Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement Annex I
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Suicide Terrorists in the Current Conflict
Israeli Security Agency [logo] Suicide Terrorists in the Current Conflict September 2000 - September 2007 L_C089061 Table of Contents: Foreword...........................................................................................................................1 Suicide Terrorists - Personal Characteristics................................................................2 Suicide Terrorists Over 7 Years of Conflict - Geographical Data...............................3 Suicide Attacks since the Beginning of the Conflict.....................................................5 L_C089062 Israeli Security Agency [logo] Suicide Terrorists in the Current Conflict Foreword Since September 2000, the State of Israel has been in a violent and ongoing conflict with the Palestinians, in which the Palestinian side, including its various organizations, has carried out attacks against Israeli citizens and residents. During this period, over 27,000 attacks against Israeli citizens and residents have been recorded, and over 1000 Israeli citizens and residents have lost their lives in these attacks. Out of these, 155 (May 2007) attacks were suicide bombings, carried out against Israeli targets by 178 (August 2007) suicide terrorists (male and female). (It should be noted that from 1993 up to the beginning of the conflict in September 2000, 38 suicide bombings were carried out by 43 suicide terrorists). Despite the fact that suicide bombings constitute 0.6% of all attacks carried out against Israel since the beginning of the conflict, the number of fatalities in these attacks is around half of the total number of fatalities, making suicide bombings the most deadly attacks. From the beginning of the conflict up to August 2007, there have been 549 fatalities and 3717 casualties as a result of 155 suicide bombings. Over the years, suicide bombing terrorism has become the Palestinians’ leading weapon, while initially bearing an ideological nature in claiming legitimate opposition to the occupation. -
General Assembly Distr.: General 3 October 2001 English Original: English/French
United Nations A/56/428 General Assembly Distr.: General 3 October 2001 English Original: English/French Fifty-sixth session Agenda item 88 Report of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories Report of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories Note by the Secretary-General* The General Assembly, at its fifty-fifth session, adopted resolution 55/130 on the work of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories, in which, among other matters, it requested the Special Committee: (a) Pending complete termination of the Israeli occupation, to continue to investigate Israeli policies and practices in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including Jerusalem, and other Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967, especially Israeli lack of compliance with the provisions of the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, and to consult, as appropriate, with the International Committee of the Red Cross according to its regulations in order to ensure that the welfare and human rights of the peoples of the occupied territories are safeguarded and to report to the Secretary- General as soon as possible and whenever the need arises thereafter; (b) To submit regularly to the Secretary-General periodic reports on the current situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including Jerusalem; (c) To continue to investigate the treatment of prisoners in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including Jerusalem, and other Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967. -
Inside the Palestinian Authority: a Situation Report by Ehud Yaari
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 130 Inside the Palestinian Authority: A Situation Report by Ehud Yaari Apr 11, 1997 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Ehud Yaari Ehud Yaari is a Lafer International Fellow at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis ince the beginning of the Oslo process, Israel and the United States have consistently underestimated S Palestinian Authority (PA) Chairman Yasser Arafat. Arafat is a historic figure who deserves respect. In his many years as leader of the Palestinians he has learned to employ a wide range of personas and emotions to achieve his ends: he will whine in front of lesser people, he will play the 'clown,' and he will suffer being scolded by junior Israeli generals, if their positions serve his larger purposes. The image of Arafat as a sad old man waiting for a mini- state to crown his career must be replaced with the reality of a vigorous politician who will not even discuss his succession. Arafat said that the Oslo accords can be a repeat of the 1969 Cairo agreement between him and General Boustany, the chief of staff of the Lebanese Army, which allowed Arafat to maintain a small number of guerrillas on the slopes of Mt. Hermon. Arafat used this crack to pry the doors of Lebanon open, and by the late 1980s, the PLO presence in Lebanon was so great that Arafat considered himself-in his own words—"governor-general of Lebanon." Arafat views Oslo as another crack: a corridor through which he can incrementally obtain his strategic goal. The Oslo agreement also served to revive the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). -
