

In the south-east parts of Rajasthan conditions were entirely different. The

region was aboimded by rivers, like, Chambal, Banas, kali, Sindh and Parvati. The

rainfall was also abiandant. The sub soil level of water was not far below the surface.

Two crops, i.e. kharif {sayaloo) and rabi (unaloo) were grown easily. The kharif crop

consisted chiefly of bajaraj'awar, maize, cotton, sesame, mung and moth whereas the

rabi crop consisted of wheat, gram, barley, linseed, rice, sugarcane and poppy plant.'

The ecological limitations of the region created the need for agricultural inputs to be considerably higher than that in other, more favourably located areas, more so for cash crops during the kharif and cereals crops during the rabi season. The imbalances in climate and inability of a section among the peasants to provide capital inputs of their own made them dependent upon the richersectio n of the village society

5. Ibid., p.43. 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid., p. 44.

62 for financial or material support.* For, peasants were dependent on others for the

procurement of poppy seeds and implements required for poppy cultivation and

opium production.

Since Rajputs were very fond of opium as an intoxicant and so, it was in great

demand in all the princely states of Rajasthan.' 'Chopnayo amalko' gives us detailed

information about cultivation, taxation, trade and consumption of opium in Rajasthan

during 18* century.'° Opium was also an item of cultural importance in the social life

of Rajasthan. It was customary among Rajputs to welcome guests by offering amal or

opiate." 'If a Rajput pays a visit',Tod obsrves, 'the first question is, amal khaya?

Have you had your opiate?''^ It was considered a great treat (i.e.liunp of opium) and

all the Rajputs indulged in this practice, and many to a great excess, but as the

remainder of their food was so simple, it harmed less to them than European. Tod

writes, "on a birthday, when all the chiefs convene to congratulate their brother one

another 'knot to his years', the large cup is brought forth, a lump of opiate put therein,

upon which water is poured, and by the aid of a stick a solution is made, to which

each helps his neighbour, not with a glass, but with the hollow of his hand hold to his mouth... opium to the Rajput is more necessary than food".''* Jaisalmer records give us information that opium was taken on the 'Akhatyd' festival. Opiimi mixed with species, cream, saffron (kesar) and 'kastoorV (musk) and was made into little pills of any weight upto a Rathi. These were called 'masaladar golfs'. This was consumed by

8. Dilbagh Singh, The State, Landlords and Peasants: Rajasthan in the 18th Century (New Delhi, 1990), p. 53. 9. B.L. Gupta, Op.cit., p. 69. 10. Hukam Singh Bhati, Chopnayo amal ko, Patra Sankhya 46, V.S. 1772, Rajasthani Granthagar, Jodhpur. 11. Cf. James Tod, Op.cit., (London, 1920),Vol. II., p.749. 12. Ibid. 13. Reginald Heber, Narrative of A Journey Through the Upper Provinces of India 1824-1825 (Delhi,1993),Vol. II.,p.432. 14. James Tod, Op.cit.., Vol. II, p.749. well to do people. Opium, pounded and strained through cotton cloth, this was called

'Galawan' know in other parts of Rajasthan as 'Kasumba'}^

To meet for the local demand poppy was cultivated in various parts of

Rajasthan, especially in Kota, Tonk and Mewar etc. The black soil in Kota was well

suitable for the growth of poppy. In the territory of Kota, Chhipa Barod, Atru,

chhabra, Manoharthana and Bakani were important centres where this crop was

extensively raised.'^ The revenue/agrarian records Arhsattas also provide us

information about opium cultivation in numerous par^a/jos. *^

Also in Mewar, Kanthal, which included Pratapgarh Deol, i.e., the tract

adjoining the river Mahi, opium, was cultivated extensively. James Tod mentions that

'the culture of opium was at first confined to the duab, or tract between the chambal

and river Sipra, fi-om their sources to their junction; but although tradition has long

ceased to be the only place of the poppy's growth, it spread not only throughout

Malwa, but into various parts of Rajputana, especially Mewar and Haraoti. In Kota

records we find references of doda posta. It records the monthly expenditure on doda posta and doda beej (opium seed) along withy/ra (cumin seed) and kopra (coconut) in

the royal kitchen of the princely states.'^

Tod vmtes, "It is a singular fact that the cultivation of opium increased in the inverse ratio of general prosperity; and that as war, pestilence and famine, augmented their virulence, and depopulated Rajputana, so did the culture of this baneful weed appear to thrive. The predatory system which succeeded Mogul despotism soon

15. Jaisalmer Records: Mahekmakhas, General File No. 37, Vol. I, Basta No. 6, year 1893; Subject Consumption and Production of Opium, RSA, Bikaner. 16. B.L. Gupta, opcit., p.47. 17. Arhsattas, Pargana Jaipur, V.S. 1770, Tonk V.S. 1800, RSA, Bikaner. 18. JamesTod,Op.cit., (London, 1920),Vol. Ill, p.l666. 19. Kota Records, Bhandar No. 1, Basta No. 23, V.S. 1882, RSA, Bikaner.

64 devastated this fair region and gradually restricted agricultural pursuits to the richer

harvest of barley, wheat, and gram; till at length even these were confined to a bare

sustenance for the families of the cultivator, who then found a substitute in the poppy

cultivation".^"

Writing about Ajmere-Merwara in 1879 A.C. Lyall mentions, "at present

opium is cultivated, manufactured and possessed throughout the district, being subject

only to the regulations of the local excise; it is also constantly exported from, and

imported into British India by all the numerous roads and paths which communicate

with the Native territory surrounding the British district on all sides. Mhairwara

(Merwara), where the opium is chiefly grown, is a narrow strip of hill country, about

70 miles long, vdth a breadth varying from 15 miles to 1 mile, running out like a

sharp pointed promontory between Meywar and Marwar. This strip constitutes,

indeed, the main range of the Arravellis, and the traffic between the two adjacent

states, both of which grow opium, runs through the passes which thus continually

cross British territory, the country being almost entirely inhabited by the Mers, a

peculiar tribe that has settled down only of late years and which cultivates opium

largely".^'

Opium cultivation of poppy and production was largely organized by the small peasants, with part of the working capital provided by other groups. The end of the

Maratha and the Pindari menaces, the stimulus provided by the rising market prices of opium and the prevalence of a 'free' system of production, immensely stimulate poppy cultivation. The powerful economic groups of Rajasthan and Malwa (who had their links with other merchants), bankers and moneylenders-cum-small traders

20. .James Tod, Op.cit..(London, 1920),Vol. Ill, pp. 1666-1667. 21. Finance Department, Separate Revenue-A Nos. 567/587, NAI, New Delhi.

65 (sahukars), who had invested a considerable capital in the thriving opium trade, and a

sizeable community of opium cultivators who shared in the gains from a 'free' trade

in opium contributed largely in the expansion of poppy cultivation?^

An English record mentions, "the poppy was cultivated by every petty thakoor and every big chief wherever the land will bear it, throughout Rajpootana as well as Central India. The name of Malwa is retained, but juice is brought from Dholepore near Agra, Kirowlie, Ulwar, Bhurtpore, and from the East from states bordering Saugor, to Indore for manufacture. Again opium produced within the states of Kota and Boondee, in the vicinity of Ajmere and Neemuch, and in the territories of Jeypore, Jodhpore, and Mewar, is either consimied within those limits, or, passing through the scales in Malwa or Oodeypore for export'.

MUhiplicity of crops was an important feature of agriculture. Do Varkhi, Baje Talke and Arhsatta provide details about the crops sown in kharifand rabi harvests. The Arhsattas are one of the most important documents written in Rajasthani language which provide us information about opium cultivation in Rajasthan during the period under study. Though these documents are not available year wise as some of them have been either misplaced or destroyed by termite, still they are valuable documentary evidence to understand the nature of agricultural practices.

People belonging to various castes were involved in the cultivation of poppy. For example Kunbis, Jats, Banias and Brahmans were generally involved in the poppy cultivation. The Kunbis, (who were the traditional cultivators) were the most efficient and had acquired expertise in poppy growing and were able to extract one fifth more juice from the plant than any other of their competitors.^'*

22. Dharaia Kumar (ed.), The Cambridge Economic History of India, a 1757- c.1970 (New Delhi, 2008), Vol. II., p. 312-313. 23. Papers Relating to Opium question (Calcutta, 1877), NAI, New Delhi. 24. James Tod, vol. Ill, op.cit., p. 1666.

66 POPPY PTOm^iNG ARIAS DURING THE BRITISH Hftm • IM RAMSTHAN 72* -^ •Poppy Producing Ar«qs ,/!PUNJAB

.«

100 200 KM, —i \^ ^* v.."-

Map 3 Process of Cultivation

When the crops of Indian com (makai) or of hemp (san) were gathered in.

After burning the stalks, then field was flooded and when sufficiently saturated, then

it was ploughed. It was then copiously manure with cow-dung, which was deemed the

best for the purpose. Those peasants who couldn't afford to purchase manure,

procured flocks of goats and sheep, and paid so much a night for having them permed

in the fields and ploughed in. The land was then ploughed and harrowed at least six or

seven times, until the soil was almost pulverized. Then the land was divided into beds,

and slight embankments were formed to facilitate irrigation. The seeds were then

thrown and the field was again inundated; and the seventh day following this was

repeated to saturation. On the seventh or ninth, but occasionally not until the eleventh

day, the plant sprang up; and on the twenty fifth, when it had put forth a few leaves,

and began to look withered, it was again irrigated. As soon as the moisture dried,

women and children were turned into the fields to thin the plants, leaving them about

eight inches asunder, and loosening the earth around them with iron spuds. The plant

was at this stage about three inches high. A month later it was watered moderately,

and when dried, the earth was again turned up and loosened. The fifth water was

given in about ten days more; two days after which a flower appeared here and there.

This was generally considered as a signal for another watering, called 'the flower- watering'; after which, in twenty-four or thirty-six hours, all the flowers burst their cells. When about half the petals were fallen, the plants were irrigated sufficientiy to moisten the earth, and soon the rest of the flowers dropped off, leaving the bare capsule, which rapidly increased in bulk. In a short period, when scarcely a flower

67 remained, a whitish powder used to collect outside the capsule, which was the signal

for immediate application of the lancet.^^

The field was then divided into three parts, in one of which operations

commenced. The cutting-instrument consisted of three prongs, with delicate points,

around which cotton thread was bound to prevent its making too deep an incision, and

thus caused the liquid to flow into the interior of the capsule. The wound was made

from the base upwards, and the milky juice which exuded coagulated outside. Each

plant was thrice pierced, on three successive days, the operation commencing as soon

as the sun began to warm. In cold mornings, when it congealed rapidly, the

coagulation was taken off with a scraper. The fourth morning each plant was once

more pierced, to ascertam that no juice remained. In the morning this extract was

immersed in a vassal of linseed oil, to prevent it firomdryin g up. The juice being all

collected, there remained only the seed. The capsules were therefore broken off and

carried to the bam, where they were spread out upon the groimd; a little water was

sprinkled over them, and being covered with a cloth, they remained till the morning,

when, the cattle tread out the seed, which was sent to the oilmen, and the refuse was

burnt, lest the cattle should eat them, as even in this stage they were poisonous.

Varieties of poppy plant

Many varieties of poppy plant were raised in Rajasthan. Dhaturia, with narrow spiky leaves, resembling the prickly weed of the same name, while the flowers were either white or pink and was the favourite of the cultivators. Another variety of staple kind was the lilia with petals of the same colour but broader leaves. Doria with

25. Cf. James Tod, Op.cit., Vol. Ill, p. 1666. 26. Ibid., pp. 1668-1669.

68 white flowers was of quite inferior quality and were known as locally as agariya,

anphuria, batphuria, gulalia, kalia-khatri, and thobariya}^

Revenue system

Poppy cultivation was a good source of revenue for the princely states.

Therefore for purpose of collecting revenue the Khalisa villages were classified into

two categories viz. Asli and Majzar{majar) The entire area of land belonging to a

village was measured comprising of cultivated {Hakat\ uncultivated (padat) and

Nalayak (imcultivable), raha (tracks), Khaliyan (thrashing ground) etc. The entire

area belonging to a village, when measured in bighas was called ^chak' of that village.

The unit of measurement (bigha) was a traditional unit but its size differed fi-om pargana to pargana and sometimes even from village to village.

The cultivable land was divided into Goyara, Mai, Kachhra, Doli, Tir, Peevet,

Beed and Dungri based on the situation of the land and the fertility of the soil.

While assessing the area vmder cultivation we have the area given in Kadim

Chak-bigha along with a corresponding area in bighas when measured by a standard dori.^° The name of the cultivator is being mentioned as asamis. Multiplicity of crops was an important feature. We fmd various names such as, dfu, kasumba, doda, aflm for opium in our records.

27. K.D. Erskine, Rajputana Gazetteers: The. Mewar Residency(Nevf Delhi, 1992),Vol. II.A and B p.207. 28. Baji Talke. Bh. No. 1, B.No. 1/1, V.S.1771, RSA, Bikaner. The records classify the villages mto three distinct categories - asli (original) and major (literary entered). The asli was the older village, while the majar denoted a cluster of houses dependent upon a village, but detached from it for agricultural convenience and managed separately. 29. Zalim Singh (who ruled Kota), standardised it. A bigha was then one 't/ori' (20x20 yds.). The Dori was divided into twenty parts and each part was called gattha. The length was denoted by Kadh and breadth by dhap. 30. The dori was 20 yards long. A bigha was one dori by one dori. The length was called Kadh and breadth dhap. Kadh multiplied by dhap was called a bigha..

69 The following tables show opium or poppy cultivation in different pargana of

Rajasthan along with other cash crops. The table also shows the percentage of land under poppy and names of different villages where it was cultivated. In these tables we also find the percentage of opium in total cash crops grown.

Tablel: Showing percentage of area (bighas) under different crops including opium Kharif(zabti).

Year Mauza Makka San Tobacco Kasumbo Vegetables Til Kodu (V.S.)

1760 Baran 0.06 101.4 2.18 1.11 2.25 0.06 22.47

1776 Nibodo - - 0.32 - 1.03 0.34 - Pargana Barod

1861 Tafa 13.72 - 3.92 1.96 0.08 - Atru

Sources: Kota Records, BhandarNo. 1, BastaNo. 21, V.S. 1760, RSA, Bikaner. Kota Records, Bhandar No. 1, Basta No. 43/3, V.S. 1776, RSA, Bikaner. Kota Records, BastaNo. 392, V.S. 1861, RSA, Bikaner.

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"3 A «i m ^ s ,g 1 1 o o > 5 o 00 CO a CU > j^ o > . < £N (/J 1 1 D o c 1—J m o ^ f^ O t—t :z ^ :: i o oo "3 o d s r—1 ^ en Q o d o ^ VO 1 1 1 Z ^ "56£1 o 1 1 ^S 1 1 1 CQ CQ h •** VO ^ ^ es ^ ^ ^ **N »•*-* s^ ^ o E3 E5 E5 b£ ,^ ON m «> u ^ 9t « 00 tN • 1 'S' •5^ '^ C3 iri '^ CQ cq OQ u 1 k> t3 T3 "O 00 O 0 0 s t u 0 u O tS o U (U ^ (rf o /'-N /—N o 0 0 *i c C/3 o c o o O fc4 i^ ^ ,, "wO O« •^ a 3 1 ii _o a a c o o to u 00 U 1 C(0 Table 3: Showing percentage of area (bighas) under different crops including opium (pargana Barod), V.S. 1776 /1719 A.D.

Asami Vani Chola 77/// Kasumbo Tamakhu

Qasba Barod 96.02 0.19 3.87 0.43 0.29

Salhado 72.48 - 10.21 - 0.06

Dhenav 9.43 - 8.26 0.17 0.17

Nalavto 6.41 - 12.46 - 0.04

Baklodha 3.55 - 10.91 - -

Darbini 4.61 - 3.07 - 3.58

Saniji 1.39 - - - 1.59

Bagatri 3.17 - 8.23 - -

Kakro 1.74 - 1.01 1.04 1.04

Gavdi 0.76 - 1.01 - -

Jilishedi 2.61 - - - 0.18

Dhipri 5.12 - 2.04 - -

Rampuro 7.05 - 10.58 - -

Sugno 65.85 - - 1.28 14.63

Amarpuro 3.23 - 4.85 0.27 4.85

Thadol 4.27 10.34 - 1.65 ' Source: Kota Records, Baje Talke, Bhandra No. 1, Bundle No. 34/3, V.S. 1776, RSA, Bikaner.

72 Table 4: Showing percentage of area (bigha) under different crops including opium in different years. Mauza Maka Vani Tobacco Kasumbo Urad Til Jowar Moong Vorino 13.95 9.30 4.65 3.57 - 53.48 - - 1776 Mod - 36.70 - 2.12 - - - - 1779 Surpura ------72.28 1.20 1787 Source: Kota Records, Baje Talke, Bhandar No. 1, Basta No. 62, V.S.I 776, RSA, Bikaner Kota Records, Baje Talke, Basta No. 37/1, V.S. 1779, RSA, Bikaner. Kota Records, Baje Talke, Bhandar No. 1, Basta No. 45/1, V.S. 1787, RSA, Bikaner.

Table 5: Showing percentage of area under different crops including opium, pargana Barod.

Crop - Kharif MauzalW.S. Vani Kasumbo Tabacco Til Jowar Kodu Moong Kankaro 1777 1.74 1.39 1.39 1.39 91.28 0.34 - Kolano 1787 - - - 1.28 IA.%1 - 24.70 Jalodo 1792 33.33 3.70 62.96 - - - - Source: Kota Records, Baje Talke, Basta No. 1, Bundle No. 34/3, V.S 1777, RSA, Bikaner. Kota Records, Baje Talke, Basta No. 45/1, V.S. 1787, RSA, Bikaner. Kota Records, Baje Talke, Bhandar No. 1, Basta No. 48/1, V.S. 1792, RSA, Bikaner.

Table 6: Showing percentage of area (bighas) under different crops including opium, pargana Atro. Crop-Kharif Mauza Vani Tobacco Kasumbo Maka Vegetables Kodu Urad Ghisuri 23.52 20.00 0.58 1.17 35.29 8.23 - Qasba 43.51 3.81 22.90 3.05 - - - Kuzod Qasba 47.00 0.14 3.00 8.00 - - - Atro Source: Kota Records, Baje Talke, Bhandar No. 1, Basta No. 44/1, V.S. 1786, RSA, Bikaner. Kota Records, Baje Talke, Bhandar No. 1, Basta No. 47, V.S. 1790, RSA, Bikaner. Kota Records, Baje Talke, Bhandar No. 1, Basta No. 64, V.S. 1839, RSA, Bikaner.

73 Table 7: Showing area and percentage of poppy cultivation in various villages in Pargana Tonk, V.S. 1807/1750 A.D. Crop - Sayalu S.No. Name of the Village Zabti bigha Bigha under Percentage of opium land under opium cultivation 1. Qasba Tonk 360.05 3.50 0.97 2. Bhanwarpura 69.90 4.75 6.79 3. Govindpura 21.80 7.15 32.79 4. Nirvana 224.15 26.96 12.02 5. Neemaro 364.40 1.05 0.28 6. Chhapari 267.75 3.65 1.36 7. Pallai 312.10 1.30 0.41 8. Dhuva 85.10 17.90 21.03 9. Gloghli 32.50 0.60 1.84 10. Palari 660.55 5.90 0.89 11. Vahuri 212.05 10.15 4.78 12. Varho 152.00 9.75 6.41 13. Veelaro 38.60 1.30 3.36 14. Kahari 788.00 0.05 6.34 15. Lavahar 206.85 42.00 20.30 16. Sovanagri 476.30 9.40 1.97 17. Sarila 15.65 4.40 28.11 18. Haripura 194.10 1.40 0.72 19. Amamala 462.35 247.50 53.53 20. Amamalidar 97.90 8.75 8.937 21. Amadhara 65.30 12.10 18.52 22. Ura 555.45 68.60 12.35 23. Rasdo 52.20 8.75 16.76 Source: Kota Records, Arhsatta Tehriz, Bundle No. 21, Tonk, VS. 1807, RSA, Bikaner.

74 Table 8: Showing percentage of opium cultivation in various villages in pargana Tonk, V.S. 1816/1759 A.D. Crop- 5ya/M S.No. Name of the Village Zabti bigha Bigha under Percentage of opium land under opium cultivation 1. Ghakri 51.10 0.95 1.85 2. Nirvana 161.60 13.00 8.04 3. Jarali 187.00 1.40 0.74 4. Dhakya 483.80 8.40 1.73 5. Ghura 447.65 5.25 1.17 6. Maravo 378.80 1.40 0.36 7. Amovagari 392.85 0.05 0.01 8. Amomala 63.45 22.30 35.14 9. Amoghato 4.45 0.55 12.35 10. Ura 435.30 27.60 6.34 11. Hasrokumarko 168.05 1.15 0.68 12. Kurhairi 3.15 0.85 26.98 Source: Kota Records, Arhsatta Tehriz, Bundle No. 20, Tonk, VS. 1816, RSA, Bikaner.

Table 9: Showing percentage land under opium in various villages of Pargana Tonk, V.S. 1817/1760 AD. Crop-• Syalu S.No. Name of the Village Zabti bigha Bigha under Percentage of opiimi land under cultivation opium cultivation 1. Kevarpur 249.68 25.56 10.23 2. Mauza Kurhaini 2.31 0.68 29.43 3. Mauza Chokri 112.53 1.12 0.99 4. Mauza Dahikau (Sayalu) 375.87 3.56 0.94 5. Mauza Ghawa 153.90 16.50 10.72 6. Mauza Palri 135.53 0.28 0.20 7. Mauza Chinelar 118.94 7.00 5.88 8. Mauza Loharwara 584.12 2.75 0.47 9. Mauza Sakhair 143.22 24.75 17.28 10. Mauza Amyo 93.25 29.53 31.66 Source: Kota Records, Arhsatta Tehriz, Bundle No. 21, Tonk, V.S. 1817, RSA, Bikaner.

75 Table 10: Showing percentage land under opium in various villages of pargana Tonk, V.S. 1818/1761 AD. Crop- Unhalu S.No. Name of the Village Zabti bigha Bigha under Percentage of opium land under opium cultivation cultivation 1. Aamomal 2.80 2.55 91.07 2. Palari 212.00 1.50 0.70 3. Amomal 3.15 2.87 91.11 4. Mauza Palari (Sayalu) 160.97 1.81 1.12 Source: Kota Records, Arhastta Tehriz, Bundle No. 22, Tonk, V.S. 1818, RSA, Bikaner.

