The Dangers of the Union by Henry Wheaton. Edited and with An
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Not the King's Bench Edward A
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 2003 Not the King's Bench Edward A. Hartnett Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Hartnett, Edward A., "Not the King's Bench" (2003). Constitutional Commentary. 303. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/303 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NOT THE KING'S BENCH Edward A. Hartnett* Speaking at a public birthday party for an icon, even if the honoree is one or two hundred years old, can be a surprisingly tricky business. Short of turning the party into a roast, it seems rude to criticize the birthday boy too harshly. On the other hand, it is at least as important to avoid unwarranted and exaggerated praise.1 The difficult task, then, is to try to say something re motely new or interesting while navigating that strait. The conference organizers did make it easier for me in one respect: My assignment does not involve those ideas for which Marbury is invoked as an icon. It is for others to wrestle in well worn trenches with exalted arguments about judicial review and its overgrown descendent judicial supremacy, while trying to avoid unseemly criticism or fawning praise. I, on the other hand, am to address more technical issues involving section 13 of the Judiciary Act of 1789 and its provision granting the Supreme Court the power to issue writs of mandamus. -
FEDERALISTS, FEDERALISM, and FEDERAL JURISDICTION This
FEDERALISTS, FEDERALISM, AND FEDERAL JURISDICTION * ALISON L. LACROIX This article sheds new light on the origins of three central obsessions of federal courts and constitutional law scholarship: the question whether lower federal courts are constitutionally required; the relative powers of Congress, the Supreme Court, and the lower federal courts to define federal jurisdiction; and judicial supremacy. The article’s central claim is that the expansion of federal judicial power to the lower federal courts was a crucial element of the Federalists’ project of building national supremacy into the structure of the Republic. Federalists such as Chief Justice John Marshall consciously used judicial doctrine to fill in where they believed Congress had fallen short in establishing federal jurisdiction. Between 1801 and 1835, most notably in Osborn v. Bank of the United States (1824), the Marshall Court carried out in caselaw what the political branches had been unable to do after the election of 1800: grant the lower federal courts the power to hear all cases arising under federal law. Judge-made doctrines therefore operated as a substitute for a legislative grant of jurisdiction, and actors in both institutions understood themselves to be in dialogue with each other. The traditional story of the Marshall Court’s nationalism has overlooked both this link between law and politics and the importance of the lower federal courts to early republican visions of the proper federal structure. *Assistant Professor of Law, University of Chicago Law School. I thank William Birdthistle, John Carson, Andrew Coan, Adam Cox, Rosalind Dixon, Tom Green, Dan Hamilton, Aziz Huq, Bill Novak, Richard Primus, Gil Seinfeld, and the participants in the University of Michigan Law School Legal History Workshop and the University of Wisconsin Discussion Group on Constitutionalism for helpful comments and discussion. -
The Constitution in the Supreme Court: the Powers of the Federal Courts, 1801-1835 David P
The Constitution in the Supreme Court: The Powers of the Federal Courts, 1801-1835 David P. Curriet In an earlier article I attempted to examine critically the con- stitutional work of the Supreme Court in its first twelve years.' This article begins to apply the same technique to the period of Chief Justice John Marshall. When Marshall was appointed in 1801 the slate was by no means clean; many of our lasting principles of constitutional juris- prudence had been established by his predecessors. This had been done, however, in a rather tentative and unobtrusive manner, through suggestions in the seriatim opinions of individual Justices and through conclusory statements or even silences in brief per curiam announcements. Moreover, the Court had resolved remark- ably few important substantive constitutional questions. It had es- sentially set the stage for John Marshall. Marshall's long tenure divides naturally into three periods. From 1801 until 1810, notwithstanding the explosive decision in Marbury v. Madison,2 the Court was if anything less active in the constitutional field than it had been before Marshall. Only a dozen or so cases with constitutional implications were decided; most of them concerned relatively minor matters of federal jurisdiction; most of the opinions were brief and unambitious. Moreover, the cast of characters was undergoing rather constant change. Of Mar- shall's five original colleagues, William Cushing, William Paterson, Samuel Chase, and Alfred Moore had all been replaced by 1811.3 From the decision in Fletcher v. Peck4 in 1810 until about 1825, in contrast, the list of constitutional cases contains a succes- t Harry N. -