Operation Pillar of Defense
-Unclassified- -Unclassified- -Unclassified- -Unclassified- -Unclassified- Living under fire has become the routine reality for one million Israeli citizens over the last twelve years. When rockets are fired, citizens have fifteen seconds to reach shelters. Weapons smuggled from Iran, Libya, and Sudan via land and sea routes have accelerated the process of Gaza turning into a terror base. Over the past few months, the situation in Israel’s south has become intolerable. Hamas and other terrorist groups have been firing missiles indiscriminately towards civilian populations on a daily basis. No state would acquiesce to live in a reality in which its civilians are continuously attacked. The State of Israel has the legal right and the moral obligation to protect its citizens. Israel has demonstrated great restraint for a long period but cannot accept the recurring attacks on its citizens. -Unclassified- -Unclassified- In order to restore security to its citizens the IDF initiated on 14 November Operation “Pillar of Defense,” which began with airstrikes against Hamas leaders and weapons. The IDF’s actions are solely directed against military targets and terrorist activities, and are conducted according to the international law governing armed conflicts. The IDF is making the utmost effort to minimize harm to civilians. Hamas and other terrorist organizations, however, are flagrantly committing war crimes. They are firing missiles from civilian areas into civilian areas, thus involving civilians as both their shields and their targets. The IDF -
News of the Israeli-Palestinian Confrontation September15-30 2006
Center for Special Studies Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center News of the Israeli-Palestinian Confrontation September15-30 2006 The internal Palestinian arena: …and attempted terrorist attacks in Contents protests against non-payment of Israel continue. salaries worsen… Overview Important Events Statistical Data Internal Palestinian Arena Palestinian police protest in Gaza (Suhaib An explosive belt given up in Nablus Salem/Reuters, September 28) by two 17 year olds handled by Palestinian terrorists (Photo courtesy of the IDF spokesman, September 27) Overview Israeli security forces continue preventing terrorist attacks in Israel. Qassam rocket attacks against the western Negev continue, wounding residents of Sderot and hitting homes, although there was less Qassam rocket fire in August and September than in previous months. Lately there has been a marked a significant increase in the number of weapons smuggled into the Gaza Strip by the Palestinian terrorist organizations. According to the media, at a government meeting, the head of the Israeli Security Agency (ISA) stated that Egypt makes no real effort to stem the incoming tide of smuggled weapons, terrorist-operatives and cash from the Sinai to the Gaza Strip. In the internal Palestinian arena, contacts for the establishment of a national unity government have reached a dead end. That is chiefly the result of Hamas’s intransigent refusal (particularly the leadership in Damascus) to accept the conditions set down by the Quartet and to make their hard-line position more flexible. In the background are the ongoing economic crisis, strikes, protests voiced by Palestinian Authority civil servants who have not been paid and the violent clashes between Fatah and Hamas (which have greatly worsened and spread during the past two days). -
The Israeli Military and Israel's Palestinian Policy
The Israeli Military and Israel’s Palestinian Policy From Oslo to the Al Aqsa Intifada Yo r am Peri United States Institute of Peace Peaceworks No. 47. First published November 2002. The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect views of the United States Institute of Peace. UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 Washington, DC 20036-3011 Phone: 202-457-1700 Fax: 202-429-6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Contents Key Points 5 Foreword by Samuel W. Lewis 9 1. The Israeli Pattern of Political-Military Partnership 11 2. The Geostrategic Transformation of the 1990s 14 3. The Political Arm of the Israeli Defense Forces 20 4. The Modus Operandi of the Military 26 5. The Second About-Face: The Al Aqsa Intifada 30 6. The Sharon Government: The Tail Wagging the Dog? 36 7. Discussion: Peace from a Realpolitik Perspective 45 8. Conclusions: Civil Supremacy in a Low-Intensity Conflict 52 9. Moving Forward: Recommendations for Improving Civil-Military Relations in Israel 55 Notes 58 References 60 About the Author 63 About the Institute 65 Key Points ◗ Far from being a passive implementer of policy, the Israeli military has been a major catalyst in embarking on the road to peace as well as the path to war. Such a high level of policy influence is uncharacteristic of the military in advanced democracies. However, it has been typical of political-military relations in Israel and has become even more pronounced in the past decade. -
Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip
Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip Washington, D.C., September 28, 1995 Annex I: Protocol Concerning Redeployment and Security Arrangements Annex II: Protocol Concerning Elections Annex III: Protocol Concerning Civil Affairs Annex IV: Protocol Concerning Legal Affairs Annex V: Protocol on Economic Relations Annex VI: Protocol on Israeli-Palestinian Cooperation Programs Annex VII: Release of Palestinian Prisoners and Detainees The Government of the State of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization ;(hereinafter "the PLO"), the representative of the Palestinian people Preamble Within the framework of the Middle East peace process initiated at Madrid in October ;1991 Reaffirming their determination to put an end to decades of confrontation and to live in peaceful coexistence, mutual dignity and security, while recognizing their mutual ;legitimate and political rights Reaffirming their desire to achieve a just, lasting and comprehensive peace settlement ;and historic reconciliation through the agreed political process Recognizing that the peace process and the new era that it has created, as well as the new relationship established between the two Parties as described above, are irreversible, and the determination of the two Parties to maintain, sustain and continue ;the peace process Recognizing that the aim of the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations within the current Middle East peace process is, among other things, to establish a Palestinian Interim Self-Government Authority, i.e. the elected -
Israel and the Palestinian Authority: the Security Agenda by Michael Eisenstadt
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 124 Israel and the Palestinian Authority: The Security Agenda by Michael Eisenstadt Mar 20, 1997 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Michael Eisenstadt Michael Eisenstadt is the Kahn Fellow and director of The Washington Institute's Military and Security Studies Program. Brief Analysis s the stand-off over Har Homa continues, Israeli leaders and commentators are increasingly calling for a A shake-up of the incremental Oslo process and an immediate move to substantive "final status" talks. According to this argument, leapfrogging over the rest of the "interim phase" has the benefit of avoiding a series of confrontations that are virtually inevitable over the next 18 months and instead, enables the two sides to deal head- on with the core issues that divide them: borders, Israeli settlements, political framework, refugees and Jerusalem. For Palestinians, the idea offers speedy negotiations on the issues that matter most to them; for Israelis, a jump to "final status" has the advantage of preserving bargaining chips that Israel might otherwise be forced to sacrifice in the interim phase. Whether the two sides stick to their current timetable or accelerate final status talks (which were scheduled to convene March 17 but have since been delayed), every step taken in negotiations will be shaped by its impact on security. Indeed, for mainstream Likudniks and Laborites alike, the top priority vis-a-vis the future of the West Bank remains access to and the retention of territory needed for the country's defense. In this context, decisions taken concerning unresolved "interim phase" issues and "further redeployments" will have direct bearing on the country's long-term security posture and on Israel's negotiating stance when "final status" talks are taken up in earnest. -
Gaza Ports Alternatives
GAZA PORTS ALTERNATIVES By Asaf Ashar and Gaza Seaport Group of Experts January 10, 2019 GAZA PORT ALTERNATIVES Table of Contents I Background and Objectives ........................................................................................................ 5 I.1 Past Promises and Present Stalemate ........................................................................................................5 I.2 Sources of Information and Objectives ......................................................................................................6 Meetings, Presentations, Interviews and Field Observations ............................................................................6 Study’s Objectives ..............................................................................................................................................7 Gaza Seaport Group of Experts ..........................................................................................................................8 II Alternative Port Plans ................................................................................................................ 8 II.1 Port Typology: What and Where to Build ..................................................................................................8 Functional Categorizations .................................................................................................................................8 Geographical Categorization ..............................................................................................................................8 -