Table 11: Showing percentage land under opium in various villages pargana Tonk, V.S. 1820/1763 AD. Crop - Sayalu S.No. Name of the Village Zabti bigha Bigha under Percentage of opium land imder opium cultivation cultivation 1. Qasba Tonk 2178.84 4.56 0.20 2. Mauza Gaulad 191.87 0.28 0.14 3. Mauza Nadner 139.53 2.94 2.10 4. Mauza Daudhrau 71.40 0.18 0.25 5. Mauza Pasraut 117.72 0.25 0.21 6. Mauza Maghavra 1027.81 4.50 0.43 7. Mauza Manoharpurao 61.97 2.37 3.82 8. Mauza Gaulad 20.62 1.50 7.27 (Unhalu) Source: Kota Records, Arhsatta Tehriz, Bundle No. 23, Tonk, V.S. 1820, RSA, Bikaner.

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CO 6 Z o 00 '-* (N rn •*• iri Table 13: Showing poppy cultivation in different villages and their percentage in the total land.

S.No. Name of Year Total Land under Percentage the Bigha poppy ofpoppy Village cultivation crop

1. Qasba V.S. 13129.23 34.50 0.26% Varvo 1873

2. Qasba V.S. 7240.34 34.76 0.48% Barod 1875

3. Qasba V.S. 34537.08 740.77 2.14% Kuri 1900

Sources: Kota Records, Arhsatta Tehriz, V/S/1873, V.S. 1875, V.S. 1900, RSA,Bikaner. Table 14: Showing the cultivation of the poppy and production of opium in the princely states of Rajputana (Rajasthan) for the year 1890-91.

Name of state Estimated area Estimated Remarks cultivated witii outturn poppy in acres of opium (fractions in omitted) maunds (fractions omitted) Meywar 40,000 5,250 *No estimate of area can be made as opium was grown in Banswara 368 128 small patches often a few feet in MEYWAR Pertabgarh 5,078 839 length and breadth and in many localities Dungarpore 465 WESTERN Marwar Nil Nil RAJPUTANA Nil STATES Jaisalmer Nil Sirohi Cannot be ascertained Jeypore 2,437 489 JEYPORE Kishengarh 44 10 Bundli 1,587 257 Tonk 392 55 Aligurh 55 HARAOTI AND Nimbakkhera 4,656 643 TONK Chabra 5,254 1,007 Parowa 3,625 877 Sironj 409 57 Shahpura 375 56 Kotah 21,673 3,178 @The poppy was cultivated entirely for the purpose of Jhallawar 28,576 5,790 making an intoxicating beverage Bikaner Nil Nil from the full poppy heads. As the juice was not extracted no Ulwar 41 @ yield of opium was sown. The outturn in the state being insufficient, full poppy heads (post) were imported from Jeypur state. Many classes were indulge in this beverage, but it was mostly drunk by Rajputs EASTERN Bharatpore 109 25 #Formerly more opium used to STATES be grown, but for some time past Kerowlee 1,281 188 "zeera" or cumin seed was Dholepore 53# grown instead. Total 1,16,008 19,329 Source: FD, Internal - A Progs., February 1892, Nos. 1/27, NAl, New Delhi.

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The pre-dominant feature of economic activity in Rajasthan which illustrates

most vividly, the vigour of Indian traders during the late eighteenth century was trade

in opium.

The trade through the territories of Rajasthan was facilitated by its favourable

geographical position lying between the prosperous Punjab on the north, Gujarat and

Malwa on the South; Agra and Delhi on North-east and Sind and Multan on the west.

Early medieval records also mention about trade routes through the territories of

Marwar and Mewar which connect popular commercial towns like Pali, Jalore,

Jaisalmer, Merta and Banner etc'

During the medieval period Ajmer, Nagor, Merta, Chittor, etc served as link

route between north and South. Rajasthan's trade with north, south, east and west was

further facilitated when Bayana, Amarkot, Ajmer and Jhalrapatan became the chief

outlet for the exported and imported goods.^ The major and important link trade

routes had also their direct connection with the other important routes of the country

Rajgarh, Churu, Bhatner, Bikaner, Jaisalmer, Jodhpur, Pugal, Nagore and Pali were

the chief commercial centres at that time in the Northern and Western India. These centres had their direct link with other popular routes of the eastern and southern

Rajasthan and Central India like Delhi-Ahmedabad route through Rajasthan; Agra to

Malwa through Rajasthan; Delhi to Multan via Hisar, Bhatinda and Lahore to Delhi via Bhatinda and Hisar.^ Through these routes, traders carried their goods from one

1. Ghanshyam Lai Devra, 'A Study of The Trade-Relations between Rajasthan And Sindh-Multan (1650-1800 A.D.)', Ghanshyam Lai Devra (ed.), Some Aspects of Socio-Economic History of Rajasthan (Jodhpur, 1980), p.37. 2. G. Sharma, 'Some Aspects of Internal and External Trade in Rajasthan', RHC (Jodhpur Session, 1967), p.60. 3. Ghanshyam Lai Devra, Op.cit., p.42. place to another. The main items of export were opium, textile, indigo, arms and

leather gods/

The archival records also mention about taxes and speculation trade in opium

which was based on rain and was known as 'Afim Ro Jama' and 'A/im Ro Sauda'.^

There are reports that opium for local consumption in Rajasthan was imported from

Malwa. Jodhpur imported large quantity of opium from Malwa and Kota.^ From Kota

opium was supplied to different places such as Marwar, Bikaner and Jaisalmer etc.^

Means of Transportation

There are references of Katar and Balad in the contemporary records. The

term Katar is used for the caravan of camels.* The term Balad is used for the oxen

that carried the goods on their back from long distances.' Almost all the routes of

western Rajasthan connecting the towns of Sindh and Multan were known as Camel-

routes (Katar) and the roads coming Malwa, Gujarat and Delhi crossing the territory

of Eastem and Southern Rajasthan were called cart routes {Balad)}'^

James Tod gives us a detail account of Caravans (Kutars) carrying various

articles from different places arriving at Pali in Rajasthan. He writes, "Palli (Pali) was

the entrepot for the eastem and western regions, where the products of India,

Cashmere (Kashmir) and China, were interchanged for those of Africa, Persia and

Arabia. Carvans (Kutars), from the ports of Cutch(Kutch) and Gujrat (Gujarat),

imported elephant's teeth, copper, dates gum-arabic, borax, coco-nuts, broadcloths.

4. G. Sharma, Op.cit., p. 60. 5. Mahajan Re Pediya Ri Bahi, V.S. 1926, RSA, Bikaner. 6. FD, Political-A Progs., February 1875 Nos.3/4, NAI, New Delhi. 7. Ibid. 8. KagdoRi fiaAZ-No.S., V.S. 1827, No.6, Chaitra Sudi 11, V.S. 1839, folio 48, RSA, Bikaner 9. Kagdo Ri Bahi, No.3, V.S. 1837, P. 48; No.5, V.S. 1838, folio 28; No.7, Mingsar Badi 6, V.S. 1840, RSA, Bikaner. 10. Ibid. silks, Sandal wood, camphor, dyes, drugs, oxide and sulphuret of arsenic, spices,

coffee, etc. In exchange they exported chintzes, dried fruits, Jeer oh (cumin seeds)

assafoetida from Mooltan (Multan), Sugar, and opium from (Kotah and Malwa)". He

ftirther mentions, "the route of the caravans was by Sooie Bah, Sanchore, Beenmahal,

Jhalore (Jalore) to Palli (Pali), and the guardians of the merchandise were almost invariably charuns".''

Traders

The chief traders were well to do merchants and respectable inhabitants of

Central India and Rajputana who conducted opium trade through intermediaries and hired agents/^ There were some fraditional groups like the charans, the Gosains and the Bhats who were involved in opium trade. *^ The charans were traditionally employed for escorting caravans passing through Rajasthan towards Gujarat and the coast.''* The Gosains mainly carried illicit opium trade and dealt in great quantities of adulterated opium.'^ The Banjaras, however seem to avoid opium. Malcolm specifically states that 'the Banjarrahs do not deal in opium'.'^ The principal trading castes were the Agrawal, Maheshwari, Oswal, Mahajans, the Khatris, the Brahmans and the Sheiks.^' Bohras and Marwaris had also participated in opium trade and earn large profits.

11. James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan (New Delhi, 1971), Vol. II, pp. 127-128. 12. FD, Secret-I., September-1898, Nos.93/105, NAI, Delhi. 13. Cf. Agent, Dollerah, to Walker, SRBC, 30 August 1803,.Nos.7/3 November 1803; agent, Porbandar, to Bombay Govt., 22 April 1818.Nos,19/23, NAI, New Delhi. 14. James Tod, 'Memoir of Jaisalmer\ 16 November 1816, F.D. Misc, Vol. 124, NAI, New Delhi. p.252. 15. See James Tod, Op.cit., (Delhi, 1993), Vol. III., p. 1670. 16. Malcolm to Newnham, 25 June 1818, NAI, SRBC, August 1818, Nos.12/14, NAI, New Delhi. 17. K.D. Erskine, The Western Rajputana Gazetteers: The Western Rajputana States Residency and The Bikaner Agency (Delhi, 1992),Vol. I, Pt. I., pp. 352-353.

86 At the end of the eighteenth century Zalim Singh, ruler of Kota, became a

major factor in the trade of opium. Although Kota initially was not an important

producer of opium, its southern frontierswa s at the edge of the Malwa opium growing

region, and vast quantities of opium passed through Kota on it way to the Portuguese

port of Daman. The opiimi trade was duly taxed and was a source of revenue for the

State. This might be argued as one of the major reasons why Zalim Singh ordered the

construction of the new city of Jhakapatan, in the extreme South of the Kota, in the

year 1796 AD. Jhahrapatan had established itself as an important wholesale centre in

the trade of opium; as a place where opiimi was collected, processed, and stockpiled

and the agents were posted to monitor its quality.'*

Opium Trade in the Princely States

Jhalawar State

The state of Jhalawar became one of the principal states which exported opiimi on large scale during the 19* century. Its geographical position played a significant role in the development of trade and commerce in the state. As most of the trade routes for various commodity passed through the state, thus enabled the traders from various places to visit Jhalrapatan, which became on important mandi (market) of

Jhalawar state in the nineteenth century.'^ The visit by the traders always resulted in the exchange of goods and also helped in the maintenance of favourable balance of trade for the state.

Among the principal trade routes, the first was from Chhaoni and Patan to

Kota, Baran, Atru, Neemach, Ujjain, Indore, Chhabra and Choumehla tehsil.^* The

18. Norbert Peabody, Hindu Kingship and Polity in Precolonial India (Cambridge, 2003), p. 13 5. 19. Bradford, A.G.G. to H.N. Durand, Secretary to Government of India. FD, dated nil. For Proceedings August 1886, No. 335 (Intl) 'A', NAI, New Delhi. 20. H.J. Manglani, History, Culture and Administration of Jhalawar State (Jaipur, 1988), p. 96. 21. Ibid.

87 second trade route was from pachpahar to Bhanpura (Indore) and Neemach. The third

was from Awar to Pirawa(Tonk) and Runija (Gwalior)^^. There was also a route from

Dag to Saugar, Ujjain, Pirawa and from Gangdhar to Sitamau, Mandsaur, Gwalior and

Alot (Dewas)^^. These routes greatly helped the trade and commerce of the Jhalawar

State and strengthened its economy.

Captain Abbot has mentioned that opium trade was carried fromJhalrapata n to

Indore via Pachpahar, Dag and Gangdhar. On this route the trade was chiefly carried

out on bullock carts. The rates charged on opium as a transit fare was, per moimd, per

Kos' was 4 pies^'*

The principal frade centres in Jhalawar and their estimated value of trade

during the year 1880 to 1885 AD. were as following:

Trade Centres Value of Trade 1. The Town of Jhalrapatan Rs. 44,10,890.00 2. Gangdhar Rs. 7,52,536.00 3. The Chhaoni of Jhalrapatan Rs. 4,67,364.00 4. Dag Rs. 4,25,593.00 5. ManoharThana Rs. 3,26,036.00 6. Pachpahar Rs. 2,76,359.00 7. ChippaBarod Rs. 2,37,962.00 8. Awar Rs. 2,17,491.00 9. Shahabad Rs. 2,92,062.00 10. Nandpur Rs. 1,62,787.00

22. Ibid. 23. Ibid., pp.96-97. 24. FD, For Procgs., (Intl), August 1886, p.335-38(A), NAI, New Delhi.

88 68% of the total trade of Jhalrapatan was covered by opium trade.^^ 14% and

10% of trade was covered by foreign and country made textile respectively. The

remaining trade was dominated by the sale of 'Gwr' and 'Ghee', sharing 4% each?^

The Chief articles of trade at Gangdhar were foreign goods (33%), opium

(27%), Grain (13%) and remaining article (27%)." At Dag opium was the chief

commodity of trade and covered 57% of the whole business. The grain trade was

about one-half of that of opium, the trade in groceries and foreign cloth was quarter of that of grain.^* The trade of Manohar Thana consisted of 30% opiirai, groceries 15%, foreign cloth and 25% other articles. Similarly at Panchpahar opium, grain, groceries and other articles were 54%, 18% and 10% respectively.^^ At cheap Barod almost a half of the trade was in opium and remaining half was taken up by groceries and foreign cloth. Opium trade was also carried in Shahabad and Nandpur.

-5 1 Prior to 1905, bullock carts and pack animals used to carry goods.

Tongas(Horse carriages) and carts were used as transportation medium between

Jhalawar and Pachpahar. In 1905, the construction of Nagda-Mathura Railway was started in Jhalawar state, at three different places.^^ By the end of 1909, the line was completed upto Mathura, giving direct connection with Delhi on the north and

Bombay on the South." The net result of this railway line was that it encouraged the trade of the Jhalawar state.

25. FD, For Procgs., (Intl), August 1886, NAI, New Delhi. 26. Ibid. 27. Ibid. 28. Ibid. 29. Ibid. 30. Ibid. 31. H.J. Manglani, Op.cit., (Jaipur, 1988), p. 98. 32. 'Three places were the Tehsils Gangdhar, Pachpahar and Patan'See H.J.Manglani, Op.cit., p. 98. 33. H.J. Manglani, Op.cit., p. 98.

89 The State of Jhalawar also exported opium on large scale to other native states

of Rajasthan. It exported opium to Bikaner, Jaisalmer, Marwar, Sirohi, Jaipur, Alwar,

Bharatpur and Kishangarh States.''''

Bikaner State

In Bikaner state which is the northern most part of Rajasthan,^^ transit-trade was

on a considerable scale. Rajgarh and Chum were the two important commercial marts of Bikaner. The former was the point of rendezvous for caravans from different places. From Harauti and Malwa opium was brought to Rajgarh and supplied to the other Rajput states of Rajasthan.^^ The produce of Punjab and Kashmir via Hansi and

Hissar; silks, fine cloths, indigo, sugar, iron, tobacco and opium was brought to

Rajgarh by merchants.^' Much of these goods were for internal consumption, but the bulk merely, passed through Bikaner, which derived considerable revenue by levying transit duty.

Opixmi imported in Bikaner while passing through Marwar was levied a duty of

Rs.70 per maund by the Marwar ruler. In 1883, the British Government revised the taxation of opiimi in Bikaner and in Jaisalmer.''^ According to the new rule, opium intended for Bikaner was to be admitted into Marwar at Narsingh Basni in the Merta circle, and at Kuchaman road (Nawa).*" Whenever such opium was brought to the custom posts at Narsingh Basni, Nawa, the custom Thanadars levied a tax at the rate

34. Ibid., p. 102. 35. See K.D. Erskine, Op.cit., Vol. 1 Pt. I., p. 309. 36. See Anil Chandra Banerjee, The Rajput States and the East India Company (Calcutta, 1951), p.272. 37. Ghanshyam Lai Devra.,Op.cit., p. 44. 38. K.D. Erskine, Op.cit., V.I. Part. I., p. 352. 39. FD, A - Political -1, Pros. July 1883, Nos 1/6, NAI, New Delhi 40. Ibid.

90 ofRs.75 per maund, who also gave to the person, or persons paying duty, z.prawanna

printed in red with the words "Bikaneer ra amar on the top of this pass."'

Under the new rules opium entering Marwar at Nawa for export to Bikaner was

to be consigned to Sujangarh only. Similarly, opium from Bikaner entering Marwar at

Narsingh Basni was to be consigned to Charkara Lalgarh and Bikaner itself only/^

The merchants were warned by the custom officials that no other routes into Bikaner

were open and that if they go by any other way; their opium will be liable to

confiscation by authorities at Bikaner/^

Jaisalmer State

Jaisalmer was an arid zone situated on the western most part of Rajasthan. The

poppy plant was not cultivated in Jaisahner owing to its climate and nature of soil.

Therefore, all the opium consimied in the state was imported via Banner under an

arrangement with the Jodhpur ruler."*^ Jaisalmer was well touched by carvans from

eastern countries and from the valley of the Indus. The caravans to and from

Hyderabad, Bakhhar, Shikarpur and Uchh, from the Gangetic provinces, and the

Punjab, passed through it. The indigo of the Doab, the opium of Kota and Malwa, the

famed sugar candy of Bikaner, iron implements from Jaipur were exported to the

towns of lower Sindh; while ivory, dates, coconuts, drugs and Sandalwood were

imported and exchanged with pistachios and dried fruits from Bhawalpur.''^ For the

transportation of merchandise, camels were almost always used. The principal trading

castes were Mahajans, and to a less extent the Sheikhs and Brahmans.^^

41. Ibid. 42. Ibid. 43. Ibid. 44. K.D. Erskine, Op.cit., Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 5. 45. Ibid., p.54. 46. James Tod, Op.cit., (London, 1920),Vol. II, pp. 1248-1249. 47. K.D, Erskine,Op.cit., Vol. I, Pt. I., p. 27. Taxation of opium in Jaisalmer devised by the British government was also

similar to the Bikaner opium rules. Earlier the tax levied on opium by the state was

Rs.5 per maund. However, according to new taxation policy, opium intended for

Jesalmer was to be admitted into Marwar, at Pali only and Rs.75 per maund was

levied by the custom thandars at custom post situated at Pali/* Customs Thanadars

gave to persons paying duty a ''prcwanna" printed in red colour with words

''Jesulmere ra amaT\ Which was printed at the top of the pass'*' and the opium was

consigned to Jaisalmer via Lati, Bap, or Bijolae only.'°

The whole duty at the rate of Rs. 75 per maund was credited by the Darogah at

Pali in his monthly accounts fmished to the controlling office at Jodhpur.^'

Partapgarh State

In Partabgarh state poppy was one of the characteristic crops besides wheat and

gram/^ Among the chief items of export from Partabgarh state, it was opium, cereals,

oil-seeds, ghi and timber. The imports included salt, cloth, sugar, oil and tobacco. The

trade was carried mostly with Bombay, Mandasor, Nimach, Ratlam, Indore, the

Bagar, and Dariawad/^

During the quarter half of the eighteenth century the value of the export to, and

imports from Bombay was estimated at 3.5 and 3.75 lakhs of rupees a year

respectively. Between five and six hundred chests of opium (of 140 lbs. each) which

was exported yearly, and the duty levied by the state was Rs.25 per chest.^'*

48. FD, A - Political-I, Pros. July 1883, Nos. 1/6, NAI, New Delhi. 49. Ibid. 50. Ibid. 51. Ibid. 52. See K.D. Erskine, The Rajputana Gazetteers: The Mewar Residency,^ New Delhi, 1992),Vol. II- A & Vol. II-B, p. 207. 53. Ibid., p. 211. 54. Ibid.

92 The chief centres of trade, besides the capital, were Amod, Kanora, Kotri, Raipur and Salimgarh. The traders were mostly Baniyas, and the merchandise was carried either in carts or, when this was not possible due to imsuitable roads, bullocks were used for carrying opium.^^

Jodhpur State

In Jodhpur, opium was one of the major items of import. It was imported from Kota and Mewar.^^ Upto 1882 trade was much hampered by the system of levying of transit duty and numerous illegal exactions, vexatious cesses; such as rahdari, mapa, dalali, chungi and tolai etc/^ The average annual income from these sources and from import and export duties amounted to Rs. 4,61,000^*. In 1882-83 the custom department was reorganized and a universal tariff, based on the principal of reducing duty on necessaries and enhancing it on luxuries, was introduced. Moreover, all the harassing imposts enumerated above were removed except import, export and transit- duties, and of these, the last were entirely abolished in 1891 save on opium and mtoxicatmg drugs.

The chief centres of trade were Balotra, Banner, Jaitaran, Merta, Nawa, Sojat and Pali. The main castes which who involved in trade were Mahajans, Bohr as and Brahmins.^ About eighty per cent of the export and imports were carried by rail and the rest by Camels, carts, bullocks and donkeys.^'

Dungarpur State

The State of Dungarpur exported opium, cereals, oil-seeds, hides, ghi, turmeric,

mahua flowers, salt, cloth, sugar, tobacco and metals from various places. Most of the

55. Ibid. 56. K.D. Erskine, Op.cit., Vol. I, Pt. I, pp.118-119. 57. Ibid. 58. Ibid. 59. Ibid. 60. Ibid., p. 119. 61. Ibid.

93 merchandise was brought from, or exported to, Dohad and Godhra in the Panch

Mahals and Morasa in the Mahi Kantha. Considering die physical difficulties that had to be surmounted, the traders, chiefly Mahajans and Bohras were most enterprising."

During the later medieval period the righto f collecting export, import and transit duties were farmed out to a contractor who used to sublet it for different localities.

There was no control over these persons, no uniform tariff, and no system of regular passes for opium existed. The result was a great deal of extortion, not a little smuggling, and a heavy loss of revenue to the rulers. These irregularities were checked in 1901, when a custom department was established, transit-duty (except on opium) and the toll tax then levied on goods being moved from one place to another within the state were abolished, and a revised tariff was drawn up.

Banswara State

In Banswara opium producing poppy was cultivated besides other principal rabi crops like wheat, gram, barley and mustard etc.^ There was a considerable export trade with Malwa and Gujarat in grain, ghi, opium, spices mahua flower, and timber etc.^^ In Banswara a fair called Raj Rajeshwar held yearly in the month of October.