Joseph Story: the Age of Jackson
Missouri Law Review Volume 34 Issue 3 Summer 1969 Article 1 Summer 1969 Joseph Story: The Age of Jackson Gerald T. Dunne Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.missouri.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Gerald T. Dunne, Joseph Story: The Age of Jackson, 34 MO. L. REV. (1969) Available at: https://scholarship.law.missouri.edu/mlr/vol34/iss3/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at University of Missouri School of Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Missouri Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Missouri School of Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dunne: Dunne: Joseph Story JOSEPH STORY: THE AGE OF JACKSON* GERALD T. DUNNE"* Dedication: To Bray Hammond 20 November 1886-20 July 1968 [O]ne of these rare and happy spirits who elude the traps which ensnare the rest of us; one of those finer minds, wncommitted to narrow intellectual categories, who contributed a new interpretation to American history. He is one whose "works do follow them." Reverend Paul Rahmeier, Chaplain at Dartmouth College, Memorial Service, August 26, 1968. I. Two INAUGURALS A. King Mob One Justice had been injured in an upsetting of a stagecoach, another was ill, and a third was beset by the infirmities of age. As a consequence of these and other mishaps the 1829 Term of the Supreme Court got off to a belated start. Those who sought omens might well see in such individual misfortunes the foreshadowing of an institutional adversity, and certainly nothing in the approaching inauguration of Andrew Jackson offered much comfort to the philosophy of the Marshall Court. -
John Marshall As Chief Justice
DEFINING THE OFFICE: JOHN MARSHALL AS CHIEF JUSTICE † CHARLES F. HOBSON Credit for making the United States Supreme Court a significant player in the American scheme of government has been attributed to the masterful leadership of John Marshall, Chief Justice of the United States from 1801 to 1835. By the latter year, the Supreme Court had acquired a kind of parity with Congress and the Executive that it did not possess in 1801. Central to this development was the Court’s ap- propriation of the Constitution as its special preserve. Marshall and his brethren built up the Court’s institutional strength by successfully asserting a claim to expound the Constitution and apply it as law in the ordinary course of adjudication. Although the Chief Justice’s con- tribution to this enterprise far exceeded his proportional share as a single Justice, scholarship has long since exploded the myth of a he- roic Marshall who dominated the Supreme Court by the sheer force of his individual genius and will. Such a myth ignores the historical real- ity that Marshall’s success as Chief Justice resulted from the interplay between his exceptional leadership abilities and the peculiar circum- stances of time and place that allowed those abilities to flourish and have effect. “A great man,” Oliver Wendell Holmes famously said, “represents a great ganglion in the nerves of society, or, to vary the figure, a strategic point in the campaign of history, and part of his greatness consists in his being there.”1 Marshall, in short, was the right man in the right place at the right time. -
Dilemma of the American Lawyer in the Post-Revolutionary Era, 35 Notre Dame L
Notre Dame Law Review Volume 35 | Issue 1 Article 2 12-1-1959 Dilemma of the American Lawyer in the Post- Revolutionary Era Anton-Hermann Chroust Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Anton-Hermann Chroust, Dilemma of the American Lawyer in the Post-Revolutionary Era, 35 Notre Dame L. Rev. 48 (1959). Available at: http://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr/vol35/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Notre Dame Law Review by an authorized administrator of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE DILEMMA OF THE AMERICAN LAWYER IN THE POST-REVOLUTIONARY ERA Anton-Hermann Chroust* On the eve of the Revolution the legal profession in the American colonies,' in the main, had achieved both distinction and recognition. It had come to enjoy the respect as well as the confidence of the people at large. This is borne out, for instance, by the fact that twenty-five of the fifty-six signers of the Declaration of Independence, and thirty-one of the fifty-five members of the Constitutional Convention were lawyers. Of the thirty-one lawyers who attended the Constitutional Convention, no less than five had studied law in England.2 The American Revolution itself, directly and indirectly, affected the legal profession in a variety of ways. First, the profession itself lost a considerable number of its most prominent members; secondly, a bitter antipathy against the lawyer as a class soon made itself felt throughout the country; thirdly, a strong dislike of everything English, including the English common law became wide- spread; and fourthly, the lack of a distinct body of American law as well as the absence of American law reports and law books for a while made the administra- tion of justice extremely difficult and haphazard. -