This Is How We Fought in Gaza
This is How We Fought in Gaza testimonies and photographs from ׳Soldiers Operation „Protective Edge˝ (2014) This is How We Fought in Gaza This book was produced thanks to the generous support from: Christian Aid Dan Church Aid Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law Secretariat Open Society Foundations Trócaire Breaking the Silence’s activities are made possible through the generous support of individuals and foundations including: Broederlijk Delen, the CCFD - Terre Solidaire, Dan Church Aid, Die Schwelle, Foundation for Middle East Peace, Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law Secretariat, medico international, MISEREOR, Moriah Fund, New Israel Fund, Open Society Foundations, Pro Victimis, Rockefeller Brothers Fund, Sigrid Rausing Trust, SIVMO, Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, The Royal Norwegian Embassy to Tel Aviv, Trócaire and countless private individuals who have made contributions to our work. This list of donors reflects current organizational donors correct to the date of publishing. The content and opinions expressed in this booklet do not represent the positions of our partners and donors and are solely the responsibility of Breaking the Silence. This is How We Fought in Gaza testimonies and photographs from ׳Soldiers Operation „Protective Edge˝ (2014) 4 Contents Glossary Page 12 Index Page 14 Introduction Page 16 Testimony 01 Page 25 Palestinians only sing the chorus as they have no verses (houses) left s no such thing there as a person׳Testimony 02 Page 26 There who is uninvolved Testimony 03 -
GAZA PORT ALTERNATIVES Present System
Gaza Port Group of Experts1 2/8/2020 GAZA PORT ALTERNATIVES Present System. Gaza Port has been a key symbol of national independence for the Palestinians and a critical engine for economic development. Israel has repeatedly agreed to support a port for Gaza in the Oslo Accords (1993), Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum (1999) and Agreement on Movement and Access (2005). The Palestinian Authority (PA) even began constructing a port adjacent to Gaza City financed by European donations, but the port site was demolished by Israel during the Second Intifada (2000) and never rebuilt. The Deal of the Century (2019) proposes dedicated Palestinian piers inside the Israeli ports of Ashdod and Haifa. Presently, all Gazan import-export traffic moves through the Israeli Port of Ashdod, from which it is trucked 90 km to Kerem Shalom Border Crossing with Gaza. At Kerem Shalom, Israel constructed vast and sophisticated installations, where Gazan goods undergo extensive security inspection. Nevertheless, thanks to the close cooperation between Israel, the PA and Hamas in Kerem Shalom, the operation is quite efficient, processing about 1,000 trucks daily. Still, the overall, Ashdod/Kerem-Shalom/Gaza process is costly due to the relatively high fees charged by Israeli ports and trucks. Alternative Plans. There are 8 generic alternative plans for a Gazan port (see Figure 1, except for Cyprus Plan): 1. Ashdod/Kerem Shalom (Existing) – Continue with the present system; 2. Ashdod/Palestinian Pier – Same as (1), but use a designated Palestinian pier in Ashdod; 3. Gaza City (Hamas Plan) – Construct a small port adjacent to Gaza City; 4. -
WRITTEN STATEMENT Pf the UNITED STATES of AMERICA
INTERN ATION AL COURT OF JUSTH1::E REQUEST BY THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY FOR AN ADVISORY OPINION ON THE QUESTION OF THE "LEGAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSTRUCTI~>N OF A WALL IN . THE OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORY" WRITTEN STATEMENT pF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 30 JANUARY 2004 Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION.. ..... ..... .... ......... ....... ........... .... ....... 1 II. BACKGROUND ................ .... ....... ....... ...... .... ....... .... 4 A. The Referral Resolution........................................ 4 B. The Roadtnap........................................................ 6 C. The Negotiating Process ....................................... 8 III. CONSIDERATIONS RELATING TD THE JUDICIAL PROPRIETY OF GIVING AN ADVISORY OPINION ............................................. 16 A Key Considerations in the Court's Assessment of the Propriety of Giving an Advisory Opinion ................................................. 18 B. Observations with Respect to the Iudicial Propriety of Giving an Advisory Opinion in this Proceeding ...................................................... 21 IV. CONSIDERATIONS RELATING TO THE NEGOTIATING PROCESS MORE GENERALLY ........................................................... 23 A. The Permanent Status Issues AIe to be Negotiated by the Parties ...................................... 23 B. The Parties Must Carry Out Their Security Responsibilities for the Peace Process to Succeed ................................................................. 25 V. CONCLUSION.........................................................