This fair served as a centre of trade where traders brought their merchandise and exchange of various goods took place. These traders were mainly Mahajans and

Bohras, who actively participated in the gathering of traders and exchanged their goods.^^

62. K.D. Erskine, Op.cit., Vol. II-A & Vol. II-B, p. 144. 63. Ibid. 64. Ibid., p. 173. 65. Ibid., p. 176. 66. Ibid.

9A Kota State

The state of Kota was both a producer as well as exporter of opium on a large

scale. It exported opium, cereals, pulses, oilseeds, cotton and hides.^^ The trade was

mostly conducted with Bombay, Calcutta, and Kanpur, and the neighboring states of

Rajasthan and Central India.^* Opium prepared into cakes for home consumption as

well as for other states in Rajasthan. This item was chiefly sent to Bikaner, Jaisahner

and Jodhpur from Kota.^^ James Tod gives us information about the illicit trade and

export of adulterated opium from Kota. He writes that in Kanthul (which includes

Pratapgarh Deola), or the tracts upon the Mahi river, opiimi is cultivated to a great

extent, and adulterated in an extraordinary manner. This being sold in China as

Malwa opium, has greatly lessened the value of the drug in the market. The

adulteration is managed as follows: a preparation of refined gwr(molasses) and gum,

in equal proportion, is added to half its quantity of opiate coagulum; the mass is then

put into cauldrons, and after being well amalgamated by boiling, it is taken out, and

when sufficiently dry is well beaten, and put into cotton bags, which are sewed up in

green hides, and exported to Maska-Mandvi.^" The chief centres of trade were Kota

City and Baran, and the principal trading castes were Mahajan and BohrasP

Opium trade was also carried between Mhairwara and Marwar . Mhairwara

exported opium to Marwar in large quantities. During 1875, there was a large-scale

consumption of Mungra opium in Marwar.'^ The amoimt exported into Marwar

during the year 1870 to 1875 was 993 maunds, while total consmnption during the

67. The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Karachi to Kotayam, (New Delhi, 1908), Vol. XV, p. 419. 68. Ibid. 69. Ibid. 70. Cf. James Jod, Op.cit.,(London, 1920), Vol. Ill, p. 1670. 71. The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Op.cit., p. 419. 72. FD, Political-A, Progs, February 1875, Nos.3/4, NAI, New Delhi. 73. Ibid.

95 same year was 718 mounds.^'' An English file mentions that Pali for a long time was a

noted market for transit trade of opium in its raw state, not only from Mhairwara, but

also fi-om Mewar, Kota and elsewhere opium was brought here by the traders. This

opium was further carried by the traders for in Jaisalmer, Sirohi and Bikaner. It was

also transported to Gujarat and Kathiyawar,^^ most probably for export to China.

In eastern Rajasthan; Jaipur and Malpura were two important trade centres fi-om

where traders procured opium^^ and trade was further carried to various parts of

Rajasthan. In western, Rajasthan Bhilwara was also, an important trade centre of

Udaipur state. It enjoyed a position of an important trade centre, throughout the

eighteenth century. The caravans of traders passed through it to distant lands. A large

• 77 quantity of opium was exported fi-omBhilwar a to other parts of Rajasthan and India.

In the South eastern part of Rajasthan Baran was an important trade centre of

opium. It exported a large quantity of opium for the purpose of trade as well as for

local consumption during the 19* century.'^ From the early nineteenth century, there

was a regiilar trade from Harauti to Daman and Madras, via Karachi. The route was a

track of 320 Kos or 750 miles from Kota to Karachi through the territory of Ajmer,

Pokran, Jaisalmer and Hyderabad.^'

Brokerage and Betting (Sauda)

Like brokerage, a number of traders in Rajasthan were involved in Satta or

betting in various items. Betting was done on the basis of weather it would rain or not.

74. Ibid. 75. Ibid. 76. Maiti Saxena, Impact of the British Sovereignty on the economic conditions of Rajasthan (Jaipur, 1986), p. 12. 77. Ibid. 78. Ibid., p. 13. 79. H.S. Shankar, 'Some aspects of Opium Trade in Rajasthan', RHC (Jodhpur session, 1967), p. 175.

96 Under the opium-trade, no actual sale or purchase of opium took place rather the rate

of the opium was determined on the basis of bidding (auction) in Calcutta.^" This rate

was passed on from Calcutta and the opium-trade was finalized in the state on its

basis. People eagerly awaited the information regarding these rates from Calcutta. By

this period, facilities like telegram or telephone were not available. Therefore several

big traders had arranged for their own, personal postal system called 'Chilka Dak' for

getting information regarding the price of the opium. This 'Ckilka Dak' was active

between Ajmer and Bikaner only. There was a separate arrangement of ''Chilka Dak"

between Churu and Jaipur. This Dak (postal system) was actually started by Bhimnath

of Bikaner. But in 1873, Somnath, the nephew of Bhimnath, established it

commercially fi-omAjmer to Bikaner and Jodhpur. Through the medium of 'Chikla

Dak the rates of opium were, received from Ajmer within half an hour.*' In 1886, the

facility of 'Chilka Dak' was available at seven places in Rajasthan. The state

government had its share of benefit by imposing taxes on the opium traders. In the

second half of the nineteenth century, betting 'on rains' (Meh Ka Sauda), was banned

in the state, but the opium-trade continued as usual. The system of 'Chilka Dak vanished with the advent of telegraph line and telephone in the state and the traders, along with the rates of opium, started trading on the basis of the rates of cotton, gold and silver as well.

OPIUM EXPORT TO FOREIGN LAND

Opium was exported from Kota to Baran which was an important opium trade centre of Harauti. Traders carried this opium from Branan to Bombay from where it

80. Mahajan Re Pediyan Re Bahi, V.S. 1926, RSA, Bikaner. 81. SriMandiRo GolakRoLekho, V.S. 1855, No.61, foliol2, RSA, Bikaner 82. Sri Mandi Ro Owargi {Zakat Bahi) V.S. 1940.

97 was exported to China into ships. This item meant for export to China was mostly

prepared in the shape of balls, which were known as balled opium in Kota.*^

Jaipur also exported opium to Bombay and Calcutta *'* from where this opium

was shipped to China.

Pali owing to its advantageous position also facilitated transit trade of opium.

From Pali opium was taken to Karachi in Sind usually through Rohat (district Pali),

Jodhpur, Daijar (district Jodhpur), Pokran (district Jaisalmer) and Jaisalmer.*^ A

contemporary American traveler has noted that 'Karachi though not a large town is

one of much trade. The bazaar is small but good....Karachi has vessels of all sizes

belonging to its harbour, and the doongees (dhangis) venture to Muskat, Bombay,

Daman and Calicut'.*^

Transportation of opium from Pali to Karachi involved a period of about two

months. The loads of opium were carried by Camels. At Karachi coastal ships

belonging to the Amirs were laden with the opium cargoes reached Daman in ten days where opium was deposited for re-exportation and onward carriage to China and

Macao. ^^

John King Fairbank has given a vivid picture of opivun frade, carried between

India and China. He mentions, "in 1844 the depot ships lay outside the six Islands at the eastern limit of the port, supplied by the coastal clippers.*^ Native boats, well- armed against pirates, brought the opiimi in, landed it at all hours of the day, and

83. The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Op.cit., p. 419. 84. FD, Secret-I, March 1895, Nos. 19-23, NAI, New Delhi. 85. Taylor to Flower, 22 August 1822, SRBC, June 1823, Nos. 49/12, NAI, New Delhi. 86. C. Masson, 'Journal', in G.W. Forrest (ed.), (Bombay, 1906), No.lO, p.l87. 87. Celsa Pinto, Trade and Finance in Portuguese India, p. 130. 88. Cf. Jhon King Fairbank, Trade and diplomacy on the China Coast: The opening of the Treaty Ports 1842-IS54 (California, 1964), p. 234.

,.^ 98 carried it calmly through the city, where the opium shops were said to pay a present of

$ 16 a month to the coast defence sub-prefect. About seven chests a day were

consumed at Amoy, say half in the city itself, in the following proportion: Patna 60

per cent, Benaras 20 per cent, Malwa (i.e. opium produced in Rajasthan & central

India) 20 per cent. In six months the trade had increased perhaps to 40 per cent."*^

Thus export trade between Rajasthan and India was well developed and a large

quantity of opium trade with China was carried on.

Following statement shows the export of Malwa opiirni (i.e. the opiimi produced

in Rajasthan &. Central India), to China and other countries for the period from 1885

A.D. to 1905 A.D., i.e., for 20 years. Table 1: Showing Opium Export to China from Maiwa and Rajasthan During 1885 To 1905. Year Export to China Export to other Total Export Countries Opium from Opiimi from Opium from Rajasthan and Rajasthan and Rajasthan and Malwa (combined) Malwa (combined) Malwa (combined) 1 2 3 4 Chests Chests Chests 1885-86 36,893 19 36,902 1886-87 41,205 18 41,223 1887-88 33,687 24 33,711 1888-89 30,398 33 30,431 1889-90 29,160 21 29,181 1890-91 28,137 19 28,156 1891-92 30,773 12 30,785 1892-93 27,217 18 27,235 1893-94 27,235 11 27,246 1894-95 29,035 21 29,051 Total of 10 years 3,13,740 186 3,13,926

89. Ibid. Average of 10 31,374 18.6 31,392.6 years 1895-96 24,432 38 24,470 1896-97 22,679 52 22,731 1897-98 18,208 15 18,223

1898-99 25,940 19 25,959 1899-00 24,908.5 14.5 24,923 1900-91 24,695 19.5 24,714.5 1901-02 17,509 32 17,541 1902-03 19,356 21 19,377 1903-04 25,341 78 25,419 1904-05 18,995 51 19,006 Total of these 10 2,22,023.5 340 2,22,363.5 years Average of this 22,202.35 34 22,236.35 period Grand Total of 5,35,763.5 526 5,36,289.5 20years Average of 20 26,788.17 26.3 26,814.47 years Figures taken frompag e 73 of Financial and Commercial Statistics of British India. Source: FD, January 1909 Internal - A, Nos. 40/51, NAI, New Delhi.

Prices of Opium

There is scanty data for the pre 1818 period for the local markets prices of

opium in Rajasthan. Besides this, they are unreliable and sketching and provide us a

very rough idea of prices.

In 1770 AD six maunds of opium were sold at a price of Rs.3, and annas 13 per seer in Kota.^° Kota records mention that a Brahman trader Shiv Lai of Kishangarh carried 44.5 rasiva (one rasiva equal to two maunds) of opium on camels from Kota to Kishangarh 91

90. Byav Ri Bahi, No. 158, V.S. 1827 (1770 A.D.), Bikaner Records, RSA, Bikaner. 91. James Tod, Op.cit., (NewDelhi,1971),Vol.III.p.l669.

100 From the year 1784 to 1801 A.D., the market price of the crude opium from the

cultivator ran from sixteen to twenty-one Salimshahi^^ rupees per dari, a measure of

five puckka Sers, each ser being the weight of ninety Salimshahi rupees.'^ This rate

was for unprepared opium which was sold by the cultivator. In the year 1800, it rose

to twenty-five rupees; in 1803 to twenty seven, gradually increasing till 1808 A.D.

When the prices reached to maximum of forty-two, or an advanced of one hundred

and seventy per cent above the price of the year A.D. 1784. But in 1814 A.D. it was

fell to rupees twenty nine per maund. In 1816 it had again rose to thirty-three, and in

1817-1818, it had reached thirty-eight and thirty-nine, it remains thirty-nine, till

1820.''*Prices of opium were therefore subject to a lot of fluctuations owing to market

conditions and also due to high sensitivity of the poppy crop to climatic conditions.

92. 'The Salimshahi rupee takes it name from the Pertabgarh chief, Salim Singh, who issued them for the first time, A.D. 1784.',Cf James Tod, Op.cit.,(New Delhi, 1971),Vol. Ill, p. 1669. 93. Ibid., pp. 1669-1670. 94. See James Tod, Op.cit., (New Delhi,1971), Vol. II, p.510.

101

In the second quarter of the 18* century, Mughal documents belonging to suba

Malwa specially mention about the transit duty (rahdari) on opium iafiuri) indicating

that trade in opium has achieved some importance by this time. A farman of

Muhammad Shah dated 1731 A.D. clubs opium with spices and cloth pieces {afiun wa

kirana wa parcha) while listing the various transit duties in which zamindars and

chaudaris had a one forth share in pargana Dhar, Sarkar Mandu}

The land in Malwa was highly fertile due to the presence of black cotton soil

which was locally called mar or kali? The soil well suited for the cultivation of

poppy, which became an important crop of Malwa besides grain wheat, jowar and

cotton.^ The rulers also found opium as a good source of revenue therefore promoted

traders in their respective states. The existence of various trade routes which

connected many villages and towns of Malwa with other places became a major factor in the growth and development of opium trade in Malwa. Malcolm writes, "the states of central India derived great advantage from transit trade. The most valuable of all the exports is opium. It is calculated that upwards of 8600 maunds are produced in the province, of which at least 6500 are annually exported, to meet the demands for that article in the Deccan, Mewar, Marwar, and Gujrat'.^ Because of its proximity to

Rajasthan it is likely that Malwa had some migrant Marwari businessmen who actively participated in the opium trade. As strong political centers were established at

Gwalior, Bhopal, and Indore in the late eighteenth century more Marwari moved

1. Farman of Muhammad Shah (copy) 1144 AH (1731 AD), f.l, 2668/24, NAI, New Delhi. 2. The imperial Gazetteer of India, Mahbubabad to Moradabad (New Delhi, nd.), Vol. XVII, p. 100. 3. Ibid. 4. John Malcolm, A Memoir of Central India, including Malwa and adjoining provinces (London, 1824),Vol. II.,p.76. there. The rulers extended concessions to traders to come and settle, bringing with

them capital and access to "resource groups".^

Several Marwari merchants during the early 19"' century established themselves

in the opium tracts of Malwa. Among these migrant merchants, contained a fair

proportion of Shekhavati, Aggrawals, belonged to the region north of Jaipur.^ These

migrants often started as small shopkeeper' and financed the cultivation of poppy

plant.

Trade Routes

Malwa had many important routes which were frequented by the traders. The

local rulers made arrangements for the traders on the main roads. The Marathas ^\dlen

established their power in the regional states, still claimed to be officers of the

Mughal Empire, they did, meddle with cases of murder committed in these states. The

Maratha, however, accepted the usurpation of criminal powers by many of smaller

states of Malwa and took the responsibility for maintaining peace and keeping the roads open and safe throughout their territories.^ The princely rulers through whose territories the traders had to pass, (while on the route), generally interfered with trade and claimed that goods ought to pass their territory have to pay customs.^

The roads that passed through Malwa were military as well as trade routes. The trade activities of the province received an added impetus from these routes.'°

Towards the middle of the 18* century the Maratha armies, wanting to proceed to

Rajputana passed by way of Ujjain and Kota, while those who went to Delhi made a

5. Thomas A. Timberg, The Marwarisfrom Traders to Industrialists (New Delhi, 1978), p. 44. 6. Ibid., pp. 44 - 45. 7. Ibid., p. 45 8. Raghubir Singh, Malwa in Transition, p. 4. 9. Ibid., p. 5. 10. Ibid., p. 4.

m detour at Sivpuri, to the east of Kota, so as to reach Narwar and Gwalior. Thus were

formed new transit routes serving the towns of western Malwa."

The link between Malwa and the western Deccan, via Burhanpur Asirgarh was

very ancient and far too vital to be given up altogether. After all there was Peshwa at

Pune till 1818. Maratha Sardars in Malwa continued to acknowledge the nominal

supremacy of the peshwa. Sindia and Holkar were very much a part of the factional

strife at Pune and Maratha financiers operated in both Malwa as well as Deccan. By

modifying the route somewhat it was possible to use it as an outlet to the sea at the

begiiming of the 19* century. Tantya Jog, Punasah Man Singh, Chaman Singh,

Harkchand, Ragimath Barbhi and Lakshmichand Panjray were some of the opium

dealers with branches both at Pune and Indore and other commercial centers of

Malwa.'^

The roads out of Malwa, to the South, proceeded fi-om Simrol (district west

Nimar), on the north bank of the Narmada. From the Narmada the route carried on to

Asirgarh and then across the Satpuras either through Burhanpur itself or going around

that city proceeded west.'^ Asirgarh was only one of the passages through which

'much of the Malwa opium has found its way to the Western coasts'.

A relatively little known branch of the indigenously controlled opium network was the trade between Malwa and Homnabad. Homnabad was situated in the

Hyderabad state. It is now in Bidar district of Kamataka Homnabad was a commercial centre of some importance prior to the construction of the Nizam's state railway

11. Jean Deloche, Transport and Communications in India prior to Steam Locomotion: Land Transport, tr. by James Walker (Delhi, 1993),Vol. I, p.60. 12. Minute by Malcolm (governor, Bombay), 6 May 1830, September 1830, SRBC, Nos. 24/7, NAI, New Delhi. 13. Wellesley to A. Molony, Commissioner on Nerbudah, Jablapur, 2 October 1820, December 1820, SRBC, Nos. 16/1, NAI, Delhi.

104 which diverted trade away from it. Homnabad was (and is) located on the mam road

from Hyderabad to Sholapur. The Sholapur highway continues up to Pune in north

western direction.'"*

Trade Link between Malwa and Rajasthan

Malwa was also well connected through Rajasthan. The archival sources

provide us information about the existence of trade relations between Malwa and

Rajasthan. Opium was carried from Malwa to Pali on bullocks or buffaloes. A bullock

load (bojha) 3 man (24 panseri) of opium was taken and at Pali it was loaded on camel back for exportation to the desert states. A camel load of opium consisted of about 2-3 chests of opium on an average.'^

Internal Trade and Means of Transport

For carrying internal trade and transportation of commodities bullock carts were used because many villages were away from the roads and were inaccessible by other means of transport.'^ This means of transport being cheap was also easily available.

There is a reference of intemal trade of opium in the big Qasbas and villages of the state of Sitamau.'^ In maina Palyokheri, Semalkheri, Dabari and Shivgarh, opium trade was carried on with the help of bullock carts through unmetalled roads.

The opium was sent from these places to Sitamau by the fraderswh o mainly belonged to Brahman, Musalman, and Baniya castes'*. During rainy season transportation of goods in villages used to become difficult as the roads were immetalled (kachha)}'^ It

14. Wellesley to Molony, 2 October 1820, SRBC, Nos. 16/1 .NAI, New Delhi. 15. Cf. Memorandum by Dunlop, April 1830, September 1830, SRBC, Nos. 24/7, NAI, New Delhi. 16. P.N. Shrivastav, Madhya Pradesh District Gazetteers, Indore (Bhopal, 1971), p. 330. 17. Gazetteer File, No.450B, folio. 122, NNSS, Sitamau, p. 154. 18. Ibid., p. 154. 19. Ibid.

105 was not possible for traders to carry their goods until the cold weather set in when the

tracts for cart becomes dry and the countryside was open to traffic.^°

During the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Bohra network joined

North hidia to Surat, with Burhanpur as one of the important centres for opium trade.

Some detailed information on Bohr as comes from the Dutch factory records of Surat,

which was the port for goods from Malwa and the North, which passed through

Burhanpur.^' We know much more of the importance of Bohras role in the opium

trade during the eighteenth century. As early as 1676 Jean Baptiste Tavemier

mentions, "opium comes from Burhanpur, a good mercantile town between Surat and

Agra. The Dutch buy it there and exchange it for their pepper".^^ Fortunately, a few

British observers passed through Burhanpur's Malwa hinterland in the 1770s at

1780s. William Htmter, a soldier, stayed for a whole year in the 1770s at Ujain and

was particularly interested in the cultivation and sale of opium. Himter writes that,

merchants from different parts of the country advanced money to the cultivator, while

the crop was still on the ground and when the drug was ready, they received it, and

settle the price according to the quality and, the season.

Opium Sale at Local Bazars/Mandis

The cultivator offered crude opium to village level merchants banias in the form of raw juice. This juice having been scraped off was placed in vessels containing linseed {alsi) oil. The purpose of putting the juice in oil was to give it a certain

20. P.N. Shrivastav, Op.cit, Indore, p. 330. 21. Stewart Gordon, 'Burhanpur: entrepot and hinterland, 1650-1750', in Sanjay Subrahmanyam (ed.). Merchants, Markets and the State in Early Modern India, (Delhi, 1990), p.59. 22. Cf. William Crooke (ed.). Travels in India by Jean-Baptiste Tavernie, (New Delhi, 1977), p.l8. 23. See Sanjay Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Op.cit., p.59; William Hunter, 'Narrative of a journey from Agra to Oujein', Asiatic Researches, 6 (1801), p. 51.

106 consistency and prevent evaporation.^'' The tax levied on opium marketed in villages

was expressed in terms of raw juice. Before, however this opium was taken to the

large mandis where it was condensed by petty traders. Crude opium was removed

from the vessels and formed into cakes (battis) weighing from one to haXiser?^ Thus

small town Sahukars and village banias were not merely intermediaries but they also

played an important role in the production as well as preparation of opium.

The procurement price of this prepared opium was fixed in March-April when

the yield could be estimated with sufficient accuracy. Local Panchayats (assemblies)

of Sahukars were held aroimd that time of the year. These sahukars fixed rates at

which opium was to be credited within their account books. The Panchayats

(assemblies) also acted as an instrument in fixing rates at which opium was to be

resold in the local market.'^^ The local markets could be either the village haats or

small town mandis at Badnawar, Thandla, Malhargarh, Mehidpur, Shajapur, Talen,

Gangdhar, Manasa, Sawakhera, Jawad, Jiran, Rampura, Bhanpura, Kiampur, Jaora,

Tal, Mandawal, Nahargarh and Sanjit.^' The participants at the village haats would have been officials of Kamavisdars, revenue farmers, local banias, Bohras and petty sahukars grain merchants and the few peasants who could manage to put their produce on the market for a good remuneration. The levying of a tax on the sale and purchase suggests that opium trade at these haats was not altogether negUgible. In

Mandsaur, Sindia's government charged half a rupee per man of opium on all sales at villages where opium was grown. Contracts for opium were entered into with the local petty opium traders by the big sahukars resident of prominent commercial

24. Dangerfield's Report; Wellesly to Newnham, 20 September 1819, November 1819, SRBC, Nos. 13/12, NAI, New Delhi. 25. Ibid. 26. Taylor to Flower, 13 February 1822, April 1822, SRBC, Nos.30/10, NAI, New Delhi. 27. Dangerfield's Report, Op.cit. 28. Ibid.

107 centers of Malwa, namely Ratlam, Narsingarh, Sailana, Jhabna, Dhar, Jaora, Sitamau,

Gwalior, Ujjain, etc. The contracts were made in June but actual delivery took place

in Kartika (October-November).^'

Opium Trade in the Princely States

Ratlam State

Ratlam was one of the important commercial centers in Malwa where an

extensive trade in opium, tobacco and salt^° was carried on. The place was also

famous in Malwa for its opium bargains called Sottas, which was carried on more

systematically than elsewhere. Before opening of the railway line to Khandwa in

1876, there was no better market for opium like Ratlam.

By the end of the 19* century principal imports in order of importance in the

Ratlam state were crude opium, cloth, food grains, European wares, spices, ghi,

molasses, gur, sugar, tobacco etc.^^ The principal exports were opium, food grains,

cotton, linseed, hides, betel leaves etc. The place also imported crude opiimi from

Punjab and grain from the neighbouring places and it exported grain, oilseeds and

opium to Bombay. It was also involved in export trade of opium to China.

During the 18'*' century, bullock carts were used for carrying trade in Ratlam, which now was in the state of decline due to expansion of railway lines during 1878.

At the end of 19'*' century the exports and imports of the state was mainly carried on by the Rajputana-Malwa, Bombay-Baroda and central India railways to and from the

29. Taylor to Flower, 28 June 1822, September 1822, SRBC, Nos.56/19, NAI, New Delhi. 30. Jaora State Gazetteer, British India Press (1908), p. 17. 31. A.M. Sinha, Madhya Pradesh Dsitrict Gazetteers, Ratlam (Bhopal, 1994), p. 172. 32. Ibid. 33. Ibid. 34. Western State Malwa Gazetteers, p. 270; Administrative Reports, CIA, Indore (1907), p. 270.