Comr10n LAI'i COPYRIGHT for TEACHERS
COMr10N LAI'I COPYRIGHT FOR TEACHERS JAMES E, COOK I. 'INTRODUCTION Copyright is a limited monopoly in a form of expression which resides in the author of a wrli ting. l The authority of the federal government to grant copyright protection is found in the Constitu- tion, Article I, section 8, clause 8, which empowers Congress "To promote the progress of science and th'e useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries." In speaking of this clause, James Madison wrote, "The utility of this power will scarcely be questioned. n2 But, he also went on to say that copy right "has been adjudged, in Great Britain, to be a right of common law."3 And, common law is, indeed, an important source of copy- right protection in the United States as well. The Copyright Act, section 2, provides: Nothing in this title shall be construed to annul or limit the right of the author or pioprietor of an unpublished work, at common law or in equity, to pre vent the copying, publication, or use of such unpub lished work without his consent, and to -obtain damages therefor. 4 - It should be noted that this section exempts only unpublished works from the formalities of the Copyright Act. After "publica- tion," a term of art in copyright law, the author's sole protec- tion is that afforded by the federal statute. Thus, in one sense, common law copyright is more limited than is statutory copyright. But, there are other facets to common law protection of literary property, and it is the aim of this paper to give a 2 brief treatment of some of them. -
William Johnson, the Dog That Did Not Bark? Mark R
Vanderbilt Law Review Volume 62 | Issue 2 Article 4 3-2009 William Johnson, the Dog That Did Not Bark? Mark R. Killenbeck Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr Part of the Judges Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation Mark R. Killenbeck, William Johnson, the Dog That Did Not Bark?, 62 Vanderbilt Law Review 407 (2019) Available at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr/vol62/iss2/4 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vanderbilt Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. William Johnson, the Dog That Did Not Bark? Mark R. Killenbeck* "Is there any point to which you would wish to draw my attention?" "To the curious incident of the dog in the night-time." "The dog did nothing in the night-time." "That was the curious incident," remarked Sherlock Holmes. -Arthur Conan Doyle, Silver Blaze (Adventure XIII), MEMOIRS OF SHERLOCK HOLMES The conventional wisdom is that Justice William Johnson, Jr., was the "the first dissenter."1 This is not literally true. The first published opinion of the Court was Georgia v. Brailsford,2 in which each member of the Court expressed his views seriatim. Ironically, the first to speak was the first Justice Johnson, Thomas of Maryland, 3 whose reasoning helped create a 4-2 split that produced a number of Supreme Court firsts: the first published set of opinions, the first split decision, and the first dissent. -
Witt Bibliography: Lincoln's Code
Witt, Lincoln’s Code Bibliography Witt Bibliography: Lincoln’s Code BOOKS and BOOK CHAPTERS Abbott, Charles Abbott. A Treatise Of The Law Relative To Merchant Ships And Seamen. Joseph Story, ed. Newburyport: Edward Little, 1810. Abell, Francis. Prisoners of War in Britain, 1756 to 1815: A Record of Their Lives, Their Romance, and Their Suffering. London: Oxford University Press, 1914. Ackerman, Bruce. We The People 2: Transformations. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1998. Adams, Charles Francis. Seward and the Declaration of Paris: A Forgotten Diplomatic Episode, April-August, 1861. Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1912. ———. Ed. Memoirs of John Quincy Adams. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1874-77. ———. An Address on the Character and Services of William Henry Seward. Albany: Weed, Parson, 1873. ———. The Struggle for Neutrality in America: An Address Delivered before the New York Historical Society at Their Sixty-Sixth Anniversary. New York: Charles Scribner, 1870. Adams, Ephraim Douglass. Great Britain and the American Civil War. 2 vols. New York: Longmans, Green, 1925. Adams, Henry. History of the United States of America During the Second Administration of Thomas Jefferson. New York: Charles Scribner, 1890. Adams, Isaac E., ed. The Life of Emery A. Storrs. Chicago: G. L. Howe, 1886. Adams, John. Marine Rules and Regulations. Philadelphia: John Fenno, 1798. ———. Rules for the Regulation of the Navy of the United Colonies of North-America. Philadelphia: William and Thomas Bradford, 1775. Addison, Alexander. Analysis of the Report of the Committee of the Virginia Assembly, on the Proceedings of Sundry of the Other States in Answer to Their Resolutions. Philadelphia: Zacharian Poulson, 1800. 1 Witt, Lincoln’s Code Bibliography Alden, John Richard. -
