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John Chrysostom's Use of Luke 16:19–31

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John Chrysostom's Use of Luke 16:19–31 Wendy Mayer Banyo JOHN CHRYSOSTOM’S USE OF LUKE 16:19–31 The aim of this article, by examining the way in which John Chryso- stom interprets and applies the parable of the rich man and Lazarus, is to assess how this parable ę ts into his theology of salvation and, more importantly, what relationship he draws between it and the topics of wealth and poverty and care for others (usually the giving of alms).1 In terms of the writing and preaching of John Chrysostom, there has been considerable analysis over the last two centuries of his exegesis2 (1) The research on which this article is based constitutes part of a larger project, Poverty and Welfare in Late Antiquity, supported by a Discovery Project grant awarded Pauline Allen, Bronwen Neil and myself by the Australian Research Council. Our approach is to examine the subject from two diě erent perspectives by way of three focused studies: one on Antioch and Constantinople via the writings of John Chrysostom; one on North Africa via the writings of Augustine; and one on Italy via the works of Leo I. In this way we hope to be able to trace the continuities and discontinuities in thought and practice between three distinct geographic regions across the later fourth to mid ę Ğ h centuries CE. The two perspectives from which we examine these geographic regions are those of the reality (economic, material, social) of poverty and welfare, in so far as this can be recovered, and of the discourse about poverty and welfare that these three inĚ uential Christian clerics employ. The project, which runs from 2006–2008, is in its early phase and this article constitutes a preliminary analysis of one aspect of the second of these two perspectives: the Christian discourse. For preliminary results from analysis of the ę rst perspective see W. MюѦђџ, Poverty and society in the world of John Chrysostom, in: W. BќѤёђћ, A. GѢѡѡђџіёєђ, C. Mюѐѕюёќ (eds.), Social and Political Life in Late Antiquity (Leiden: Brill, 2006) (Late Antique Archaeology 3.1) 465–484; and Iёђњ, Poverty and generosity towards the poor in the time of John Chrysostom, in: S. Hќљњюћ (ed.), Wealth and Poverty in Early Church and Society (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2008) 140–158. (2) E.g., R. C. Hill’s numerous articles and books on John’s Old Testa- ment exegesis; H. Aњіџюѣ, Rhetoric and Tradition: Chrysostom on Noah and the Flood (Leuven: Peeters, 2003) (TEG); F. AѠђћѠіќ, El Crisóstomo y su visión de la escritura en la exposición homilética del Génesis, Estudios Bíblicos 32 (1973) 223–255, 329–356; G. AѠѡџѢѐ-Mќџіѧђ and A. Lђ BќѢљљѢђѐ, Le sens caché des Écritures selon Jean Chrysostome et Origène, SP 25 (1993) 1–26; G. BюёѦ, Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 01:54:14AM via free access 46 Scrinium IV (2008). Patrologia Pacię ca and theology,3 and a smaller quantity of work on his moral stance on wealth and poverty,4 but no study which focuses on this particular parable in his works or on its role in his discourse on poverty. Rudolf La méthode exégétique du Commentaire inédit sur les Proverbes aĴ ribué à Jean Chrysostome, SP 37 (2001) 319–327; L. Bџќѡѡіђџ, « Et la fournaise devint source »: l’épisode des trois jeunes gens dans la fournaise (Dan. 3) lu par Jean Chrysostome, Revue d’Histoire et de Philosophie Religieuses 71 (1991) 309–327; D. A. Gюџџђѡѡ, An Analysis of the Hermeneutics of John Chrysostom’s Commentary on Isaiah 1–8 with an English Translation (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1992) (Studies in the Bible and Early Christianity 12). (3) E.g., M. Zіѡћіј, Theos philanthropos bei Johannes Chrysostomos, OCP 41 (1975) 76–118; Th. N. ZђѠђѠ, Anthropos kai kosmos en te oikonomia tou Theou kata ton hieron Chrysostomon (Thessaloniki: Patriarch. Hidruma Paterikon Meleton, 1971) (Analekta Blatadon 9); Iёђњ, He soteria tou anthropou kai tou kosmou (kata ton hag. Ioannen Chrysostomon) (Thessalonike: Paterika 2, 21992); B. H. Vюћёђћяђџєѕђ, La théologie du travail dans Saint Jean Chrysostome, Revista española di Teología 16 (1956) 475–495; P. G. AљѣѼѠ ёђ SќѢѠю, Pneumatología de los textos sacerdotales de San Juan Crisóstomo, in: Teología del sacerdocio 17: La Pneumatología en los Padres de la Iglesia. Facultad de Teología de Norte de España — Sede de Gurgos, Instituto «Juan de Avila» (Burgos: Ediciones Aldecoa, 1983) 63–78; I. Bюáћ, L’aspect pneumatoligique de la vie morale du chrétien selon Jean Chrysostome, Augustinianum 37 (1997) 327–331; L. R. Bюџћюџё, Christology and Soteriology in the Preaching of John Chrysostom, unpub. D. Th. diss., Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1974; B. BќяџіћѠјќѦ, L’Esprit du Christ dans les sacraments chez Jean Chrysostome et Augustin, in: C. KюћћђћєіђѠѠђџ (ed.), Jean Chrysostome et Augustin. Actes du colloque de Chantilly 22–24 Septembre 1974 (Paris: Éditions Beauchesne, 1975) (Théologie historique 35) 247–249; E. BќѢљюџюћё, La venue de l’homme à la foi d’après saint Jean Chrysostome (Roma: Univ. Greg., 1939) (Analecta Gregoriana 18); J.