108 chief trading centers of Northern India, Bombay Presidency, Rajputana and Central

India.'^

Various taxes were also levied on opium. A duty of Rs. 2.12.0 per man was levied on raw opium which was brought from village to the town while opium imported from outside Ratlam was taxed 16 annas per man in Ratlam. A rahdari tax at the rate of Rs. 1.11.6 per man was also levied on raw opium {chick). Raw opiiun {chick) meant for export, was also taxed at the rate of Rs. 13-8-9 per man.^^ During 1850 to 1870 Ratlam exported nearly 600 chests of opium to Bombay.^' While during 1870 to 1900 it was 2700 chests.^^

Narsingarh State

The chief centers of trade in the Narsingarh state were Khujner, Pachor, Chhapera, Kurawar, Biaora and Sandota. The principal exports were crude opium, cotton, grain, ghi, poppy seed, hemp, jaggery etc. The main items of imports were groceries, salt, sugar, rice, grain, piecegoods etc. Indore, Ujjain, Bombay and Kanpur were the main places where goods were exported outside the state. The classes engaged in frade were Banias, Maheswaris, Agarwals, Oswals and Brahmans. These people dealt chiefly in grain, cotton and opium.^'

The principal frade routes in the state were the Sehore Biaora and Agra- Bombay roads, the roads from Shujalpur railway station on the Indian mid-land railway to Pachor and from Pachor to Khujner and from Khujner to Chhapra. Apart from bullock carts, pack animals like bullocks, camels, asses were also employed for

40 transportation.

35. A.M. Sinha, Op.cit., Ratlam,p. 173. 36. Administrative Reports, CIA, Indore (1907), p.271. 37. Ibid, p.298. 38. Ibid. 39. A.M. Sinha,Op.cit., Rajgarh (Bhopal, 1996), p. 148. 40. Ibid.

109 The chief sources of revenue in the state were seema shulk (transit duty) or

sayar and abkari kar (excise duty). For the management of custom duty and taxes, the

state was divided into thirty two nakas or circles. Each naka was controlled and

regulated by a nakadar and each naka generally covered twelve to fifteen villages.

The duties of a Nakadar included; visiting the villages daily to check proper

collection of taxes and depositing all the collected revenues monthly into concerned

chabutra called circle office. There were two 'chabutras' in the state one at Khujner

and the other at Narsingarh (city). The 'Mukhtar' of each ^chabutra' used to assess

the work done by the 'Nakedaf under his control and the monthly accoimt of

collections from him. The 'Muhtamiri' of sayar was the officer for the whole

department.'*' At every dhari of 5 ser of raw opium, the state imposed tax at a rate of

Rs. 1.7.6 which included 'BiyarV or weighing/measurement tax (taul kar). This

income was Rs. 1000 per year. An import tax at the rate of Rs. 12 per dhari was also

collected.'*^

During 1890-1900, the average amount collected from export of opium from

the Narsingarh state was approximately Rs. 1200 man per year.

Sailana State

The main items being exported from Sailana were crude opium, cotton, grain,

poppy seed etc. Raw opium was exported to Ratlam and Indore whereas the other

items were exported to Gujarat and Bombay.*^ The main item of excise (Abkari) was

opium. Among the taxes on opium, a conservation tax (Sanrakshan shulk) was

imposed at the rate of Rs.l 1.10 per man (40 kg) to limit the amount of raw opium. On

41. Narsingarh State Gazetteers, British India Press (1908), p.40. 42. Ibid. 43. Ibid., p. 153. 44. Administrative Reports, CIA, Indore (1907), p. 374.

110 the export of the products of opium, an export duty tax {Niryat kar) was imposed at

the rate of Rs.24.13.0 per peti (box). On the transportation of any kind of opium

passing through the state a transit tax (rahdari kar) was imposed at the rate of Rs.

1.10.0 per man (40 kgs)/^

Jhabua State

During the 19* century nearly 268 man of raw and processed opium were

exported to Ratlam, an average annually from the state of Jhabua. An export duty tax

was collected at 10 rupees per man. This provided an income of Rs. 2700 per year to

the state. On the imported opium in Jhabua also a tax was levied by the state. The

imported opium was taxed at Rs. 100 per man. The permission for all the exports and

imports were based on a special licence system. However there was no regulation on

local consumption and opium was sold at a constant price of Rs. 5 per ser. The opium to be exported was weighed at Jhadla, Hanxmiangarh and a tax was collected at the rate of Rs. 10 per peti (box) and per man (80 lbs). When opium came from Umra bhoomi, then a tax of Rs. 2-3 was collected and the remaining price was paid to the

Umaro (local chief).'*^

Dhar State

The state of Dhar exported wheat, ^zmjowar, maize and opium. These were exported to Mhow, Indore and Bombay. Spices, corriander, ajwan, chillies, etc., were exported to the neighbouing states and oil seeds, linseed and poppy seeds were carried to Bombay. Manufactured opium was also exported to Marwar in Rajasthan.'**

45. Ibid., p.383. 46. Jhabua State Gazetteer, British India Press (1908), p. 26. 47. Ibid., p.27. 48. Rajendra Verma, Madhya Pradesh District Gazetteers, Dhar (Bhopal, 1984), p.l28.

Ill Generally, shopkeepers were found in all big villages. These were mostly

banias, who also used to lend money to the villagers. Thus these people became an

important factor in the village community. In many matters, these were assisted by

big merchants from town who employed them as their agents in purchasing com or

opium. The principal castes engaged in the trade were Bohras, Banias,

Muhammadans, Brahmins.^^

Gwalior state

Mandsaur and Niemach were among the important trading centers of the

Gwalior state. Mandsaur was a great centre of opium trade. Opium chests were the

most important articles of trade in the district of Mandsaur which were exported to

Bombay.^" In Gwalior, locally manufactured opium was generally transported to

Bombay from where it was sent to China. From the district of Isagarh opiimi was sent

to Bombay for its re-exportation to the Chinese market.^' During the 20* century the

chief articles of exports in Jaora state were opium, grains, cotton bales and sugar.

Food grains and other necessary articles of daily needs were among the chief items of

import. The trade of opiimi was also carried on a considerably large scale m Ujjam

and Bamagar. Raw opium was sent from Bamagar to Ujain for manufacture. The

castes and classes engaged in the trade were Banias of all sects namely Agarals,

Porwals, Oswals, and Bagdyas.^^

Sitamau State

There was fairly large scale cultivation of poppy plant in the state of Sitamau.

Though opium was manufactured in the state but it also imported raw opium fromth e

49. Ibid. 50. Rajendra Verma, Op.cit., Mandsaur (Bhopal, 1993), p. 124. 51. Gwalior State Gazetteer (1908), vol. Ill, pp. 165-166. 52. Ibid., p. 124. 53. Ibid., pp. 168,169,179. 54. Rajendr Verma, Op.cit., Mandsaur, p. 124.

112 neighbouring areas.^^ The raw opium brought in the state was further processed and

made into cakes and packed into chests. After paying tax to the state these opium

chests were exported to other places. This trade was well regulated by the ruler. The

traders were not able to carry trade in opium without the permission of the Sitamau

ruler. ^^ Opium trade thus provided a good source of income to the ruler.

From Sitamau opium was exported to Indore via Khachrod. Due to bitter

relation between Sindhia and Holkar, the traders faced difficulties in this route.^' The

state also exported opium to Kota, Udaipur and Marwar. Since poppy was cultivated

in Sitamau, therefore poppy seeds were also available to the traders who carried it to

CO other places and earned profit from its trade.

Between 1900 and 1901 nearly 127 man of opium exported from Sitamau. On

the export of the crude opium traders had to pay a tax of Rs. 11.10 per man. On ball

opium it was Rs. 13.14 per man while Rs. 24.13 was charged on per chests (140.1bs)

of opium. The opium passed through Sitamau was charged rahdari (transit tax) at the

rate of 1.10 per man.^^ Besides this, the traders had to pay other taxes too, namely,

bhent (gift), dalali (brokerage), tulawat (weightment) etc. on the import and export of

goods. In addition, they were parted with tanka and Jajam etc. The jagirdars also

charged a tax Khunt when the opium passed through their territories. Likewise, an extra tax called 'lata' was also levied on opium.^°

From a single document drawn from British records we get a picture of the chief Malwa opium marts in central India of which Ujjain supplied the maximum

55. Dastaveji Bahi (tr.), Bahi No. 14.17(Kha), 33(kha), 72 (kha), 73K ,KDA, Sitamau. 56. Basta No. 156, Deepakheda, Letter from Thakur Prithvisingh to Hulasrai, Sawan Sudi 6, 1926 V.S, KDA. Sitamau. 57. Copy from Agency book, SNNSS, Sitamau, p.221. 58. Letter to Thakur Khuman Singh from Traymayak Rao, Letter No.759, KDA, Sitamau. 59. Sitamau State Gazetteer, p. 25; Western Malwa State Gazetteers, p. 343. 60. Dastaweji Bahi, No. 2, folio no. 148; SNNSS, Sitamau.

113 quamtity in 1821, which was 250 out of 700 loads. This was about 35.71 per cent of

the total. Indore provided the minimum, 25 chests, that is about 3.57 per cent of die

total (see table I).^'

Table 1: Marts in Malwa from where opium was exported to the Deccan and Gujarat 1821.

Marts Total No. of loads No. of loads No. of loads in Malwa opium exported to exported to Deccan Gujarat Ujjain 250 100 150 Nolye 100 50 50 Rutlam 100 25 75 Kachrod 50 10 40 Mundisore 100 50 50 Kahjehanpur 75 50 25 Indore 25 25 - Total no. of loads 700 310 390

Source: Celsa Pinto, Trade and Finance in Portuguese India, p. 129.

The big opium dealers of Ujjain, Indore, Ratlam, Pratapgarh and Khachrod purchased opium from producing centres and smaller markets. By the 1820s, the networks of Bombay, Gujarat and Rajasthan opium merchants encompassed the major opium marts of Malwa where these gomashtas and dalals procured opium directly from the wholesalers. For example, the Bombay merchant Ameechand, Sukurchand had agents stationed at Bamagar, Khachrod, Mandsaur and Ratlam.

Wholesale and Speculation Trade in opium:

The wholesale opium trade was concentrated in the hands of Malwa sahukars^^ who invariably engaged in large scale speculation and gambling in

61. Celsa Pinto, Op.cit., p. 129. 62. Memorandum by Taylor, December 1821, SRBC, Nos.10/14, NAI, New Delhi. 63. The future markets of Culcutta in opium , species, and later Hessians and raw jute, were started by Marwari firms which record opium futures tranctions in several ledgers. Several firms were noted in their firm histories as having proceeded to Bombay fi-om Malwa in the 1860 to take part in the opium future trade.Cf.Thomas A.Timberg, The Marwaris from Traders to Industrialists, p.l61.

114 stocks. The two favourite forms of speculation and trading in future (sattas) which

Malwa sahukars indulged in viQXQjullub and cowri satta. Jullub was 'an anticipation

of price at certain dates accompanied by unreal entries and transfers. It resembled

stock jobbing with the difference that 'the real article is as often given as the

difference paid'.^^ Jullub also took the form of gambling on future crops. Distressed

cultivators would approach 'gambling money bankers', who bought the crop for the

forthcoming seasons at a fixed rate. As a result of Has jullub transaction the peasants

invariably parted 'with their crops for a little ready money at half or two thirds their

value'. Cowri satta or cowri sath sauda was a similar form of gambling wherein 'one soucar, or Bunia, gave another before the harvest a cowri as a pledge that he will pay him a specific quantity of grain. No paper pass; but the grain was entered in the books of both as brought and sold. When the period arrives, the parties settled. Sometimes the grain was given, but the difference was generally paid...'^^ besides grain, cowri, satta involved other corps including opium.*^

With their large warehouses, the big wholesale dealers could keep back stocks for much longer period than the petty traders. It was this group that the British were most wary of and sought constantly to exclude firomth e opium trade.

Taxation

The reference about various taxes has been mentioned earlier. Here we will see in some detail about the revenue, which the states derived from direct tax of opium. The duties levied on opium took two forms - (1) a cess levied on the opium

64. Wellesley to Parish, 28 March 1820, SRBC, Nos. 23/6, NAI, Delhi. 65. Notification by John Malcolm,14 September 1820,November 1820, SRBC, Nos.14/24, NAI, New Delhi. 66. Malcolm to R. Close, Resident, Gwalior,4 March 1823, SRBC, June 1823, Nos.41/12, NAI, New Delhi. 67. Malcolm to close, 3 March 1821, SRBC, Nos. 2/23, NAI, New Delhi. 68. Dangerfield's Report, SRBC, NAI, New Delhi.

115 within the state, and (2) an export duty levied when the opiiun was exported from the state. The principal states considered here are as following:

Gwalior: The excise duty was Halt Rs. 25 per chest plus Hali Rs.7.6 export - total

Hali Rs.32.6 on crude opium the rate was same. Taking Hali Rs.105 = 100

Government rupees, the state revenue per chest was only G. Rs.30.13.4.*'

Indore: The excise tax was Hali Rs.2.5 per dhari. The export on manufactured opium

Hali Rs.l6 per chest. Taking 18 dharis crude to the chest derived Hali Rs. 37-10 as

excise, and Hali Rs. 16 export total Hali Rs. 53.10. In Government Currency Rs.

51.1.1 per chest. If crude opium was exported from the state, it paid a duty of H. Rs. 1

per dhari.

Dhar: In Dhar all dues were levied in Government currency. On crude opium the

state tax was annas 8 per dhari with an export of Rs.2.8. Here 17.5 dhari crude opium

was estimated to equal one chest. The total therefore was at a rate of Rs. 52.8 per

chest when exported in a raw form.^"

On manufactured opium the state due was Rs. 1 per dhari and Rs. 3 export =

Rs. 4 per dhari = about Rs. 54 per chest.

Bhopal: In the state of Bhopal the tax levied on opium was 4 annas. Government

currency per Bhopal dhari. A chest was taken as 12 dharis, so the excise amounts to

Rs. 3. The chest exported was Rs. 12, making a total of Rs. 15 only.

Ratlam: In Ratlam the excise tax was 3.3 Rs. 1.9.6 per 4 dharis (40.1bs.) and the export Salim Shahi Rs. 8.5.6 on (40. lbs). This gives a total of Salim Shahi Rs. 9.15

69. H. Hastings, Opium in Malwa (Calcutta, 1895), p. 14. 70. Ibid. 71. Ibid. 72. Ibid.

116 During 1825-30, 13 of the traders engaged in the Daman-based Malwa opium

trade were Christians, Banias and Parsis. Other leading opium traders at Daman

according to British sources were Kurumchand, Hurukchand, Manikchand,

Ratanchand, Heerachand, Mulchand Heerachand and Haribhay Moorsha. They

unported opium in coastal boats with Daman from Karachi, Cutch and other parts of

Sind. Mulchand Heerachand was the agent of Moteesa Banya, who was a great opium trader at Bombay. Kurumchand Hurukchand was a correspondent at Mahmomed

Soostary who was also based at Bombay 79

Table 4: Shipments of Malwa Opiumt that left Daman, 1825-30. MonthA'ear Number of shipments destinated to Places: Macao Lintin Macao Alibagh Bhavnagar shipments or January 1825 - - - 2 - 2 April 1825 3 - - - - 3 May 1825 68 - - 3 2 73 October 1825 - - - 1 - 1 December 1825 - - - 1 - 1 February 1826 - - - 1 1 2 May 1827 48 - - 2 - 50 December 1827 3 - - 1 - 4 February 1828 - - - 1 - 1 March 1828 - - 1 - - 1 April 1828 23 - 26 - - 49 May 1828 98 - 21 - - 119 Oct.-Dec. 1828 - - - 2 - 2 April 1829 8 1 - - - 9 May 1829 206 38 - 3 - 247 June 1829 10 - - - - 10 January 1830 - - - 3 - 3 Apr.-June 1830 14 47 - 2 - 63 Source: Celsa Pinto, Trade and Finance in Portuguese India, p. 136.

79. Ibid., pp 135-136.

120 On 29"^ April 1823 opium cargoes were dispatched to Macao on board the

vessel Castro by merchants at Daman (Table 2 mentioned earlier). We observe that

out the 14 exporters of opium eight were banias who formed 57.14 per cent, 4 were

parsis that is 28.57 per cent and 2 were Christians amounting to 14.29 per cent., of all

exporters. Rogerio de Faria dispatched 366 opium chests of the fu-st grade, 39 of the

second sort and 132 of the third grade. The chests were worth 615, 420-0-00 xerafins,

which formed 44.21 per cent of the value of the total cargoes abroad the Castro. This

point to Rogerio de Faria as the principal exporter of opium to the Far East among the

Portuguese subjects at Daman.**'

Antonio Pereira, Venkatesha and Narayana Kamat and Venu Shet Khalap were amongst the Goa merchants involved in the flourishing Malwa opium trade on the western coast of India. Remington Crawford & Co., Adam Skinner & Co., Patrick Stewart & Co., Ritchie Zinlay & Co., Shotton & Co., Rogerio de Faria &, Co., Motichand Amichund, Pestonjee Merjee Jamsetjee, Jejeebhoy, Hormusjee Dorabjee, Franjee Cowasjee, Bomanjee Hormusjee, Guilder & Co. and Beckwill & Co., were

Of amongst the outstanding agency houses located at Bombay dealing in Malwa opium.

Jardine Matheson & Co., founded in Canton on 1 July 1832*^, was the most remarkable firm of traders which played a key role in the opium trade from the 1830s onwards. Jardines had always dealt with the actual producers of Indian opiimi from Malwa, Patna or Benares, at arm's length. The firm had no less than 150 'correspondents' in India between 1840 and 1870. The most important were the two Bombay firms' Jejeebhoy & Co. and Remington & Co., and the Calcutta based firm, Jardine Skinner. The jobs of these firms were to act as brokers and to send agents to estimate supplies, especially of Malwa opium; information about poppy corps in the

80. Ibid., p. 136. 81. Pinto, pp. 136-137. 82. Robert Blake, Jardine Matheson: Traders of the Far East (London, 1999), p.3.

121 princely states was more difficult to obtain than in Bengal where the British government controlled monopoly entailed official reports and reasonably reliable information. The upshot of the intelligence from the major correspondents was the monthly Jar dine opium circular sent out from China to 'friends on the opium list.' It described current markets for each type of opium with special reference to Woosung- shanghai which was the major import center for Malwa opium from Bombay. The circular gave average prices, current exchange rates and estimated stock in China.

Prices of Opium

Information about prices of opium in Malwa is sufficiently available for the period following the Third Anglo-Maratha war. Servants of the company stationed in the area reported in 1818-19 that merchants purchased opiiun at the rate of '10.11 Rs.per seer expecting to realize a profit'.*^ This price was usually regarded as high. Malcolm, who reported that opium 'may usually be sold to the merchant by the cultivator for eight rupees a ser\ pointed out that opium prices were subjected to a lot of fluctuationan d could rise by as much as 100% as a result of 'bad crops, combined with a gambling spirit of speculation amongst the traders, and due to its illicit exportation....'*^ Malcolm concluded that opium would settle down to a price of about five or six rupees per ser 5.6 per ser.

Fluctuations notwithstanding there was an overall rise in the price level of opium in Malwa markets during the firstquarte r of 19"' century (see table 5).

H. Munro, who was customs master of Surat, stated in 1803 that the prices of opium when imported form Malwa 'is on an average of two years Rs. 4.3.80 per pucka ser'F More than a decade later, in 1817, the average declared value of Malwa

83. Robert Blake, Op.cit., p. 142. 84. Wellesley to Bombay Government, 30 July 1819, Nos. 2/45, NAI, New Delhi. 85. Jhon Malcolm, Op.cit.,Vol. II, .p. 77. 86. Ibid. 87. Munro to Grant, September 22, 1803, SRBC, 11/3, NAI, New Delhi.

122 opium imported into Bombay works out to a little less than four rupees per Surat ser. There was considerable variation in this value, for example, the figuresfo r April 1817 place the value of 3 Surat man, 25 ser Malwa opium imported into Bombay via Jafarabad (district Amreli; Gujarat) at Rs.668.3.00,*'or approximately five rupees per Surat ser, whereas 3 Surat man of opium imported via Thane in November 1817 had a value of Rs.420-0-00, i.e., Rs.3.5 per Surat ser.^^ But there may be possibility of the declared value being deliberately kept low. In November 1817 itself, information available with Dunlop indicated that 'the present price of opium at Ratlam, was stated to be fi-om 4 to 5 Rs. per seer each seer weighing 40.2 rupees of a currency called Saleemsai'.^^

Table 5: Index of opium prices at Ujjain and Kota 1813/14 to 1825/26 Average for the period Ujjain (base: 1813/14 Kota (base: 1819/20 (season) = 100) 100) 1813/14 100.0 - 1814/15 85.71 - I8I5/I6 88.04 - 1816/17 83.72 - 1817/18 98.34 - 1818/19 126.24 - 1819/20 164.12 100 1820/21 198.67 166 1821/22 196.01 148 1822/23 239.87 168 1823/24 234.55 - 1824/25 118.27 80 1825/26 119.60 80 Sources:'Extract from the Broker Books at Ujjain by Gassery Ram and Benarsee Ditchit', enclosed in Swinton to Trotter,30 June 1826, SRBC,Nos, 12/26 July, 1826; 'Note from Raj Rana of Kotah' (tr.), n.d. enclosed in Caulified to Swinton, 16 June 1826, SRBC, Nos. 10/26 July 1826, NAI, New Delhi.

88. 'Statement of opium imported into Bombay', April-August 1817; September 1817, Nos. 3/26; 13/17 October 1817; Nos. 16/2 INovember 1817; December 1817; Nos.22/30 January 1818, Nos. 15/26 NAI, New Delhi. 89. Statement from H. Shank, Customs master, Bombay, 30 April, 1817,SRBC, June 1817 Nos., 13/27, NAI, New Delhi. 90. Statement from Shank, 15 December 1817, January 1818, SRBC, Nos. 22/30, NAI, New Delhi. 91. Dunlop, Collector, Kaira, to Newhans, 25 November 1817, May 1818, SRBC, Nos.12/15, NAI, New Delhi.

123 Towards the beginning of the second decade of the 19* century, with the

British becoming increasingly active in the Malwa opium market, there was a spurt in

opium prices. Prices at Ujjain which had remained within the range of Rs. 32.25 and

Rs.37.62 perpanseri between 1813/14 and 1817/18, rose to Rs.47.5 in 1818/19 and to

Rs. 61.75 in 1819/20^^ for the same amount.