Customary International Law, the Separation of Powers, and the Choice of Law in Armed Conflicts and Wars
DEHN.37.6.3 (Do Not Delete) 7/14/2016 5:22 PM CUSTOMARY INTERNATIONAL LAW, THE SEPARATION OF POWERS, AND THE CHOICE OF LAW IN ARMED CONFLICTS AND WARS John C. Dehn† After over fourteen years of continuous armed conflict, neither courts nor commentators are closer to a common understanding of how, or the extent to which, international and U.S. law interact to regulate acts of belligerency by the United States. This Article articulates and defends the first normative theory regarding the general relationship of customary international law to the U.S. legal system that fully harmonizes Supreme Court precedent. It then applies this theory to customary international laws of war to articulate the legal framework regulating the armed conflicts of the United States. It demonstrates that the relationship of customary international law to U.S. law differs in cases involving war and other exercises of “external” sovereign powers from cases involving “internal” powers of domestic governance. In cases involving the exercise of external sovereignty, including sovereign powers of war, the Supreme Court traditionally applied customary international law as an exogenous, nonfederal rule of decision. The Court articulated this “external” choice-of-law framework in Paquete Habana: “[W]here there is no treaty and no controlling executive or legislative act or judicial decision, resort must be had to the customs and usages of civilized nations.”1 The Article then examines the Court’s wartime and related jurisprudence in order to more thoroughly explicate the Paquete Habana framework in the context of armed conflicts, demonstrating the Court’s apparent understanding of the relationship of international laws of war to the Constitution and laws of the United States. -
M'culloch and the Turned Comma
M‘CULLOCH AND THE TURNED COMMA Michael G. Collins† HARP-EYED EDITORS might think something was wrong with the citation: M‘Culloch v. Maryland.1 What looks like an apostrophe is upside down and backwards. But upside down and backwards is how it appears in the caption of the case in Svolume 4 of Wheaton’s Reports. Moreover, that is how it appears throughout the opinion, as well as in the margins on every page; and there are similar examples – such as “M‘Arthur” or “M‘Millan” – elsewhere in the same volume.2 Still further review shows the apostrophe reversed and inverted in all of Wheaton’s Reports where one might have expected to see “Mc” or “Mac”.3 Readers may simply overlook the fact that the apostrophe was reversed, or if they notice at all, just assume that an apostrophe was intended. Indeed, the author of a comprehensive book-length treatment of the M‘Culloch case determined that, rather than adopt the spelling “McCulloch” throughout the book and follow those who “forsake the apostrophe,” he had instead “adopted the spelling † Michael Collins is the Joseph M. Hartfield Professor of Law at the University of Virginia. 1 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 316 (1819). 2 See, e.g., M‘Arthur v. Browder, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 488 (1819); M‘Iver v. Walker, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 445 (1819); M‘Millan v. M‘Neill, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 209 (1819). 3 A check of the Table of Cases at the beginning of each of Wheaton’s volumes, under the entry for “M” will provide quick confirmation. -
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections
VOL. 48 1905 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections VOL. Ill Quarterly Issue Part 2 THE DIPLOMATIC SERVICE OF THE UNITED STATES WITH SOME HINTS TOWARD ITS REFORM^ By ANDREW D. WHITE, LL.D., D.C.L. Regent of the Smithsonian Institution, Sometime President of' Cornell University, Minister Plenipotentiary at St. Petersburg and Ambassador at Berlin Remarks of Mr. S. P. Langley, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, introducing Doctor White. A number of years ago Mr. James Hamilton left a small bequest to the Smithsonian Institution, the income of which was to be " appro- priated biennially by the secretaries, either in money or a medal, for such contribution, paper, or lecture on any scientific or useful subject as said secretaries may approve." The Regents of the Institution decided to let this small sum accu- mulate, and it is only recently that the Secretary has found himself able to commence to employ the income as a lecture fund. The lectures may be on any scientific or useful subject, but surely no subject is more useful or important than that which tends' to pro- mote a general peace among mankind, and I am fortunate in being able to present to you to-day one who can speak with authority on the diplomatic service of our country, which has at all times signally and successfully aided in promoting this great object of the peace of the world. I have now particular pleasure in introducing to you as the first lecturer in the series one whose name is so prominent in these annals of American diplomacy, as that of the Honorable Andrew D.