-P. Cюѡѡђћќѧ, Le baptême, mystère nuptial: théologie de saint Jean Chrysostome (Venasque: Éd. du Carmel, 1993) (Centre Notre-Dame de Vie 5). (4) O. AћёџѼћ, On works of charity in the homilies of St. John Chrysostom, in: G. SѤђћѠѠќћ (ed.), Kyrkorna och diakonien. Nagra Ekumeniska och Internationelle Perspektiv. FestskriĞ till diakonissan Inga Bengtzon (Uppsala: Pro Veritate, 1985) 39–52; R. Fіћћ, Almsgiving in the Later Roman Empire. Christian Promotion and Practice (313–450) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006); M. J. Dђ Vіћћђ, The advocacy of empty bellies: Episcopal representation of the poor in the late Roman empire, unpub. PhD diss. (Stanford, 1995); A. Cюџіљљќ ёђ Aљяќџћќѧ, San Juan Crisóstomo y su inĚ uencia social en el imperio bizantino del siglo IV (Madrid: Ist. pedag. FAE, 1934); G. FљќџќѣѠјѦ, St John Chrysostom: The prophet of charity, St Vladimir’s Seminary Quarterly 4 (1955) 37–42; B. Gќџёќћ, The problem of scarcity and the Christian Fathers: John Chrysostom and some contemporaries, SP 22 (1989) 108–120; D. L. GџђђљђѦ, St. John Chrysostom, prophet of social justice, SP 17.3 (1982) 1163–1168. Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 01:54:14AM via free access Wendy Mayer 47 Brändle’s detailed study of the pericope MaĴ 25:31–46 in John Chrys- ostom’s works is the closest analogy.5 Of perhaps even greater interest in regard to the gospel pericope that is the focus of this article, con- trary to the prevailing image of John Chrysostom as one of the greatest expositors of the Pauline epistles, it is his use of the gospels that has in reality excited the greatest interest.6 Within this body of scholarship one might expect interest in the gospels of MaĴ hew and John to domi- nate, since two lengthy series of homilies in which John exegetes them survive.7 But in fact the aĴ ention of scholars focuses almost exclusively on his use of MaĴ hew.8 Examination of his use of Lukan pericopes is (5) MaĴ häus 25,31–46 im Werk des Johannes Chrysostomus. Ein Beitrag zur Auslegungsgeschichte und zur Erforschung der Ethik der griechischen Kirche um die Wende vom 4. zum 5. Jahrhundert (Tübingen: Mohr, 1979) (Beiträge zur Geschichte der biblischen Exegese 22). (6) For discussion of his exegesis of Pauline material see, e.g., M. Mіѡ- ѐѕђљљ, The Heavenly Trumpet: John Chrysostom and the Art of Pauline Interpretation (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2000); F. M. YќѢћє, John Chrysostom on 1 and 2 Corinthians, SP 18.1 (1986) 349–352; B. Aљюћё, Trustworthy preaching: ReĚ ections on John Chrysostom’s interpretation of Romans 8, in: S. K. Sќ- ёђџљѢћє and N. T. Wџієѕѡ (eds.), Romans and the People of God. Essays in honor of Gordon D. Fee on the occasion of his 65th birthday (Grand Rapids, MI— Cambridge, UK: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1999) 271–280; P. G. AљѣѼѠ ёђ SќѢѠю, Fil 2,6 en los escritos de San Juan Crisóstomo, Scripta theologica 15 (1983) 83–106; A. D. Cюљљюѕюћ, John Chrysostom on Philemon: A response to Margaret M. Mitchell, Harvard Theological Review 88 (1995) 149– 156; F. Cќѐѐѕіћі, Da Origene a Teodoreto: la tradizione esegetica greca su Gal 2,11–14 e la controversia origeniana, in: W. A. Bіђћђџѡ, U. KҿѕћђѤђє (hrsg.), Origeniana septima: Origenes in den Auseinandersetzungen des 4. Jahrhunderts (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1999) 293–309; B. DђѕюћёѠѐѕѢѡѡђџ, Meke- ti hydropotei: Some Notes on the Patristic Exegesis of 1 Timothy 5:23, Louvain Studies 20 (1995) 265–270; Sr S. Dќћђєюћ, John Chrysostom’s exegesis of Ro- mans 5:12–21: does it support a doctrine of original sin?, Diakonia 22 (1988– 1989) 5–14; M. M. GюџӒ ќ GѢђњяђ, La justię cación por la fe y no por las ob- ras en las Homilías «in Epistolam ad Romanos» de Juan Crisóstomo, in: Qua ere Paulum. Miscelánea a Monseñor Dr. Lorenzo Turrado, vol. 39 (Salamanca: Bibliotheca Salmanticensis, 1981/82) 237–243. (7) In MaĴ . hom. 1–90 (CPG 4424), PG 57–58; In Joh. hom. 1–88 (CPG 4425), PG 59,23–482 and M.-É BќіѠњюџё, A. LюњќѢіљљђ, Un évangile pré-johannique, I–III, 6 vols. (Paris: Librairie Lecoě re, 1993–1996) (Études bibliques n.s. 17–18, 24–25, 28–29). (8) E.g., S. Zіћѐќћђ, Essere simili a Dio: l’esegesi crisostomiana di Mt 5:45, SP 18.1 (1986) 353–358; Iёђњ, AspeĴ i del rapporto uomo-donna nelle Omelie di Giovanni Crisostomo sul Vangelo di MaĴ eo, in: M. Mюџіѡюћќ Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 01:54:14AM via free access 48 Scrinium IV (2008). Patrologia Pacię ca singularly rare. This is somewhat peculiar when we consider that six homilies in which Luke 16:19–31 is the primary focus survive,9 while the parable receives mention to a greater or lesser degree in, at the very least,10 a further thirty-eight homilies, three leĴ ers, six treatises and three commentaries.
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