During the firstquarte r of 18*Century, prices ranged between Rs.l6 and Rs.20

per seer in February, Rs. 14.5 in March, coming down to Rs.l 1 by the end of March.'^

Dangerfield attributed the exorbitant prices of February-March, 1820, to damage

caused by winter frost.^'* But on the whole, prices continued to be high throughout

1820 and 1821. The 1820-21 poppy yields had also been below expectation. Opium

suffered fi-om heavy rains at the time of incision.'^ The anticipated shortfall in

supplies after two consecutively bad seasons was reflected in the high prices of 1822

(see table 6.below). Prices reached a peak in November 1822 when deliveries for

contracts entered into during summer were due to take place and accounts were to be

settled per panseri. In the Ujjain market opium was quoted at Rs.96 petpanseri, and

at Rs.97 in neighbour Bamagar.^^ The 1821-22 seasons it had been good, but speculative ventures set into motion in the early part of 1822 against the backdrop of limited stocks; the success of the trade; and the upheaval brought about by the entry of the East India Company as a major competitor, did not permit the situation to ease till the end of 1823. At the close of 1823, the final season in which Taylor made purchases, prices had dropped to Rs.72 at Ujjain9 8

92. 'Extract from the Brokers Books at Ujjain, Op.cit. 93. Wellesley to Parish, 28 March 1820, June 1820, SRBQ Nos 15/ 21 and 23/6, NAI, New Delhi. 94. Dangerfield's Report, Op.cit, NAI, New Delhi. 95. Malcolm to Warden, 16 April 1821 ,June 1821, SRBC, Nos. 22/15, NAI, New Delhi. 96. Tay]or to Flower, } 9 November 1822, June 1823, SRBC, Nos. 44/12, NAI, New Delhi. 97. Minute by Wellesley, 20 September 1823, January 1824 , SRBC,Nos. 71/17, NAI, New Delhi. 98. Price current of opium, Deputy Opium Agent's office, Indore, 26 December 1823, Jan 1824, SRBC, Nos.78/17, NAI, New Delhi.

124 Table 6: Showing price current of opium at Malwa/wholesale markets 1881/23 {Hali rupees, per panseri).

Ujjain Bamagar Ratlam Mandsaur Khachrod

14 December 1821 72 72.5 67.5 70.0 68.8

19 December 1822 96 97.0 90.0 88.0 84.2

6 May 1823 95 95.0 84.0 85.6 83.2

20 May 1823 95 95.0 88.0 78.4 83.2

27 May 1823 93 93.0 86.4 81.6 83.2

30 September 1823 82 83.0 72.0 70.4 72.0

26 December 1823 72 72.05 63.0 62.0 62.4 Source: Deputy Opiimi Agent's Office, Indore, SRBC,10/14. December, 1821; 44/12 June 1823/ 74/22 May 1823; 34 and 35/5 June 1823; 32 and 33/12 June 1823; 21 and 22/13 November 1823; 78/17 January 1824, NAI, New Delhi.

Table 7: Showing highest, lowest and average prices of Bengal and Malwa opium, 1816-31.

Year/ Bengal opium (Price per ciiest) Malwa opium ( price per chest) Period Chests Highest Lowest Average Chests Highest Lowest Average produced $ $ $ produced $ $ $ 1816-17 2610 1320 1080 1200 600 950 800 875 1817-18 2530 1330 1200 1265 1150 800 600 612 1818-19 3050 1200 800 1000 1530 850 600 725 1819-20 2970 1320 1150 1235 1630 1400 950 1175 1820-21 3050 2500 1300 1900 1720 1800 1230 1515 1821-22 2910 2500 1650 2075 1718 1600 1050 1325 1822-23 1822 2500 2080 1552 4000 1500 1080 1290 1823-24 2910 2500 1100 1600 4172 1050 800 925 1824-25 2655 1450 900 1175 6000 950 550 750 1825-26 3442 1150 800 913 6179 850 560 723 1826-27 3661 1250 800 1002 6308 1060 860 942 1827-28 5134 1220 815 998 4401 1420 950 1204 1828-29 5965 1100 880 940 7771 1250 750 968 1829-30 7143 1000 805 860 6857 1030 740 862 1830-31 6660 1050 790 870 12100 760 520 588 Source: Celsa Pinto, Trade and Finance in Portuguese India, p.273.

125 Decline of Trade

After the mid twentieth century, opium trade began to decline due to the

agreement between India and China. One gets a good account of discussion between

Chinese and Indian government to restrict opium imports into China. In a letter from a

Chinese official Tsung Li yamen, to Sir R. Alcock, there is also reference about the

impact of opium which was exported to China from India.'' Tsung Li Yamen

mentions "The objective of the Treaties between our respective countries is to secure

perpetual peace, but if effective steps cannot be taken to remove an accumulating

sense of injury from the minds of men it is to be feared that no policy can obviate

source of fixture trouble..,.""^ Tsung has fiirther mentioned that "opium is like a

deadly poison, that it is most injurious to mankind, and a most serious provocation of

ill feeling is, the writer thinks, perfectly well-known to His Excellency... ^°' The

prince and his colleagues are quite aware that the opium trade has long been

condemned by England as a nation, and that the right-minded merchant scorns to have

to do with it.'°^ But the officials and the people of this Empire, who cannot be so

completely informed on the subject, all say that England trades in opium, because she

desires to work China's ruin, for (they say) if the fiiendly feelings of England are

genuine, since it is open to produce and trade in everything else, would she still insist on spreading the opposition of this hurtfiil thing through the Empire. There are those who say stopping the trade by enforcing a vigorous prohibition against the use of opium and China has the right to do so".^°^

The above extract thus gives a general idea to understand the prevailing situation and the opinion of Chinese government regarding opium frade.

99. FD, January 1870, Nos. 36-37, Letter from Tsung Li yamen, to Sir R. Alock, July 1869, Nos. 36/37 NAI, New Delhi. 100. Ibid. 101. Ibid. 102. Ibid. 103. Ibid.

126 Negotiation between India and China eventually resulted into an agreement

and opium trade began to decline during the 20'*' century. The Chiefs of states were

induced and instructed by the British Government to place restrictions on the

cultivation of poppy and prevent its transit through their territories. However internal

trade in Rajasthan and Malwa for local opium consumption continued till 1900."'^

As a result of the political awakening in China the governments of China and

India agreed that from 1908 onwards the export of Indian opium to China be

decreased annually by 10 per cent of the total quantity then exported, and before the

year 1918 arrived, it was fmally agreed upon that all future exports of Indian opium to

China should cease. Due to these arrangements the export of opium declined and the

revenue of the state fell considerably. The cultivators were compelled to restrict the

area of poppy crop in Rajasthan and Malwa.

104. Malti Saxena, Impact of the British Sovereignty on the Economic conditions of Rajasthan (Jaipur, 1995), p. 46. 105. Ibid.

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Map 4 HAPTiR Indigenous Merchants and East India Company in Opium Trade

Till about the first decade of the nineteenth century, the only opium with

which the British India Government was familiar produced in the Gangetic belt,

particularly Bihar (Patna opium), Banaras-Ghazipur (Banaras opium).This opium was

referred to officially as Bengal opium ^ and towards the end of 18* century it became

monopoly of the East India Company.

The exercise of monopoly broadly meant the company's exclusive right to

control production and sale of opium. The poppy cultivation in the Gangetic belt was

allowed only upon grant of a license in which the area to be sown and the quantity of

poppy permitted to be grown were mentioned. Before the monopoly of the East India

company established in 1773, the Patna merchants enjoyed exclusive right to purchase

opium direct firomth e peasants, but the cultivation was for all practical purposes was

free.^ Since the margin of profit fi-om the opium trade was too large and it was feU

improper to leave in individuals hands, Warren Hastings therefore in 1773 abolished

free trade in opium.* In 1797 the Company modified its earlier policy of purchasing

opium through contractors and began procuring the entire produce directly. A

comprehensive regulation of 1799 (Bengal Regulation VI) brought the cultivation of

opium under the complete control of the company.^ Bengal opium regulation VI of

1797 made Bengal opium a direct state monopoly. Bengal government assumed

monopoly of manufacturing opium through the system of licensing referred to above,

and sale of opium.'*

1. David Edward Owen, British opium Policy in China and India (New Heavan, 1934), p.23. 2. Benoy Chowdhury, Growth of Commercial Agriculture in Bengal, p.6. * Whereas it is difficult to estimate the earnings of Company officials from Opium in the period immediately preceding the changes introduced by Hastings, the magnitude may be gauged from the £534,009 profit that the monopoly(then in its infancy) brought to the Company during Hastings tenure. David Edward Owen, Op.cit., p.37. 3. Amar Farooqui, Opium City, p.20. 4. Amar Farooqui, Smuggling as Subversion, p. 12. It needs to be emphasized particularly in the context of problems which the

British faced in Western and Central India in pursuing an opium policy to their liking

in that region, that a very large portion of opium producing areas of the Gangetic belt

were directly under British administrative control. The company's 'Bengal opium'

monopoly took shape as soon as Englishmen arrived at Patna after the Battle of

Plassey (1757) and Buxur (1764). Banaras and the area around came under British

control through the manoeuvres of Warren Hastings in the mid-1770s. When Banaras

and the area around were placed directly under the Company's administration in

1795, the opium monopoly was extended to Banaras-Ghazipur. This was another

prime opium producing tract. Opium from Bararas-Ghazipur and Bihar was marketed

under the brand name "Bengal Opium".^ It was passed under full British

administration in 1795. Subsequently, a strict enforcement of Bengal opium

regulation was availed.^ In 1797, during the Governor-Generalship of Lord

Comwallis, the East India Company abandoned its practice of using private

contractors to work the official monopoly on the export of opiimi. In its place

Comwallis set up an official state agency that licensed peasant cultivators to grow

poppy. Under this system, within a relatively confined region in the eastern Gangetic

plain, the opium agency offered advances and fixed price to selected poppy growers.

Only licensed cultivators could grow poppy. Unlicensed cultivation was made a

criminal offense.

The British were self- assured about the success of their policy because of

the virtual monopoly of Bengal opium in the Chinese markets. The primary purpose

5. Amar Farooqui, Opium City, pp. 19-20. 6. Amar Farooqui, Smuggling As Subversion, p.l3. 7. J.F. Richards, 'Opium and the British Indian Empire: The Royal Commission of 1895', At45,Vol.36 No. 2 (2002), p. 376.

129 of the state was to maximize revenue by rigidly maintaining the monopoly with a more or less fixed quantity of opium supply.* But this self confidence of the British was challenged. The monopoly of 'Bengal opium' came to be threatened by the

' Mai wa opium'.

At the beginning of the 19'*' century, approximately 4,000 chest of opium were regularly auctioned at Calcutta. After a few ups and downs, the figure stood at

4,560 in 1808-09 and almost 5000 in 1809-10.'

The rise in exports of Bengal opium to China at the turn of the century provided an opportunity to other opium-producing areas of India, the more so as it was discovered that a far larger quantity than what the company was able to supply could be thrust on the Chinese.'° Poppy was extensively grown in several parts of western and central India. It is hardly surprising then that opium fi"omthi s part of the country should have started making its way to the far eastern markets following the footsteps of 'Bengal opium'. Malwa opium was universally admitted to be the toughest rival. It was largely because of the failure of the Bengal government to shackle the trade in Malwa opium." the diversity of the ways in which the British government tried to eliminate competition, all of which failed, was the real measure of strength of the rival system and of complication in the situation which Malwa opium posed to the British government.

Unlike Bengal, cultivation of Poppy in Malwa was free. The only constrain was a high rate of rent on poppy land. As a local report put it: "the trade (in opium) is

8. Benoy Chowdhury, Op.cit., Vol. 1, p.8. 9. Government of India Resolution, 12 November 1819, SRBC, Nos.14/12, NAI, New Delhi. 10. It was estimated that 'the quantity annually consumed at China and other Eastern Ports was from 7 to 8,000 chests...' Larkins to Governor general, July 1819, SRBC, Nos.33/23, NAI, New Delhi. 11. Benoy Chowdhury, Op.cit., p. 10. 12. Ibid.

130 equally open and free to all; there exist no sort of monopoly or farming thereof in any form... the cultivators of the land produces as much as they think proper."'^ One consequence of free production and free sale was the high price that the peasants got for their produce, a price nearly three times as much as that in Bengal. Thus with the gradual expansion of Poppy cultivation and an increasingly flourishing trade in opium. Poppy day after day was becoming a vital part of the small peasant economy inMalwa.''*

The expansion of Poppy cultivation and trade in opium brought into being other powerful groups of vested interest, having an enormous stake in this given economic system. Of these the most important were the class of moneylenders-cum- small traders (sahookars), the local agents connected with the local fmns(gomasthas), and the wholesale merchants.'^The nexus and network of this indigenous class formed a powerfiil block which resisted colonial intervention in their dominion. The problems for the Bengal Government were not confined to those posed by the economic system mentioned above. The character of the movement of opium created a different set of problems. Malwa opium foimd its way to the Eastern markets through the Ports of Diu and Daman to which it was taken through Bombay, Baroda and other parts of princely states. It had to travel an extensive region comprising a large number of smaller states before it reached the sea. The problem was then one of controlling the transit of opium at all strategic points.'^What was equally important was that the quality of Malwa opium, was also improving rapidly. The increasing quantity and the rapidly improving quality of Malwa opium thus posed a grave danger to Bengal opium. ^^

13. Ibid. 14. Ibid. 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid. 17. Ibid,, p. 12.

131 Though the trade in Malwa opium was of a long standing, it was only since

1803 that the Bengal Government started to take it seriously and to take measures to

restrict it.

According to figures for 1800-01, 1801-02 and 1802-03, furnished by the

reporter general of external commerce at Bombay, an average of 1233 man (maunds)

of opium had been annually brought into Bombay for the purpose of export. This

works out to roughly 352 chests (of 140 lbs each).'*

Francis Warden, who was chief secretary to the Bombay government, noted that actually close to 700 chests (2000 Surat man) of the Malwa drug annually found their way to China at the turn of the century. *^

The Bengal goverrmient jealously guarded its opium monopoly and directed authorities at Bombay to nip the growing trade in Malwa opium in the bud: 'with this view His Excellency in coimcil desires that the cultivation of poppy may be immediately prohibited within the territories subject to the inunediate authority of your Goverrmient...'^°Accordingly, Bombay Regulation 1 of 1805 prohibited cultivation of poppy throughout the company's territories in Bombay presidency as well as the export of opium from Bombay to China.^'

From the moment of the inception of its 'Malwa opiimi' policy the East India

Company was confronted with the dilenuna of not being a major territorial power in

Westem and Central India. Unlike Bengal opium which was produced mainly in areas

18. Opium in bulk, especially those which was intended for export, was reckoned in 'chest.' The weight of Bengal opium chest was based on the Bengal factory man (maund) of 80 lbs: 1 chest = 2 factory man = 160 lbs (72.57 kg) of opium. To begin with, Malwa opium chests were also presumed to be 160 lbs. However by the second decade of the 19th century the net weigh of the Malwa opium chests came to be based on the Surat man in use at Bombay: 1 Malwa chest = 3.5 Surat/nan= 140lbs. 19. Warden, 1823 Minute, NAI, New Delhi. 20. Home Department Misc., 271, NAI, New Delhi. 21. Royal Commission on opium, Vol.IV, (London, 1895), p.27.

132 over which the company ruled directly, almost all of Malwa opium was produced

outside the British ruled territory at this time.

The acquisition of territory by the British in Western India had proceeded

tardily till the early 19* centiuy; Bombay had come to the company very early in the

second half of the 17"' century. Subsequently, Bankot in Konkan had been ceded to the British by ^epeshwa in 1755-56. The city of Bharuch had been acquired in 1772, lost in 1783 and reacquired in 1803. Salsette was taken over in 1774, Karanja island in the Karanja creek in the same year, and Surat, along with Rander, in 1800. In 1802-

03, Dholera and Dholka near Ahmadabad (but not the city itself), Kheda and some territory near Surat were the new additions made to Bombay's jurisdiction. It was not until after the Third Anglo-Maratha war that territorial expansion on a large scale took place. Then too directly British administrative control did not extended to the major opium yielding areas of Western and Central India.

In the begiiming, there was an idea to prohibit poppy cultivation altogether.

Measures were taken with prior consent of the Gaikwar chief to suppress poppy cultivation in Baroda and other princely states in Gujrat.^'* With regard to Gujrat, the directors noted that "prohibiting altogether the cultivation of the poppy within the territories under the immediate authority of the Bombay Presidency appears to be a measure of severity and calculated likewise to render our Government extremely unpopular particularly in Gujrat".^^ In a letter dated 1805, the court called the measures indiscreet ^* and pointed out, "in the province of Guzerat (Gujarat), poppy

22. Imperial Gazetteer of India, Provincial Series, Bombay Presidency, 2 vols (Calcutta, 1909), vol.1, pp.241, 270, 289, 307,332 and 355; vol. II, p. 147. 23. See Amar Farooqui, Opium City, p.24. 24. Benoy Chowdhury, Op.cit, p. 12. 25. Letter fromCour t of Directors, October 1805, SRBC, Nos. 8/17, NAI, New Delhi. 26. Benoy Chowdhury, Op.cit, p. 12.

133 is not planted or cultivated for the purposes of profit or exportation, but for the

consumption of families".^''

So this part of the general plan of Wellesley 'for the prevention of further

growth of the commerce and for its ultimate annihilation' had to be dropped. The

court was aware of the precariousness of the company's position in Western India and

pointed out that as the Malwa opium trade 'has existed for centuries past, we very

much doubt the policy of attempting at once to annihilate it.'^*

The alternative measure was to restrict the trade as far as possible. The

Bombay Regulation 1 of 1805 prohibited the export of any species of opium other

than Bengal opium from Bombay. Agreements were concluded with the princely

chiefs of Mahikanta Political Agency (1812) and the Government of Gaikwar (1817-

1818) to prevent opium from reaching the sea coast through these states. In the first

phase of the struggle, that is from 1803 to about 1818, the company prohibited the

shipment of at British or foreign ports in India of any opium, except Bengal opium, in

vessels sailing xmder the British flag. Later on, it made freaties with various Gujarat

states and with Baroda to prevent Malwa opium from reaching the sea. Even if control

over trade from Bombay were perfect, the importance of the Portuguese ports could

not be ignored. The opium was carried across Karachi to the Portuguese port of

Daman and Diu. From these ports, the Portuguese Vessels carried it to the eastern markets of China and earned an enormous amount of profit.^' The Portuguese, who not only had coastal colonies at Goa, Daman, and Diu but also outer anchorages on

27. Ibid. 28. Letter fromcour t of Directors, 9 April 1805, SRBC, Nos.8/17, NAI, New Delhi. 29. Benoy Chowdhury, Op.cit., p.l2. 30. Ibid. 31. J.C. Joshi, Lord William Bentinck: His Economic, Administrative, Social and Educational Reforms ( New Delhi, 1988), p.61.

134 East Timor and a terminus in Macao, were eager competitors with the British.^^

Wellesley could persuade the Viceroy at Goa to prohibit the growing trade in Malwa

opium from these ports which alarmed the Bengal Govemment.^^

The Portuguese had been active in fostering the Malwa opium, and had

allowed the use of their possessions in Western India, particularly. Daman and Diu,

and Macao (Aomen) in China for the purpose.^'* Though successive British envoys to

Goa did warn the company from time to time of attempts to use Portuguese enclaves

for shipping Malwa opium to China, the company's officials had not yet fully grasped

the extent of the smuggling network.^^ There was fairly certain information that

during the season 1817-18 nearly 1828 chests of opium (320 candies) had been

brought into Daman till the beginning of April 1818.^^ According to the report of the

Royal Commission on opium, it was during 1814-1818 that the competition between

the Bengal and Malwa varieties in the Chinese market 'became critical.'^' The select

committee of supercargoes at Canton conveyed to the Governor General in 1817 that

'in the present season the importation of Malwa opium to Macao alone amounts to

1200 peculs (1200 chests)'.Besides, some Malwa opium had also been imported into

TO Whampoa.

Very little could thus be done towards restricting the opium trade of Malwa

and Rajasthan. On the one hand, the existing trade could not be shackled; on the other

hand, the general prevalence of peace after the removal of the Pindari menace in

32. Norbert Peabody, Hindu Kingship and Polity. p.l35. 33. Benoy Chowdhury, Op.cit, p. 12. 34. Cf. M.N. Pearson, The Portuguese in India The New Cambridge History of India, vol.l.partl, (New Delhi, 1990), pp.146-147 and 153. 3 5. Bombay Government to Governor General, 18 July 1805, SRBC, Nos. 17/23, NAI, New Delhi. 36. S. Marriott, Collector, North Concan (Konkan), to Warden, 8 Aprill818, SRBC, Nos. 17/23, NAI, New Delhi. 37. Royal Commission on opium, vol.Vl. P.49. See D.E. Owen's, Op.cit., p.85. 38. Select Committee, Canton, to Governor General, October 1817, SRBC, Nos.10/15, NAI, New Delhi.

135 1817-1818 immensely stimulated opium production in Malwa.^' However, in 1818

with the large-scale acquisitions following the Third Anglo-Maratha war having been

attached to Bombay presidency, restrictions on the cultivation and trade in Malwa

opium were sought to be imposed more rigorously. Bombay Regulation I of 1818 and

a few subsequently made cultivation of poppy and checking the smuggling trade more

effectively.^"

At this stage, the company was concentrated on various Indian ruled states in

Gujrat with the objective of checking the transit of Malwa opium through their

territory, from the area of production to sea ports. In an agreement of September 25,

1820, with Baroda, it was laid down that, 'Any merchants or individuals introducing

opium secretly for sale into the Gaikwar territories to be subject to have the property

confiscated; and any opium brought secretly from the company's districts for sale to

be confiscated in the like manner.''*'

The Kathiawar chiefs were similarly asked to issue notifications prohibiting

the transit of opium, except that specifically authorized by the company, through their

territories: "Should any opium be brought on carts, camel's bullocks, vessels, or by

any conveyance without a pass, the opium vidth the conveyance will be confiscated."'*^

The British appears to have been imder the impression that by denying Malwa opium a point of exit along the Gujarat coast, it would be possible to choke the trade in it and hence, the very production of the items. This would account for the fact that initially they were content to direct their attention towards prohibiting the transit of

39. BenoyChowdhury, Op.cit., p.l3. 40. Royal Commission on opium, Vol.Vl, p.52. 41. C.U. Aitchision, A Collection of Treaties. Engagements and Sanads Relating to India and Neighbouring Countries, Fifth edition, Vol.VI.(Calcutta, 1932), p.362. 42. Ibid., p.34.

136. Malwa opium through Gujarat and for this purpose entered into agreements with several Gujarat states.

As new dimension of the problem unfolded, the company became aware of the

need to shed all notions of easily overcoming the challenge. Sind could still provide

an outlet to the sea. The routes linking areas of poppy cultivation m Western and

Central India with Sind, passing through Mewar, Marwar, Jaisahner, etc, were still

open.*

By the second decade of the 19* century, there was akeady a strong local

vested interest in opium production in Malwa. In 1819, British officials dealing with

the problem conceded that some competition from Malwa opium would have to be tolerated.'^^The issue was discussed m detail by the British Government at a meeting on July 23, 1819. Henceforth it was recognized that the company would have to step into the Malwa market.'*^ At this meeting notes submitted by two members of the board of trade, which through its opium office had been keeping a tab on the opium trade, were considered. The two members, J.P. Larkins and G. Udny, in separate notes, drew attention to the widening gap between the demand for opium and its supply through the company's auctions at Calcutta. The substance of the suggestions offered by Larkins and Udny was that the deficiency could be made up 'if we call the resources on the Western side of India to our aid.''*' The company decided to establish

* It was only in 1843 when Sind came under the British control, the effective choking of opium trade via this route was possible. Until then a large portion of opium of Malwa had been conveyed through Sind to Karachi, and thence onwards to the Portuguese ports of Diu and Damaun. See George Watt, A Dictionary of The Economic Products of India, Vol. VI, Part 1, p.94. 43. Government of India to Bombay Government, 23 July 1819, SRBC, 1819, Nos.3 5/23, NAI, New Delhi. 44. Ibid. 45. Notes of Larkins, 11 January 1819; Notes of G. Udny, 15 April 1819, July 1819, SRBC, Nos. 34/23, NAI, New Delhi.

137 an agency in Malwa for the purpose of annually purchasing on their account as large

quantity of opium as possible."*^

Late in 1820, an official named James Taylor was sent to Malwa as deputy opium agent to buy opium on behalf of the East India Company.'*' These purchases were made in a free market, that is, the company did not as yet accord to itself the right to exclusively determine the price at which it would buy the opium, or even to be the sole buyer. This willingness to operate in a free market within Malwa was the outcome of a complacency bom of the belief that a port no longer being available to the commodity, the company would be regarded as benefactors in making purchases from opium cultivators, who would be hard pressed to find a market.^*

The plan did not work. After the initial 'sensation' caused by news of the company's decision to buy up large stocks of opium directly from Malwa, Indian businessmen were seem to quickly adjust to the changed situation.'*' They managed to keep a large quantity of the opium out of the company's reach. One of the British officials named Taylor, made purchases of opium at prices which were far too high in the estimation of the British Government^" due to hording and smuggling of opium by the big traders. Then by September 1820, Taylor was informed that large quantities of the available supply had been smuggled out of Malwa via Rajasthan and Sind,^* Since it was not a part of the Government's plan to buy up as much as was produced, the consequence was that the surplus quantity found its way into the illicit smuggling

46. H.R. Ghosal, The Bengal Residency, 1793-1833 (Calcutta, 1966), p.l21. 47. Parish to Wellesley, 22 November 1820, SRBC, April 1821 ,Nos. 19/6, NAI, New Delhi. 48. Indore resident to Bombay Govermnent, 30 July 1819, November 1819, SRBC, Nos.9/12, NAI, New Delhi, 49. Wellesley to W. Newnham, acting chief secretary, Bombay Government, 30 July 1819, November 1819, SRBC, Nos. 9/12, NAI, New Delhi. 50. D.E. Owen, Op.cit., p.90. 51. Taylor to Mackenzie, June 1823, SRBC, Nos.41/12, NAI, New DeUii.

138 trade. The agreements with the princely chiefs also were only partly effective. The

restrictive regulations 'operated with the most serious hardships to the monied

agricultural and mercantile classes, producing the ruin of many and causing general

dissatisfaction and distress.'^^

The restrictive measures drove the opium trade into a forbidden channel-

smuggling on a large scale. The motives behind carrying on the smuggling trade were

so powerful that the agents of the Bengal Government were simply outwitted by the

ingenuity of the smuggler's devices.^^ An English file mentions that, 'opium

smuggling was carried on by railway, in wooden casks and bundles of hides, and that

in sending the goods fictitiousname s were employed for the consignor and consignee,

in order to prevent their being tressed.^''

The old policy of purchasing opium fi-om Malwa was not abandoned, but an

important change was suggested. The old policy was imimaginative; it miscalculated

on the attitude of the princely rulers to the restrictive policy what the Protagonist of

the Bengal monopoly failed to understand was that the rulers, having no interest in the

success of the restrictive policy, could be indifferent to its success or failure. The new

policy was to rouse their enthusiasm by making it possible for them to share in the

benefits from the monopoly. The new policy was as thought by the British was one of

'purchasing opium at a moderate price and allowing the princely chiefs a share in net

receipts'. ^^

Now there was a fresh drive for 'shackling' the Malwa opium. The firstnativ e state to be drawn within the system was Udaipur in 1824, since the natural route of

52. Benoy Chowdhury, Op.cit, p.l4. 53. Ibid. 54. FD, Secret I., March 1895, Nos., 19/23, NAI, New Delhi. 55. Ibid.

139 Malwa opium crossed through the state. In consideration of a compensation of 40,000 sonat rupees, the chief would prevent sale and transit of opium through his state and see to it that opium provided for internal consumption might not go to the illicit traders. Unlicensed opium was to be confiscated and the arrangement would be largely supervised and controlled by a Political Agent.'^Similar treaties providing for the supply of a specified quantity of opium at a fixed price, the restriction of the area under poppy and the prohibition of export of opium without the sanction of the British

Government, were concluded with a number of states like Kota, Amjhera, Indore,

Dhar, Ratlam etc." When in September, 1827, the Political Agent at Udaipur pleaded for an enlargement of the preventive service to stop the transit of opium, Metcalfe made his conviction that the "measures for the establishment of a monopoly of opium in our favour in foreign states have excited great disgust and alarm, that they are oppressive and unwarrantable." Metcalfe pressed for a thorough enquiry. Amherst, the Governor General and Bayley, a member of the council disagreed with the basic view of Metcalfe, but did not object to the proposed enquiry.^^

The enquiry of 1828 finally exposed the system and demonstrated exactly that

Metcalfe was not exaggerating.^^ The system did not obviously work with equal injury to all the classes and to all the territories within it. But the system was economically ruinous and politically inexpedient was fi-ankly admitted. Discontent against the British system was mounting m too sure a way to be misunderstood. The local chiefs found themselves more and more isolated as they lost affections of important communities genuinely aggrieved over the failure of the chiefs to afford

56. Ibid. 57. Ibid. 58. Ibid. 59. Ibid. 60. Ibid.

140 them protection.^' Lt.Hislop was "deeply convinced that the just and due

maintenance of our supremacy in Central India is incompatible, as well in principle as

in practice, with the restrictive system", and he suggested that 'the wisest and most

political course would be to absolve such states as many desire it from their

engagements, even though the utter ruin of the Bengal monopoly should be the

consequence.'^^

The Marwaris, controlled a fair share of the Malwa opium trade. Without

them and thek Rajasthani network it would not have been easy to defeat the colonial

objective of monopolizing Malwa opium. Malcolm, when pitted against Ujjain and

Bamagar Marwari syndicate, discovered how potent the 'combition of Oujein and

Nolye soukars (who) are almost all from Marwar, and are united by tribes as well as

interest', could be.^^

The really important dealers whom we hear of in the first quarter of the 19*

century are Lakshmichand Panjray, Jadonjee Chabeelchand, Bhaidas Gokuldas, Appa

Gangadhar and Bahadur Mai Seth.^The 'very old established house' of Bhaidas

Gokuldas was another 'great dealer in opium' at Ujjain as was Jadonjee

Chabeelchand.^^ Ganesdas Kisnaji was the leading establishment at Indore. Ganesdas

Kisnaji was the name of Tatya Jog 'Kibe's PedhV. His involvement in smuggling

opiimi to Daman was well knovra. The firm 'had a share in all opium smuggled to

Daman in 1822'.*^

61. Ibid. 62. Ibid. 63. Malcolm to close, 3 March 1821, end. 'A', SRBC, Nos.2/23, NAI, New Delhi. 64. Wellesly to Newnham, 20 September 1819, SRBC, Nos. 13/12, NAI, New Delhi. 65. Walker to Grant, 24 August 1803, SRBC, Nos. 4/3, NAI, New Delhi. 66. Swinton to Trotter, 7 August 1827, SRBC, Nos. 25/12, NAI, New Delhi.

141 Besides a numbers of Ahmadabad sahukars, there were other Gujrati traders

too carrying on the trade at Surat, Cambay, Jambusar, Baroda, etc.^^At the Bombay

end, a growing number of indigenous merchants together with Portuguese, Armenian

and private British traders provided the link between Malwa and China.^*

At another level with the opium trade opening up new vistas and holding out

the prospect of large returns, petty traders were prepared to speculate in opium. Small

time operators in Malwa who were willing to risk capital, which was probably

borrowed, pooled together their resources 'which were entrusted to one of their

member, who managed the business and divided the profit'.^' The effort was to ensure

that, given the uncertainties involved, individual losses would be minimal in the event

of failure. It was too much of a gamble to finance a venture entirely on one's own. At this level, the operation was broken up into several segments so that a particular group which had come together for the period of a venture restricted its involvement to a familiar environment. To go beyond this envirorunent in the absence of proper resources, a centralised organization and sufficient information, all of which only bigger traders could possess, would have been risky.'"

In order to escape detection, opium was carried fi-om Malwa concealed in loads of grain and cotton. Opium was also smuggled in carts, specially constructed for the purpose; in tin vessels; on camels back; in Karwas (used for bringing water); in railway luggage; in bales of cloth; in wooden boxes in pillow covers; in bags of aj'wain (dill seed); in bags of garlic; in water jugs; in drums; in sitars(a kind of guitar);

67. W. Clarke, envoy to Goa, to J. Duncan, Governor, Bombay, 26 June 1805, SRBC, Nos. 25/26, NAI, New Delhi. 68. Taylor to Flower, 28 June 1982, SRBC, Nos.59/I9, NAI, New Delhi. 69. A. Robinson, Collector, Eastern Zillah North of Myhee, to Bombay Government, 28 April 1819, SRBC, Nos. 28/23, NAI, New Delhi. 70. Ibid.

142 in flower-pot s and mats. Sometimes sleeves were also used for this purpose. Opium

was also carried by horsemen 'sewed up between the folds of their saddles'.

Occasionally it was 'secreted among loads of grass or Boosah and this was

transported by coolies hired for the purpose'. British officials were aware that there

were 'doubtless many other modes of smuggling' of which they had no information.^'

An English file mentions, "The most famous smugglers were Palawar

Brahmans of Indore. It was their habit to practice this illicit trade sometimes by

themselves and sometimes through the agency of their servants engaged specially for

this purpose. Next in order was the caste of Bania. Besides these other persons of

different castes who traded in smuggled opium were Thakur, Teli (oil-pressers) etc.

Some well known smugglers were Ram Lai of Pali., Gheman Brahman of the

Oodeypore state; Tulsi Ram Brahman of the Indore; Hem Raj and Haji Harun of

Madras".'^

By the 1820, growing colonial intervention tilted the balance in favour of a route lying further north, passing through Rajasthan and Sind.^^ This route though longer rendered detection difficult and enabled the traders of Malwa and Rajasthan to make optimum use of their local connections and resources. Malwa and Gujrat sahukars had their establishment and branches well spread throughout Western India in order to help them to cope with opium trade, which tended to get increasingly dispersed.^"*

Persons traveling on foot generally carried on the trade, but when larger means of transport such as carts, camels, horses, and oxen etc. were employed the route

71. FD, Secret 1, March 1895, Nos. 19/23, NAI, New Delhi. 72. Ibid. 73. FD, Consultation-Political, 3 April 1838, Nos. 52, NAI, New Delhi. 74. Cf. Bombay Calendar and Almanac, 1842, Bombay 1842, NAI, New Delhi, pp. 8-10.

143 passing through Jham Ghat Hill, Mardana Ghat and Meri Ghat and Indore were

followed. When opium was smuggled in small quantities and the people carrying it

themselves, they also traveled by railways. The following foot-paths were generally

used such as Mhow, Mandlesar, Asirgarh, Rustampur and Burhanpur.'^ On leaving

Malwa, opium moved towards Rajasthan and reached Pali which was the major transit

point. From Pali opium was taken to Karachi in Sind usually through Rohat (district

Pali), Jodhpur, Dajar (district Jodhpur), and Jaisalmer.'^ An English file records,

"Pallee has been for a long time a noted market for smuggled opium in its raw state,

not only from Mhairwara, but fi-om Meywar, Kota, and elsewhere...which is passed

on thence for consumption in Jesulmere, Serohi, and Bikaneer, as well as Guzerat and

Kattywar"." There must have been a number of routes with which the company's

servants were not familiar. Not all opium went by open roads. A lot of it was

conveyed, as Caulfield discovered as mentioned above, along relatively unknown tracks passing through hills and jungles.^*

Small quantities of opium from several other sources too entered the indigenous export network. A portion of opiimi earmarked for internal consumption was syphoned off for the purpose of smuggling. The company made a provision setting aside a part of opium produce of Malwa opium for local consimiption. A large quantity of Malwa opium was also imported into Juggiahpett from Hyderabad, Indore,

Omravaty, Ajmere, Kota, and other places, and thus finds its way into the Madras

Presidency for exportation and sale.^^

75. FD, Secret-I, March 1895, Nos. 19/23, NAI, New Delhi. 76. Royal Commission on opium, vol. IV, p.28. 77. FD, Political-A. Progs, February, 1875, Nos. 3/4, NAI, New Delhi. 78. Caulifield to Governor General, 18 August 1826, SRBC, Nos. 20/14, NAI, New Delhi. 79. Papers relating to opium question (Calcutta, 1877), NAI, New Delhi.

144 Rai Bahadur Amrik Singh, who was employed on special duty by the British

Government to enquire into the opium smuggling, gives a very interesting account

regarding opium smuggling. He writes, 'there is a Swami at a temple in Ujjain who

purchases opium direct from the cultivators at about Rs.2-8 or s.3 a seer. He does not

himself smuggle opium into Government territory, but Chuni Lai, Plawar, Chattarbhuj

and Murli Banias purchase it fromhi m and send it into Berar and Khandesh. He gives

about two maunds of opium for a svim exceeding the cost price by one hundred

rupees. He also arranges conveyance. Besides, the said profit of Rs.lOO, the Swami

takes another hundred for cart-hire and for keeping watch on the road. Out of the last

item of a hundred rupees, he pays Rs.50 to Muhammad Bakhsh as a cart-hire and the remaining fifty he pays to the person whom he sends with the cart to keep watch over

it on the road. This Swami is a famous trader in Ujjain, and Mul Chand Bania of

Ujjain is in partnership with him. Opium generally carried to Jogai-Ka-Ambar in

Hyderabad state, Nagar Bejapur, Barsi (noted for gar or sugar), Barsi Road Railway

Station on the Madras-Bombay Railway, and Gulbarga. In Elichpur, Berar, they take

it to Ram Chand Bania. This has been their practice during the last twelve years, but none of their men have yet been arrested.

In 1829 British administrators admitted that their Malwa opium policy was a fiasco.^' What had started as an attempt to establish a monopoly of the kind which obtained in Bengal ended in a frantic search for some compromise formula to at least contain, as it was not possible to completely annihilate, the constantly expanding trade in Malwa opium. In the early 19^ century, an overconfident East India Company had tried to safeguard its Bengal monopoly by working towards completely preventing

80. FD, Secret I, March 1895, Nos. 19/23, NAI, New Delhi. 81. FD, Political, Government of India Resolution, 19 June 1829, Nos. 70/19, NAI, New Delhi.

145 any competition from Malwa opium in the Chinese market. It had then settled for

limited competition from Malwa opium, with the trade to be conducted under the

aegis of the company. This too had not worked or failed. The British officials also

expressed their views that, "it was suspected that Malwa opium gets into Madras

territories with comparative impunity, well, having got into Madras, it was alleged to

be exported to China".^^ It will be significant to cite here what the Government of

Madras once noted in a memorandum that "the smuggler's profits are enormous, and that they can afford to bribe to such an extent that neither custom duties nor laws can really protect the interests and revenue of Government".*^

Therefore accommodation was now the keynote of a new opium policy. This was manifested in the formalization of private participation in the Malwa opium trade

(through a system of passes issued on payment of a specified duty against which opium could legally enter British territory).*'' This meant that a large number of Indian traders were recognized as partners in the opium trade.

As we have already noted, from 1824 the Company mounted pressure on the princely states of Western India to check trade in Malwa Opium, and sell specified quantities of the opixmi produced in their respective territories exclusively to the

Company. It also kept a strict vigil at ports to prevent the export of the drug. None of these measures succeeded in giving to the Company access to the entire exportable produce of Malwa opium. Large quantities remained within an indigenously/locally controlled network. The Scindia state, the single largest producer of opium in the region, did not accept the restrictive measures that the company had proposed though

82. Opium question, Op.cit. 83. Ibid. 84. SRBC, January 1831, Nos.l5/18.See Section 2, Clause 1, Regulation XX of 1830, NAI, New Delhi.

146 negotiations with the Scindia Darbar dragged on till the end of the decade. The

company's strategy could scarcely have been effective without the inclusion of the

Scindia state. Most of the states which had agreed to implement the company's

Malwa policy had done so reluctantly and powerful opium lobbies in these states

often had the backing of the rulers themselves in their endeavour's to bypass the

restrictive measures.*^

The Government's failure to create an official monopoly of opium in

Western India reflected the power and influence of the network of opiimi dealers and merchants in this part of the country. This also made it difficult for Europeans to penetrate the opium market in the interior.*^

85. Amar Farooqui, Opium City, pp.30-31. 86. Asiya Siddiqi, 'The Business World of Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy', Asiya Siddiqi (ed.), Trade and Finance in Colonial India: 7750-1860 (New Delhi, 1995), p. 197.

147 nSwJEU 1 The British Opium Policy: Impact on Cultivators and Merchants

The cultivation and trade of opium which existed in India as early as in the

16 and 17 centuries was entirely free from state control. The merchants were alone

being the manufacturers and wholesale dealers and the representatives of the several

commercial companies, were merely the shipping agents. After acquiring political

supremacy in Bengal, Bihar, and Benaras, the East India Company took the trade mto

their own hands.' Thus first time opium brought under state control.

The qualitatively new element, which the East India Company tried to

introduce into the political economy of Malwa and Rajasthan during the 1820s, was

subversion of market relations. The British always attempted to subordinate the

commerce of Malwa and Rajasthan to colonial interest through using political,

military power and economic manipulations.

The colonial powers in the interest of their monopoly made it their policy to

crush or to fetter the 'Malwa Opium' frade.I t was in the beginning of the 19* century

that the Government of Bengal perceiving the advantages that the Malwa opium had

over that of Bengal took steps to check the passage of Malwa opium to the sea, as a

protective measure for the Bengal opium. To this period may be traced back the origin

of the levy of transit duty on Malwa opium.^

After the establishment of the political relations between the British

Government and the princely States in Malwa and Rajasthan in 1818, a proposal made

by the former to purchase annually 4000 chests of 'Malwa opium'.'' H. Hastings, who

1. FD, Intemal-A.Pros., Jan. 1909, Nos. 40/51, NAI, New Delhi. 2. Amar Farooqui, Smuggling as Subversion, p. 98. 3. FD, Intemal-A. Progs., January 1909, Nos. 40/51, NAI, New Delhi. 4. Ibid. was Sub-Deputy opium agent, Benares Agency writes in his report, "in the year 1818,

anxiety was caused by the competition of the Malwa drug with Bengal opium in the

China market. Arrangements were therefore made with certain states in western India

and a monopoly was instituted. After 10 years the scheme was foimd to be a failure, as it was impossible to check smuggling, and the indigenous rulers in central India began to view the system with disfavour. Their wealthy merchants, who had previously made large profits in the opium trade found themselves on the brink of ruin. The cultivators too were discontented at having to sell to the British opium

Agent at an arbitrarily fixed price".^

According to Joshi, "Lord Bentinck saw in 'Malwa opium' a profitable income and if its reaching to Portuguese hands could be prevented, the company would have a fi-eehan d in dictating its own price in the eastern markets. A wiser plan was suggested by Sir Jhon Malcolm, the governor of Bombay. After some hesitation the plan was finally adopted by the Lord William Bentinck in July 1830. He permitted the conveyance of opium from Malwa direct to the Bombay port and for this an efficient system of licenses was introduced".^

In July 1830, the Malwa opium was allowed by the British East India

Company, a direct passage to Bombay under a system of passes and payment of duty, or rather a fee, which was fixed at Rs.l75 per chest. This amount represented the total expenses formerly incurred by the merchants in sending their opium to Bombay by taking circuitous route through the territories of princely states.' To quote from the

Royal Commission's Report on Opium, "the object at first in view in assessing the

5. See H. Hastings, Opium in Malwa, NAI, New Delhi. 6. J.C. Joshi, Lord William Bentinck: His EconomicAdministrativr, Social and Educational i?e/om5 (New Delhi, 1988), p.61. 7. FD, Internal-A. Pros., Jan. 1909, Nos. 40/51, NAI, New Delhi.

149 duty was to secure that the cost of the opium as put down in Bombay by the cheapest

of the more circuitous routes through princely state territory and the duty was fixed at

Rs. 175 a chest".*

It is noticeable that even the expenses aggregating Rs.l75 a chest formerly incurred by the more circuitous routes was due to the prohibition of fi-ee passage for the Malwa opium, through the territories of the East India Company to the coast.'

The principle of the imposition of the fee in question was subsequently lost sight of and the Malwa opium began to be assessed with direct reference to the prices realised for the Bengal opium at Calcutta, and hence the amoimt of duty varied from Rs.l75toRs.700.'°

The Government monopoly of the Bengal opium had two fold effect of keeping down the Malwa opium production and trade by the steady expansion of the Bengal opium trade and keeping down the profits of the Malwa merchants by raising the duty in unison with the rise in the selling price. All this was so much contribution to the Imperial revenues.''

The heavy increase of duty resulted in reducing the profits derivable by the States from the poppy cultivation. It is noticeable, in this connection, that one of the few criticisms made by the opium commissioners in 1895 was directed against the severity of this very transit charge. "We are not sure, they said, that the transit duty has not some times been imposed or maintained at rates higher than what is compatible with equity".'^

8. Cf. FD, Intemal-A.Pros.,l909,Nos.40/51,NAI, New Delhi. 9. With the annexation of Sind in 1843 the Darbars/Native States were finally cut off from the sea, and the transport duty was raised to the highest limit which would have leave a margin of profit to the trade and allow an excise revenue to the Darbar, CIA, Excise Commissioners's office File No.30 EXC/1910-11, NAT, New Delhi. 10. Ibid. 11. Ibid. 12. FD, Intemal-A.Progs., Jan 1909, Nos.40/51, NAI, New Delhi.

150 The British opium policy subsequently affected various sections of the society

and many princely states, which produced opium and derived income from its trade.

An English file dated 2"** October 1839, mentions "the period have not yet,

perhaps arrived for judging of the sufferings which must ensue from losses through

opium speculations-there will be loss, in this part of the country, the enormous

amount which India must sustain-and the extent to which the Marwarees(Marwaris)

were engaged in this trade".'"'

The above excerpt reflects upon the response of Marwari community of

diverse origin towards the changing circumstances ensued after the coming of the

British and the various policies, which they adopted in Malwa and Rajasthan. The document frirther reads, "in the last year or two they have been gradually withdrawing their capital from this trade which they had foreseen to be on a very precarious footing and that the losses will fall principally on persons in the presidencies in

Guzerat (Gujrat), and Malwa".'''

The motives and factors responsible for the emigration of the Marwaris from their homeland and their trading activities to other places have been explained in terms of political and economic compulsions by authorities who wrote of the subject.

The establishment of British power (1756-1803), fiimished the conditions for the migration of Marwaris. It caused the decline of their older fields of activity in financing the warring princely states and trading along the Rajasthan's caravan routes.

The British imposed all sorts of discriminations against business based in the princely states of Rajasthan. The British conquest further curtailed many traditional avenues of

Marwaris endeavour.'^

13. FD, Political Consultation, 2 October, 1839, No. 47, NAI, New Delhi. 14. Ibid. 15. Dwijendra Tripathi (ed.). Business Communities of India: A Historical Perspective (New Delhi, 1984),p.200.

151 The document also records "the dissatisfaction manifested on the above

occasion was confined to the Gomashtas of the seths whose employers belong to

Futtehpoor in the Hurwattee who beside threatening to quit Kota themselves, stated it

to be the intention of the whole body of Marwaris to do so. Likewise assigning as a reason for taking this step that since the separation of the territory; trade of every description had greatly diminished, that they were almost altogether without employment, which added to the recent severe losses they have experienced fromth e failure of their opium speculations and their mercantile establishments remaining on the same expensive footing as before their position at Kota had become so much altered for the worse as to render it impossible for them to remain there any longer".'^

After the administrative changes effected through the resolution of June 1823, colonial authorities realised that a fundamental shift in their policy was called for if the opium produced of Malwa was to be monopolized by the company.Malwa dealers could be diverted of their control over opium if the various states of Malwa and

Rajasthan were made to intervene politically to Check indigenous competition. They tried to apply a stricter control over opiimi market of the region. In order to seek the intervention of the indigenously ruled states, negotiations were to be opened with them leading to signing of treaties whereby the opium producing states would give to the company the bulk of the opium at the fixed price. States which lay on the main route of illicit trade were to prohibit the transit through their jurisdictions. Thus all the states were to assist in suppressing indigenous opium enterprise.'^

16. FD, Political Consultation, 2 October 1839, Nos. 47, NAI, New Delhi. 17. Letter, Government of India to Wellesley, 18 July 1823, SRBC, Nos. 14/28, NAI, New Delhi.

152 The states to which it was proposed enter into opium agreements fell into three

broad categories.

(1) States producing opium in south eastern Malwa;

(2) Transit states in Rajasthan.

(3) The third category of states were those which were a combination both.

Of all the arrangements that concluded in 1825-26, those made with Kota and

Indore were the most notable ones. A British officer Caulfield who had been simultaneously negotiating with Bundi and Kota was aware that negotiations with the former would not be as smooth as in the case of Bundi owing to the fact that poppy was cultivated on a large scale in the former and unlike the later. Besides this, there

« IK was the involvement of 'extensive capital and great commercial enterpnse' at Kota.

It is instructive to note that the composition of the Manvari of different areas trading at Kota is given in the document. "Within the city of Kota there were 70 to 80

Manvari Dookans (retail shops) of which 8-10 belonged to Futtehpooreahs (of

Futherpur), and the rest belong to Bikaner, Nagore, Didwana in Marwar, Jaisahner,

Kishangarh and Jaipur.'^ This suggests that Kota had attracted merchants from various parts of Rajasthan.

The Kota treaty (July 1825), stated that the company would take up all good quality opium which Kota had to offer at the rate of Rs. 39.5 perpanseri (4.5 kgs).The treaty was initially valid for a period of six months, though it could be subsequently renewed. It was at the time of renewal of this treaty that Caulfield ran into trouble. As early as October 1825 Caulfield came to know that, the Sahukars of Kota were vehemently opposed to the renewal of the treaty. Very soon, it was also realised by

18. Ibid. 19. FD, Political Consultation, 2 October 1839, Nos. 47, NAI, New Delhi.

153 the merchant groups of Kota that such an attempt would ruin their trading

20 prospectives.

A treaty also signed formally with Holkar Darbar in February 18, 1826. Its

provisions were mostly identical to those of the Kota agreement. Further agreements

were made with the lesser states of western Malwa, which contained the same terms

as the Holkar treaty was. The principal on which the quantities were fixed was not very favourable to these states owing to their relative weak bargaining position.^*

An English file of Foreign Department, Revenue Branch, (Progs., October

1877, Nos.13/14) also mentions, "it has often been a source of just complain that the

Indian Govermnent do not receive from their officers that free and mainly description of the evils which peculiar measures that such exposition would not be palatable; and in no case has this been more apparent than in the recognition of our opium treaties in

Malwa and Rajasthan...limiting production, for prices in Malwa and Rajasthan had continued so high; as to serve as a premiimi".

In a note permed down by Mackenzie in which he stated that "the only important objections to the treaties considered generally seem to be those they do not absolutely fix the price to be paid by the Govermnent. The matter of the price payable could be taken case of by fixing "absolutely" the price at Rs.30 per panseri was perhaps may be a remunerative price". ^^

Mackenzie ignored reports that had been indicating growing pressure, by

Sahukars and the rulers of respective states, on peasants to hand over their opiimi produce at an unremunerative price. In Kota peasants were being forced to sell their

20. Agreement with Kota, dated 31 July 1825, SRBC, Nos. 22/8, NAI, New Delhi. 21. Caulifield to G. Swinton, 31 October 1825, SRBC, Nos. 14/24, NAI, New Delhi. 22. FD, Op.cit. 23. Agreement with Kota, dated 29 December 1825, SRBC, Nos. 16/2, NAI, New Delhi.

154 produce for as little as Rs.l8 per panseri. The East India Company was purchasing

opium through intermediaries. It was dominated by the Sahukars, while the bond

between the state and merchants/bankers was as strong as ever, profit margins of the

big opium traders was reduced, eventually rendering the peasants the worst

sufferers.^''

To quote Carl A. Trocki, "If the company monopoly stifled native Indian

capitalism in Calcutta, it certaiiJy encouraged the European and Asian firmsbase d in

that city which likewise dealt in the Imperial economy. The Calcutta firms, many of

which had links to some of the Bombay firms also had connections to agency houses

in Canton and other parts of Southeast Asia. These came to dominate the international

trade in opium during the middle years of the nineteenth century, which was a period

of explosive growth for the opium industry. Not only was the situation with the

Chinese government continually unsettled, since opium was illegal throughout this

period, but with production constantly increasing in India, the price was subject to

radical fluctuations.Thi s meant that the mortality of opium dealing firms was quite high. In the begiiming of this period, there were some 50 or 60 firms dealing with opium in India. By 1860, there were only a few left".^^

In Merwara the residents of Todgarh complained, "when the system of licenses for opium cultivation was made as the only measure to safeguard its illicit traffic, for the first three years, no duty on its cultivation was imposed, but fi^om 1905 onwards a very oppressive duty of four rupees per ser was inflicted on opium cultivation, Which led to the absolute ruin of many people...the nature of soil ,quality of climate, and deficiency of water in this tahsil, all tend to establish, that no valuable crop can be

24. Ibid. 25. Carl A. Trocki, Opium Empire and the Global Political Economy, p.85.

155 produced here. In such a condition opium was the only valuable crop in Todgarh.

Since opium was very seriously oppressed by a penalty in the shape of duty at 4

rupees per seer, and its people thus, were very hopelessly reduced to poverty and misery".^^

An official report of Foreign Department also records, "It appears that, if the existing excise tax on opium grown in Merwara continues the cultivation of the drug must cease and consequently, the area of cultivable land being strictly limited and it being impossible to substitute any other equally valuable crop for the displaced opium, a large proportion of the Todgarh population have to emigrate".

In 1907 a convention was held between the British Government and China regarding opium trade. It was decided that export of Indian opium to China was to be reduced annually till it ceases in ten years. At that time there were about 80.000 chests of Malwa opium and 60.000 chests of opium belonging to Rajasthan in the market which locked nearly 8 crores of capital. Since a great amount of capital which was advanced by the Sahukars in loans to the zamindar and cultivators for various purposes, such as the construction of irrigation work etc., and expended on building spacious factories and godowns for the manufacture and storage of opium was locked in the market. Now there was no chance of return from this investment instead a huge loss.^^

Opium trade also provided maintenance and daily bread to a large nximber of population, including the trader, the cultivator, the broker, the manufacturers, etc. and as the Sahukars were loath to risk any further capital in opium export to China;

26. File Mahekma KJias, year 1922, SI. No. 186, PadNo.l3, RSA, Bikaner. 27. FD, Intemal-Progs., January 1909, Nos. 40/51, NAI, New Delhi. 28. Ibid.

156 apprehended a loss of corers of rupees in opium which means ruin and starvation to

large number of people.^^

Raja Rao who was political secretary to Huzur Darbar Gwalior in a

representation to the British government argued that consequently the results of

abolishing opium industry will be so disastrous and extensive that it would be difficult

to gauge their magnitude. It may be safely asserted that the heavy loss of locked-up

capital will lead to bankruptcy of a very large number of opium merchant. Among the

large number of persons likely to be ruined will be those employed as makers of opiimi balls and chests, brokers, packers, porters, etc., will be thrown out of employment and deprived of their accustomed and adequate means of livelihood.

The loss at Indore just before March 1908, as a result on the fall of prices since the announcement of the other orders of the British Govenmient was in round figures was estimated about fourty lakhs of rupees as the prices of rest of the opium at

Indore governed the price in the rest of the Malwa. The total loss was therefore estimated to be about one corer and sixty lakhs.^'

A British official, H. Daly mentions, "In Indore city there are firms whose financial stability has hitherto been imquestionable, but who are now face to face with disaster entirely owing to all their capital and borrowed money being locked up in the opium trade." He further writes, "the trading groups at Indore were also particularly clamorous. The matter too was one not only of commercial but of political interest.

The cultivators of the princely states were all financed by the opium merchants and anything that hit the opium dealers would react on agricultural credit generally.

29. Ibid. 30. Ibid. 31. Ibid.

157 Moreover many of the smaller princes or chiefs were themselves financed by the big

dealers of Indore or Ratlam or elsewhere".^^

Another British official commenting on the views of Daly writes, "I think we

should also press for the serious consideration by the Foreign Department the real

danger involved in the ventilation by a high officer of Government of such notions as

those which the Agent to the Governor-General puts forward. We have quite enough

on our hands with the Malwa opium question as it already stands, and if the Agent to

the Governor-General's views should by any mischance become generally known in

the Native States, the solution of the practical question before us might be impeded.

The agitation regarding the supposed "economic drain" fi-omBritis h India to England

shows how easily misapprehension may take root and how impossible it is to extirpate

it. We do not want any outcry about the "economic drain" Irom Native States to the

British India, nor is it, as I venture to think, within the competence of an Agent to the

Governor-General to elaborate official attacks on fimdamental principles of fiscal

policy".^^

M.S.D. Butler who was officer on special duty commenting on the position of

the states which produced opium wrote in 1909, "opium is the life of Malwa...

Suddenly without warning, without even previous consultation, an order has been

passed which has struck at the prosperity of the state. This has upset their equilibrium

and the feeling is such that it threatens to undermme the cordiality of our political

relations".^'*

32. Ibid. 33. FD, Intemal-A, Progs., March 1909, No. 70, NAI, New Delhi. 34. Ibid.

158 Writing about Rajasthan an officiating commissioner expressed his views to

the Governor General, "to interfere with the manufacture of opium would be useless

and very difficuh to regulate; to prohibit the possession, save of taxed opium, would

require to make it at all effective an expensive establishment, and would be extremely

unpopular in this Rajput country where the cup of ami is the symbol of hospitality and

friendship".^^

It is interesting to note that even the British officials were well aware about the consequences of their own policies which at times they criticized also.

The cultivators and zamindars of Indore state also suffered great losses. As poppy was known to be the most remunerative of all the crops; the net profit which the cultivator made per acre after the usual deductions on account of the expenses of cultivation, rent etc., was much large than they made fi-om any other crops now there was loss due to the British discriminations. To give an idea in figures, about losses sustained by these classes of the chiefs subjects, the area of poppy cultivation has to be considered here. In 1893-94 land under poppy cviltivation was 94,542 acres in the

Khalsa (crown land) and 19,169 acres in the estates of Jagirdars, both guaranteed and unguaranteed, thus making a total of 1,13,711 acres for the whole states. This area reduced to a maximum of 50 thousand acres in Khalsa lands.''*

The loss, which was directly sustained by the states, was also enormous.

Firstly there was a loss of land revenue at the rate of Rs.40 per acre per year.

Secondly there was a loss of income derived from opium customs that amounted to over two lakhs a year.

35. File Mahekma Khas, President Opium Committee, year 1922, SI. No. 186, Pad No.l3, RSA, Bikaner. 36. FD, Intemal-A, Progs., January 1909, Nos. 40-51, NAI, New Delhi. 37. Ibid.

159 The British Government made a notification regarding restriction on the

export of Malwa opium to 15100 chests for the year 1908. The knowledge that with a

continuous decrease of 10 per cent per annum, the cultivation and trade of opium was

going to be extinct in the next 10 years caused imeasiness to many princely states. The

feeling of distress was shared alike by zamindars (landed proprietors), opium

merchants, moneylenders, and thousands of cultivators, artisans, field labourers,

village menials, etc. The disappearance of opiiun meaning to them nothing short of

utter ruin. The numbers of such people were approximately put down, one-half of the

total population of Malwa.^*

The groups most vitally concemed in the opivun business may be classed

under three distinct heads-

(1) Merchants

(2) Cultivators and landed proprietors and

(3) Darbar or Princely States.

The traders from Indore in a memorandum given to the British government wrote, "the memorialists have learnt that with the deepest concern and dismay that the benign Govenmient of India have in pursuance of negotiations entered with the celestial Government notified that in fiiture only 15,100 chests of opium would be exported from Malwa to China and this quantity would be reduced by 10 per cent every year, till export becomes nil...your Excellency the bitter truth is that this notification rings the death knell of the opium trade of Malwa, a trade which has given maintenance to the cultivators, opulence to the traders, and marked prosperity to more than one Native State of Central India and Rajputana, and to the town of

38. Ibid.

160 Bombay...we appeal to your Excellency to kindly judge our interests, or rather the

interests of free trade, received no consideration at all. But what concern the

memorialists most is that the blow has fallen without any warning. Its suddenness has

taken them with panic".''^

The document further records, "the magnitude of the blow will be evident

from a simple consideration of the simple fact that the price of opium formerly ranged

from Rs. 1800 to Rs. 2,000 per chest, since the declaration of the Government about

two years ago, the price has gone down Rs. 1,300 to Rs. 1,400 per chest. The

memorialists have got the lowest computation 80,000 chests of opium in stock. The

loss, at an average of Rs. 400 per chest, is apprehended at about three crores of

rupees. It is no wonder that the memorialists are alarmed, for their trade is shaken to

the very foundations. Since the government has shut the marts of Punjab and Madras

for Malwa opium, which is a heavy blow".'*°

Also in a representation to the British Government the opium traders of

Sitamau State expressed their grievances and suffering in these words, "when the

original duty on opium was only Rs. 600 per chest, the traders of this place could

directly export the commodity to China. The rise in the duty and the rule made about

selling the right to export opium and fixing an upset price had the effect of

transferring this trade from the hands of the local dealers to the bigger traders of other

states and thus putting a stop to the profits the former had been used to during the

period of the original duty. Thus while the local traders were exposed to all the risks

of the fluctuation in the price of opium, the profits went to fill the pockets of bigger

bankers outside the state. These now findtha t accumulation of stocks in their hand are

39. Ibid. 40. Ibid.

161 so excessive that they cannot be well disposed of. Government came to their help in

this hour of their distress stopped the sale of the right to export and thus stopped the

exportation of opium. This action, however, is opposed to the interests of the growers

and manufacturers of opium constituting the smaller traders in this commodity".*'

The Princely States were also dismayed by a piece of news when it was reported that government opium agents have circulated a notice among the opium merchants purporting that, with effect from the year 1912 the right to export will be assigned to the highest bidder/tenderer.'*^

The inhabitants of Chittor and Bhilwara made an appeal to the British government against the exorbitant land tax and tender system for getting opium selling rights. In their petition they said, "opium trade and its cultivation is very important in our life and from the time of our forefathers we are involved in opium cultivation. The increase in tax on land producing opium is very oppressive. We have heard that from now onwards govenmients will give contracts for selling opium through tender system to the highest bidder. In that case, Muslims and Kallal will come to bid for opiimi and get selling contracts. Since we belonging to higher caste such as Brahman, Oswal, Maheshwari and Jaf, how could we go to the shop of these people who eat meat and sales liquor. It deeply hurts our religious convictions so tender system should not be implemented".'*^

Besides focusing on the hardships of the people who were associated with opium trade, the above exfract also reflects the prevailing differences based on caste and religion in the society.

41. CIA, Excise Commissioner Office, File No.30, Exe/1910-11, NAI, New Delhi. 42. File Mahekma Khas, President Opium Committee, year 1912, Serial No.186, Pad No.l23, RSA, Bikaner. 43. Ibid.

162 From other states like Kota, Partapgarh, Ujjain, Dhar, Jhalawar and Ratlam

which depended heavily on opium production and trade, repeated appeals and

representations were made to the British government by individual traders and

merchant groups who were seriously affected by the restrictive and discriminatory

opium policy of the East India Company and the British goverrmient. However, the

British government did not provided sufficient arrangements for the clearance of the

existing stock of opium, which was blocked in the market. Other rules related to

opium were also not repealed and considered and a ban on free cultivation was also

imposed. In his reply to the local opium traders, J.H. Cox, who was excise

commissioner for central India said, "It is hoped that the traders of Malwa will refrain

from submitting further representation on the subject".'*^

Thus, it emerges from the above that Malwa opium ones proved to be a highly

profitable conmiodity and an important source of income to those who participated in

this business, caused economic hardships especially to the peasantry class, small

traders and local merchants of the region under study. They suffered due to heavy

taxation, repressive trade policies and above all mortality of opium frade with China.

Nevertheless some merchant groups were able to survive wdth their fradingstation s at

Bombay and other places but it cannot be ignored, that it was the survival of a few

while larger section suffered.

44. CIA, Excise Commissioner Office, File No. 30, EXE/1910-1911, NAI, New Delhi.

163 1 c©Nau$i© Conclusion

By the mid-eighteenth century, development of market forces had made deep

inroads into subsistence character of Indian agriculture. The Progressive monetisation

of rent and the resort to farming out the land-revenue by many of the regional rulers

of the princely states was one major force for this change. The demand of land

revenue in cash by regional states also propelled traders-moneylenders to 'invest' into

agricultural management at village level. This led to increasing commoditisation of

the trade in tobacco, sugar. Indigo and opivmi. Trade in cash crops, notably opium, did

exist in the pre-British India. However, the way the British promoted and trade-

policies adopted by them, marked a significant change. The coming period witnessed

a huge increase in poppy cultivation and enormous expansion of opium trade.

Production of opium in Malwa and Rajasthan may be dated back to 16 -17

century. Opium produced in this region was commonly known as 'Malwa Opium'.

Besides the nature of land that suited to poppy cultivation, there took place several

developments in Malwa and Rajasthan in IS"' and 19* century, which promoted

poppy cultivation and fostered opium trade. The end of the Maratha war and the

Pindari 'menaces' in early \9^ century, the stimulus provided by the rising market prices of opium and the prevalence of a 'free' system of production immensely stimulated poppy cultivation.' Since Rajputs were very fond of opiimi as intoxicant,^ it was therefore in great demand in all the princely states of Rajasthan and Malwa. It was customary among Rajputs to welcome guests by offering amal or munawwar piala.

1. See my chapter-1. 2. All the Rajputs indulge in this practice, and many to a great excess, but as the remainder of their food is so simple, and they touch no other stimulant of any kind, it of course does less harm than Europeans. Cf, Reginald Heber, Narrative of a journey, Vol.11., p.432. In Malwa small and middle peasantry used to cultivate poppy. At village level,

banias were intermediary between peasants and kamavisdars. They acted as a petty

shopkeepers and moneylenders. The small town sahukars and village banias were not

merely intermediaries and shopkeepers but they also played an important role in the

production as well as preparation of opium by completing the final stage in the

preparation of opium.

Opium provided a good source of revenue for the ruler of the princely states

who derived huge revenue in the form of taxes imposed upon opium trade. Various

taxes such as bhent, dalali, tulawat, tanka and Jajam were levied on opium. When

opium passed firomth e territory of one Jagirdar to that of another, a tax called khut

charged likewise. An extra cess called lata also levied on opiimi.

The existence of various trade routes that connected various villages and

towns of Malwa with other places, became a major factor in the growth and

development of opium trade in the region under study. Because of proximity to

Rajasthan, it was likely that Malwa had some migrant marwaris businessmen who

actively participated in the opium trade. As strong regional powers established at

Gwalior, Bhopal, and Indore in the late 18* century, more marwaris moved there. The

rulers, in and out of Rajasthan, offered various concessions/incentives to businessmen

who came and settled with their capital to invest and access "resource groups" to manage the production and trade in opium.

Pali in Rajasthan, owing to its advantageous geographical location became one of the most important centres, which facilitated transit trade of opium. From Pali, opium carried to Karachi, in Sind, usually through Rohat, Pokran and Jaisalmer. For local consumption in Rajasthan, opium was imported from Malwa. Opium was also

165 transported from Malwa and Kota to Jodhpur. From Kota, it was supplied to different

places such as Marwar, Bikaner and Jaisalmer. By the end of the IS*** centiuy, Zalim

Singh (1739-1824), the ruler of Kota, contributed to the development of opium trade

on large scale. The trade in opium duly taxed and was a source of large revenue to the

Kota State. This might be argued as one of the major reasons why Zalim Singh

ordered the construction of the new city of Jhalrapatan, in the extreme south of the

Kota; in the year, 1796 A.D. Jhalrapatan became an important wholesale centre of

opium trade.

Opiimi also produced in the Gangetic belt of Bihar. But here its cultivation and

trade was imder the strict control of the East India Company (hereafter EIC). Why

EIC took keen interest in opium cultivation and its trade? One of the major reasons

was that the EIC wanted to finance its tea trade with China. Increasing fondness for

tea in Britain encouraged the EIC to import large qxiantities of tea from China, which

eventually sent to Britain and other parts of the world for sale. The export of any

goods from Britain to China was insignificant and such goods were generally sold at a

loss in the Chinese market. The problem, then, was one of financingth e increasing tea

investment. The expansion of opium trade beginning in this way was helped by other

circumstances like the utilization of the China trade as a channel for remittance from

India to London.^ The EIC started promoting opium production in the Gangetic belt

(i.e. Bengal Opium). After the battles of Plassey (1757) and Buxar (1764), the British

were able to manage their control more effectively in the Gangetic belt and boosted

opium production in the area around it. The British created mechanisms for

controlling production, processing, vending and exporting opium and made huge

profits. Officials known as opium agents were put in charge of opium trade and poppy

3. See my Chapter-1. Also See Irfan Habib, 'Colonialization of Indian Economy', pp. 40-41.

166 cultivation. The opium poppy could only be grown under a contract to sell to the EIC

at a price fixed by it. Any attempt to evade this control was severely punished.

Concerted promotional efforts by the EIC led to a large expansion in the size of the

market. Another important consideration was that the Company's direct involvement

in the opium business put it in a position to encourage and facilitate the export of

increasing quantities of Bengal opium to China. The British through their constant

efforts expanded the market in China in order to dump the opium produced in the

Gangetic plain.

In Malwa and Rajasthan where opium production was constantly increasing

due to reasons mentioned above, the traders found China a potential market for

opium. The big merchants, who had contacts with the other traders such as Portuguese

and Parsis, started sending larger consigiunents of opium chests to China.

Data related to the opium cultivation and its trade during the course of the study indicates both the increase in area imder poppy ciUtivation and rise in export volimie of Bengal Opium and Malwa Opium to China as well. It therefore be said that the British through negotiations and later on by force, most notably Opium wars in

1840s, created a mass market for opium in China."* This attracted Malwa Opium producers who invested their capital and resource and actively participated in opium trade with China.

In fact, trade in 'Malwa Opium' carried as early as 16* and 17"" century with the help of Portuguese traders but in a small proportion in comparison to what it was during the British period. Now Malwa Opium claimed a big share in the China opium

4. 'It is British Commerce that has made the opium trade so easy and profitable; and it is the political influence of the British Government & the force of its arms that has secured for Malwa opium a market in China', Quoted from FD, Internai-A. Progs, March 1909, No. 70, NAI, New Delhi.

167 trade. Opium of Malwa and Rajasthan therefore rose as a non-company enterprise and

began to compete with the later in the Chinese market.^ Although far from as high in

quality or in consistency as the Bengal product, Malwa opium cost only half the price

of the more expensive product and some Chinese developed a preference for it.

The British tried to control the increasing size of Malwa Opium export in order to safeguard their profit, which they derived in Chinese market from the sale of

Bengal Opium. Various policies and several methods were adopted to control the expanding Malwa Opium trade. These policies were not very successful initially. The existence of various routes in Malwa and Rajasthan and the trading networks and nexus among the merchants at certain level helped the illegal trade to sustain the

British attempts to stamp it out.

After the political negotiations with various native states,^ the British tried to check and made efforts to control the growing trade in Malwa opium. First they entered the market as a buyer of entire produce of Malwa opium and subsequently tried to monopolise it. Secondly, the colonial government made agreements with the rulers of several princely states to check Malwa opiiun in their respective territories.

Various check posts and weighing scales and pass system against a lump sum money was instituted to regulate the opium trade. Traders were instructed by the British officials to follow particular routes for carrying opium. This added to the financial burden and hardships to the traders. The heavy increase in duty levied on opium, resulted in reducing profits derivable by the traders. The heavy taxation on land under poppy cultivation further led to decline in cultivation. This ultimately resulted in the

5. 'D.E. Owen has noted that it was by 1818 that the competition between the Bengal and Malwa varieties had 'become critical' in China', Cf. Amar Farooqui, Opium City, p.24. 6. See my Chapter-6.

168 fall in profits earned by the traders and princely states to which opium ones provided

a good source of revenue.

It therefore, led to resentment and development of "illegal" trade in opium.

Smuggling of opium developed into large complex organization. The existence of

numerous routes passing through various states, whose boundaries touched each other

and local passages through forests, hilly tracts in the region made it difficult for the

British to check opium trafficking. In the interiors of the coimtry where poppy was cultivated even by some tribes such as Mers, definitely facilitated trade in opium, created difficulties for the British.

The involvement of the Portuguese who had been active in fostering the

Malwa opium, by allowing the use of their possessions in western India particularly in

Daman and Diu for shipping Malwa opium to China, puzzled the Company's officials to grasp the extent of smuggling networks. Besides a number of Ahmedabad sahukars, there were other Gujarati traders too who carried on the trade at Surat,

Cambay, Jambusar, Baroda etc. At the Bombay a growing, number of indigenous merchants together with Portuguese, Armenian and private British traders (who derived large sum firom illegal trade) provided the link and channelized Malwa opium export to China.^

After the armexation of Sind in 1843, the British were able to check this passage more effectively. The British established check-posts and imposed heavy transit duty to control and discourage opium trade of Malwa and Rajasthan. This route was important for the traders because the opium was smuggled fi-equently through

Jaisalmer via Sind to Karachi and carried further to reach China. Overall Malwa

7. See my chapter-6.Also see Claude Markovits, The Global World of Indian Merchants, 1750- 1947,pp.39- 43. Also See Amar Farooqui, Opium City, pp.3-11. opium was taxed as high as possible. The high rates of transit duty had often caused

heavy losses to the traders. The various policies to control cultivation and trade in

Malwa opium, such as heavy taxation and transit duty etc., and later on agreement (in

1908) between the British Government and Chinese to ban opium export from Lidia

to China, resulted in the economic hardships of the peasants and traders associated

with the opium business. Nevertheless, the big merchants were able to sxirvive against

all odds. However, the common peasants and the petty traders and others who derived

their livelihood from opium suffered heavy losses.

Besides economic hardships that the opium brought due to the restriction of

the trade with China, it also spelled other problems in subsequent days, which

consequently gave rise to alcohol distillation units. In this way, the evil of opium

could be checked to whatever degree only by giving way out to another evil i.e., of

alcohol. Earlier offering opium in the form of amalpiala marked religious festivals,

births and funerals and used to signify the reconciliation of enemies. Under these

circumstances, nearly everyone consumed the proffered substance (opiate or amal pani) even though they might not ordinarily take opium. However, this ceremonial

use also died out slowly, partly due to the spread of western ideas and the substitution

of alcoholic beverages for opium, and partly due to economic necessity. The proliferation of the alcohol distillation units and its socio-economic impact is beyond the scope of this study, but it awaits a serious attention of historians.

8. See my chapter-7.

170 siL©$$ARy Glossary

Afim/Afiun Opium. Afim ro Jama A tax derived from opium. Afim ro sauda Speculation trade in opium. Amal pani Opiate. Anna Monetary unit, 1/16 of rupee. Arazi It means total area or land. Asami A cultivator/ revenue payer. Arhsatta/Adhasatta A type of revenue record giving details about a village. It also contains information about various crops and name/caste of the cultivators. Baniya/Bania Generic term for Hindu traders belonging to the merchant castes/middlemaiL Batai A revenue assessment based on a division of the crop at the time of threshing after the harvest. Beed The virgin or forest land aroxind a village. Bikaneer ra amal Opium of Bikaner. Bigha A unit of land measxirement corresponding to about 2/3 acres or about 2700 sq. Metres. Biswa One tvi^entieth of a bigha. Bohras Community of Shia Ismaili Muslims, originating from Gujarat. These people were often involved in money lending and opium trade. Chabutra A raised platform were tax was collected. A custom-house or station. Chest 1 chest is equal to 2 maunds and 1 maunds is almost 35 kg. Chak Literally an area. Chak beegha The measured area of a village in bighas. Chick Crude or raw opium. Chaudhary An honorific term to denote an intermediary right holder between the state and peasants. Charas An irrigation device. Cos/Kos During Mughal period a unit of distance of about 2 miles(3 Kilometres). Diwan Chief minister of a state. Dhari A measurement of weight. 5 sers/seers was eaual to one dhari. Doli/Dohali Service land, or lands granted rent-free by zamindars to village servants, to poor relatives, or religious mendicants. Darbar/Durbar The ruler or a native chief of a princely state in Malwa and Rajasthan/the royal court or assembly. Doab/Duab The land between two rivers. East India Company A joint stock company which ruled India, until the British government assumed direct rule in 1857. Farman/Firman Decree, proclamation, charter or a royal letter. Gomashtas/Gumastha A Persian term for an agent or sub-clerk. A factor or working partner. A representative often involved in delivering advances to peasants who were contracted to cultivate poppy. Huzuri Relating to the chief authority, to the local or general government as an attendant on the court. Under the Muslim rulers the term was sometimes applied to such lands as paid revenue to the Diwan or financial representative of the government. Haat A movable market, one held only on certain days in a week. Hundi A letter of credit or bill of exchange. lbs A imit of weight measurement. 1 kg is equal to 2.2 lbs. Jagirdar One who is holder of a jagir. Jagir was assignment of revenue of a particular land or a given source in lieu of cash salary. Jesulmer ra amal Opium of Jaisalmer. Jinsi A method of revenue assessment and collection in kind. Lata A tax or division of crop between state and peasants. Kamavisdar A Maratha revenue official. Khalisa Village Lands or villages held immediately of government, and of which the state is the manager or holder. Kutcha maund A measurement of weight. 20 sers/seers is equal to 1 Kutcha maund. Kharif Harvest during the autimin. Mahajan Means "great merchant". A moneylender-cimi-trader or a banker. Munawwar piyala Literally 'illuminated cup'. Here it is referred to cup of opiate. Marathas A power group of castes in seventeenth and eighteenth century India, with their base in the west of the subcontinent. Mauza A village.

172 Mali A caste of expert cultivators and gardeners often involved in poppy cultivation. Mapa A cess realised on trade transactions. Mai A type of agricultural land or land revenue. Muhtamin/Muhtamim A settlement officer, an officer of government employed to make a settlement of the revenue with the different villages. Mukhtar An agent, a representative, an attorney. Muhtasib A superintendent of markets & police, an officer appointed to take cognisance of improper behaviour, as of indecency, drunkenness, gambling; also of the sale of intoxicating drugs and liquors, and false weights & measures. Maharao "Great king", title given to rulers of Kota. Maheshwaris A trading caste. Man Unit of weight, ranging from2 0 sers to 40 sers. Mahal A province, a district, a division of a Taalluk. Moath/Mot The large bucket of a draw well. Marwaris Generic name for a cluster of Hindu and Jain castes originating from a part of Rajasthan. Marwaris constitute an important business community in India. Mandi Small market. Maund A measure of weight. 1 maimd= 40 seers. 1 seer is a little under a kg. Oswals A trading caste. Opium Narcotic drug obtained from the immature fruits of the opium poppy (Papaver somniferum), family Papaveraceae, by collecting & drying the juice from slightly incised fiaiits. The white juice coagulates & turns brown after exposure to air, & some types of opium appear black. Raw opium is marketed as lumps, cakes, or bricks that may be powdered or fiuther treated. Seths Wealthy merchants, especially the proprietors of a firm. Picul A weight derived from the Chinese standard of measures, although the word itself is of Malay origin. It is equivalent to about 133.3 lb. or about 60 kg Pargana Territory delimited by Mughal adminisfration for revenue and administrative purposes. Peevet/Peevat Irrigated land or land under irrigation. Panseri Approximately five sers/seers. Parsi Follower of Zoroastrianism. These people were generally involved in the opium trade.

173 Peshwa One of the leading Maratha rulers. Title given to the Maratha confederacy. Qasba A market town. Rahdari Transit duty, road toll. Rajput The warrior-cultivators caste to which many Indian princess belonged who ruled in the princely states of Malwa and Rajasthan. There are different views about their origin. Raiyyats Peasants or subjects. Parwana/Rawanna A letter. A royal command or edict. Rabi Harvest of the spring. Rekh The revenue estimate of a village. Sayaloo/Sayalu Harvest during the autumn. Sahukars/Saukar Big merchants, generally Hindu who acted as a broker-cum- trader. Seer/Ser A measure of weight equivalent to 1.92 lb or just imder 1 kg. Sarkar Territorial subdivision of a province (Suba) under the Mughals. Taels derived from the term "tahil". But when spelled in this fashion, it normally refers to the standard xmit of traditional Chinese currency. This Chinese silver Currency unit was abolished in 1933. Tafa An administrative unit that was smaller than a Pargana. Thakur Literally "lord," title of a feudal estate owner, more generally a courtesy title of Rajputs in North India. Mers An aboriginal tribe living in the parts of Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. Unaloo/Unhalu Harvest of the spring. The term referring to crops grown in the cooler months, eg. between November and April. Umarao A chieftain, landlord. Vakil An agent. Vikram Samvat The year order in various calendars. Zamindar Literally landowner, more specifically holders of landed estates, liable in returns for the recognition of their right of possession to pay their estate's land revenue. A fiscal intermediary. Zabti It means cash revenue rates.

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Central India Agency, Administrative Reports Indore, (1907).

M. Torri, 'Trapped inside the Colonial Order: The Hindu Bankers of Surat and their Business World during the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century', MAS, XXV, No.2 (1991). S. Subrahmanyam & C. A. Bayly, 'Portfolio Capitalists and the Political Economy of Early Modem India', lESHR Vol. XXV. No.4, (1988).

T. Braddell, 'Gambling and Opium Smoking in the Straits of Malacca' JIAEA, 1, (New Series: 77-87). Om Prakash, 'Opium Monopoly in India and Indonesia in the Eighteenth Century', lESHR, XXIV, No.l (1987).

H. Shankar, 'Some Aspects of Opium Trade in Rajasthan', RHC, (1967). G. Sharma, Some Aspects of Internal and External Trade in Rajasthan', RHC (Jodhpur session, 1967).

Irfan Habib, 'Colonialization of the Indian Economy 1750-1900'. Published article No.l 15.F.CAS, Department of History, AMU, Aligarh. John F. Richards, 'Opium and the British Indian Empire: The Royal Commission of 1895', M^i", 36,2(2002). , 'The Indian Empire and Peasants Production of Opium in the Nineteenth Century', MAS, XV, No.l (WU).

185 David Hardiman, 'Elite Conflicts in a Trading Empire', EPW, Vol. XVI, No.50 (1981).

J. Y. Wong, 'British Annexation of Sind in 1843: An Economic Perspective', AdAS, Vol. XXXI. No.2 (1997).

R. K. NewTTian, 'Opium Smoking in late imperial China: A Reconsideration', MAS, Vol. XXIX, No.4 (1995).

Tan Chung, 'The British-China-India Trade Triangle (1771-1840)', lESHR, XI, No.4 (December 1974).

Ralph Fitch, 'Voyage of Fitch to Goa and Siam.' In Richard Hakluyt: Voyages and Discoveries.' The Principal Navigations Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nations, 1583, ed. Javk Beeching, 252- 69, Penguin Books, New York, (1990).

The Royal Commission on Opium, NAI, New Delhi, Calcutta, 1896. The Opium Department Government of India, 'Report on the Administration of The Opium Department Inclusive of the operations of Bihar and Benares Opium Agencies' (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press 1893-94) Arnold Foster, 'The Report of the Royal Commission on Opium compared with the evidence from China that was submitted to the Commission: An Examination and an Appeal", In Reports of the Royal Commission on opium, London, Government Printing office, London, 1899.

Report of the Royal Commission on Opium (Final Report) Parts I-II, vols. VI-VII, London, 1985.

Gazetteers: A. M. Sinha, Madhya Pradesh District Gazetteers, Ratlam Directorate of Gazetteers, Department of Culture, (Bhopal, 1994) A. M. Sinha, Gazetteer of India, Madhya Pradesh, Rajgarh (Bhopal, 1996) B. N. Dhoundiyal, Rajasthan District Gazetteer, Jhalawar (Jaipur, 1964) H. B. Abbott, Rajasthan District Gazetteer, Kota (Jaipur, 1982)

10/: C. E. Yate, Gazetteer of Pratabgarh, The Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. Ill (Calcutta, 1879)

K. D. Erskine, Rajputana Gazetteers, The Mewar Residency Vol. II. A & Vol. II B, Vintage Books (First Print New Delhi, 1908)

Imperial Gazetteer of India, Karanchi to Kotayam, Vol. XV, OUP (New Delhi, 1908)

Imperial Gazetteer of India, Mahbubabad to Moradabad. Vol. XVII, Today & Tomorrow's Printers & Publishers, (New Delhi) Imperial Gazetteer of India, Provincial Series, Bombay Presidency, 2 Vols., (Calcutta, 1909)

Imperial Gazetter of India, Central India Agency (1907-1908) by C.E. Luard

Jaora State Gazetteer, British India Press, (1908) Jhabua State Gazetteer, British India Press, (1908) Narsinghar State Gazetteer, British India Press (1908) P. N. Srivastav, Madhya Pradesh District Gazetteers, Indore, (Bhopal, 1971)

Rajendra Verma, Madhya Pradesh District Gazetteers, Dhar Directorate of Gazetteers, M.P, (Bhopal, 1984) Rajendra Verma, Madhya Pradesh District Gazetteers, Mandsaur, (Bhopal, 1993)

Savitri Gupta, Rajasthan District Gazetteer, Jhalawar (Jaipur, 1964).

187 MIT IT ISUxlB^'11^159 A Note on Appendices

The following Appendices-A, B and C are copy of original documents (Kota Records, RSA, Bikaner). These revenue records are related to agricultural practices. They show year-wise, information about kinds of land such as arable, fallow, uncultivable and lands in charity. The Folio 2, 4, 6 of the appendices show the names of peasant, length & breadth (kadh & dhap) of area (bighd), along with the crop. These documents mention the name of crops such as q^M(opium), 5'a6//(vegitable),7eero/j(cumin seeds) vfln/van/(cotton) etc.

The Appendix-D is also extracted from the Kota Records. The folio shows the names of the administrative units (pargana), Jalvaro, its total area out of cultivated and uncultivated land. This document is partially damaged but retains information about the description of land.

The Appendix-E, highlights the fluctuation, rise and fall in the opium trade. It shows opium exports to foreign lands (China) during 1829-1900. The early 1860s was a boom period for Asian commerce. This was partly related to the demand for the Indian cotton created by the American civil war and partly to the newly legal opium market in China. The opium trade in China was legalized after the second opium war of 1857-60. The British government itself pushed Indian opium production to 92,131 chests in 1865-6. This figure included both Malwa and Bengal opium. The graph shows decline of opium trade particularly after 1885.

The Appendix-F (1) & F (2) is related to opiimi smuggling. These documents register the incidents of opium smuggling into the Bombay presidency. It shows the names of the districts, name and addresses of the accused and quantity of drugs seized. "Illegal" opium was generally brought from Shikarpur, Thar, Surat, Khandesh and were exported to Sind, Mandvi for local consumption.

The Appendix-G shows the diminishing demand for Malwa opium in China. It records the years( 1870-80, 1880-81, 1881-82) months (April to November) and places such as Indore, Ratlam, Dhar, Ujjain, Udaipur, Bhopal from where opium was exported to China. The Appendix-H, copied from CIA, Excise Commissioner's Office, File No.34/1913, EXC.Z, NAI, New Delhi. It reflects the response of, the British government towards the opium traders of Malwa and Rajasthan region. Several petitions were submitted to the British government by the opiimi traders, to reconsider some of the policies (of the British) due to which opium stock I the market was blocked. The extract also exhibits the imperialist nature of the colonial government which at times talked about its 'benevolence'.

The Appendix-I (Folio 1-5), is in fact a long letter of grievances, which the residents of Chittor and people of its neighbouring rural areas submitted to the British government as a petition. It mentions, "higher caste people; Brahmans, Maheswaris, Oswals, Jats etc, came to know about the ban imposed on trade and opium production. We, for generations are dependent on this trade and poppy cultivation to maintain our family and business. From the time, since the decline in this trade started- our condition became deplorable. The stoppage of poppy cultivation in Mewar led to a serious setback to the general population. This is not hidden from you (the government)."

Among the other things, the document also shows that due to the introduction of tender/bid system for getting selling rights (of opium), the sentiments of higher caste people deeply hurted. They said in the petition that now persons irrespective of caste and religion such as Muslims and Kallals and other low caste people will also come to bid in case if there will be an open bidding. Then how we, the high caste people, will go to the shops of these people who also eat meat and sell liquor. Thus, besides providing information about the British opiimi policy and response of the local populace, these documents also present the existing social differences based on caste and religion.

The Appendix-J, is an original copy of royal edict/letter. This letter shows imposition of ban on opium in Mewar state. It also underlines various rules related to opium. APPENDIX - A

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tCbe GkjTamment of tadkliaire received atimerousrepresdatatioas submitted by ladividual members and by groups of members of tbe Malwa Opium Trade, requesting that various step be taken with the objeot of securiag a market tor the 8|poks of opium »t present iu existence la Malwa, and in particular praying— ((») thai ^ whole of these stocks bo purohaaed by QoTcrnment} and (1) tibmt the purchase to be made by Government be jxtade M afiacMl pnoe oetermined otherwiso than by tender. l*b&m teplfesentationa, and the circumstances of the trade, have received the most careful consideration at the hands of the Government of India) MA their decision, whieh w finai, is as follows, vh t—* (1) la view of the persistent warninp whiob have been given in the past, KJgarding the cessation of the export of Malwa opium to China at the end of 1018» the-Qovernment of India accept no responsibility whatever as regards the accmlRilation of stocks, and they arc not prepared to buy the whole of the existing 8tooks« as deaiied by the merohanta, It ia purely as an act of grace that they have undertaken to purchase ia Malwa a quantity of opium equal to the differenoe between the quantity notified for export to CMaa iu 1918 and the quantity actually exjported: and this very liberal cono^on represents the absolute limit to which the Govern­ ment of India are prepared to go. 0Lti February 1809» the stocks of opium in existeno© to Wihm w«are estimated, after very careful inquiry, as 45,000 obcsts. The quantity of opium exported from Malwa since the end of February ^^ 1909 has araouated to SA,281 *ciie8ts—a quantity •loma&l iiwos BuiBjcient, together with the opium ooasumed in Pwri^ ". M73 Centrallndia and ilajputanadming the last four years, - - to absorb the whole of the stocks in existence at the ^^*^^ comraeucement of that period. All opium since produced has been brought into existence despite the warnings given by Government, and the Government of India can accept no responsibility whatever in ri^ard to it),, (2) The Government of India cannot accede to the prayer that the prioa fixed for such opium as may be bought on behalf of Goverameat moder the decision recently announced be fixed otherwise than by tender. B ^ toped that the traders of Malwa will reoc^nise tbe finality of these decisions and will refrain from submitting further representations on the subject* seeing that it is imixjssible that such representations should contain either argumcuts or suggestions that have aot alrmdy b^a most carefully con»ider«| by Government.

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Plate I Showing Poppy Field, its flower matured plant and process of extraction of raw juice (chick) from poppy pod

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