Judiciary Newsletter March 2018
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Appointments to South Africa's Constitutional Court Since 1994
Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 15 July 2015 Version of attached le: Accepted Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Johnson, Rachel E. (2014) 'Women as a sign of the new? Appointments to the South Africa's Constitutional Court since 1994.', Politics gender., 10 (4). pp. 595-621. Further information on publisher's website: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X14000439 Publisher's copyright statement: c Copyright The Women and Politics Research Section of the American 2014. This paper has been published in a revised form, subsequent to editorial input by Cambridge University Press in 'Politics gender' (10: 4 (2014) 595-621) http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=PAG Additional information: Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk Rachel E. Johnson, Politics & Gender, Vol. 10, Issue 4 (2014), pp 595-621. Women as a Sign of the New? Appointments to South Africa’s Constitutional Court since 1994. -
Download 2014 Annual Report
Faculty of Law 2014 Centre for ANNUAL Faculty of Law Human Rights REPORT 2 The Centre for Human Rights, based at the Faculty of Law, CONTENTS University of Pretoria, is both an academic department and a non- DIRECTOR’S MESSAGE 4 governmental organisation. ACADEMIC PROGRAMMES 6 The Centre was established in the Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria, in 1986, as part of domestic efforts against the apartheid system of the time. RESEARCH 8 The Centre for Human Rights works towards human rights education in Africa, a greater awareness of human rights, the wide dissemination of publications on human rights in Africa, and the improvement of the PROJECTS 10 rights of women, people living with HIV, indigenous peoples, sexual minorities and other disadvantaged or marginalised persons or groups across the continent. PUBLICATIONS 31 Over the years, the Centre has positioned itself in an unmatched network of practising and academic lawyers, national and international civil servants and human rights practitioners across the entire continent, with a CENTRE PERSONNEL 33 specific focus on human rights law in Africa, and international development law in general. Today, a wide network of Centre alumni contribute in numerous ways to the advancement and strengthening STAFF ACTIVITES 36 of human rights and democracy all over the Africa continent, and even further afield. FUNDING 40 In 2006, the Centre for Human Rights was awarded the UNESCO Prize for Human Rights Education, with particular recognition for the African Human Rights Moot Court Competition and the LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa. In 2012, the Centre for Human Rights was awarded the 2012 African Union Human Rights Prize. -
Unrevised Hansard National
UNREVISED HANSARD NATIONAL ASSEMBLY TUESDAY, 13 JUNE 2017 Page: 1 TUESDAY, 13 JUNE 2017 ____ PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ____ The House met at 14:02. The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayer or meditation. MOTION OF CONDOLENCE (The late Ahmed Mohamed Kathrada) The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Speaker I move the Draft Resolution printed in my name on the Oder Paper as follows: That the House — UNREVISED HANSARD NATIONAL ASSEMBLY TUESDAY, 13 JUNE 2017 Page: 2 (1) notes with sadness the passing of Isithwalandwe Ahmed Mohamed Kathrada on 28 March 2017, known as uncle Kathy, following a short period of illness; (2) further notes that Uncle Kathy became politically conscious when he was 17 years old and participated in the Passive Resistance Campaign of the South African Indian Congress; and that he was later arrested; (3) remembers that in the 1940‘s, his political activities against the apartheid regime intensified, culminating in his banning in 1954; (4) further remembers that in 1956, our leader, Kathrada was amongst the 156 Treason Trialists together with Nelson Mandela and Walter Sisulu, who were later acquitted; (5) understands that he was banned and placed under a number of house arrests, after which he joined the political underground to continue his political work; UNREVISED HANSARD NATIONAL ASSEMBLY TUESDAY, 13 JUNE 2017 Page: 3 (6) further understands that he was also one of the eight Rivonia Trialists of 1963, after being arrested in a police swoop of the Liliesleaf -
Top Court Trims Executive Power Over Hawks
Legalbrief | your legal news hub Sunday 26 September 2021 Top court trims executive power over Hawks The Constitutional Court has not only agreed that legislation governing the Hawks does not provide adequate independence for the corruption-busting unit, it has 'deleted' the defective sections, notes Legalbrief. It found parts of the legislation that governs the specialist corruption-busting body unconstitutional, because they did not sufficiently insulate it from potential executive interference. This, notes a Business Day report, is the second time the court has found the legislation governing the Hawks, which replaced the Scorpions, unconstitutional for not being independent enough. The first time, the court sent it back to Parliament to fix. This time the court did the fixing, by cutting out the offending words and sections. The report says the idea behind the surgery on the South African Police Service (SAPS) Act was to ensure it had sufficient structural and operational independence, a constitutional requirement. In a majority judgment, Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng said: 'Our anti-corruption agency is not required to be absolutely independent. It, however, has to be adequately independent. 'And that must be evidenced by both its structural and operational autonomy.' The judgment resolved two cases initially brought separately - one by businessman Hugh Glenister, the other by the Helen Suzman Foundation (HSF), notes Business Day. Because both cases challenged the Hawks legislation on the grounds of independence, the two were joined. Glenister's case - that the Hawks could never be independent while located in the SAPS, which was rife with corruption - was rejected by the court. -
JSC Rejects Hlophe Bid for Recusal of Five Members
Legalbrief | your legal news hub Thursday 30 September 2021 JSC rejects Hlophe bid for recusal of five members The Judicial Service Commission (JSC) will for the first time hold an inquiry that could be the prelude to the impeachment of a judge, after it rejected a request that five of its members should recuse themselves, says a report in the The Sunday Independent. The JSC, which met at the weekend to consider the complaints by the Constitutional Court and Cape Judge President John Hlophe, found that in view of the 'conflict of fact' on papers before it, oral evidence would be required from both sides. The report quotes an unnamed leading senior counsel as saying: 'The inquiry that is going to be held is of huge importance. If this matter is proved, it is difficult to imagine anything more serious.' The request for recusal by counsel for Hlophe was based on concerns that he would not get a fair hearing because last year the five had felt the Judge President should face a gross misconduct inquiry relating to his 'moonlighting' for the Oasis group of companies. At the time, during the Oasis matter, the JSC had been split largely on racial lines, and it was Chief Justice Pius Langa who cast the deciding vote that saw Hlophe escape an inquiry that could have led to his impeachment. According to a report on the News24 site, JSC spokesperson Marumo Moerane said both parties made presentations regarding the future conduct of the matter. He said notice of the date and venue of the oral hearing would be made known once arrangements had been finalised. -
The Struggle for the Rule of Law in South Africa
NYLS Law Review Vols. 22-63 (1976-2019) Volume 60 Issue 1 Twenty Years of South African Constitutionalism: Constitutional Rights, Article 5 Judicial Independence and the Transition to Democracy January 2016 The Struggle for the Rule of Law in South Africa STEPHEN ELLMANN Martin Professor of Law at New York Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/nyls_law_review Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation STEPHEN ELLMANN, The Struggle for the Rule of Law in South Africa, 60 N.Y.L. SCH. L. REV. (2015-2016). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Law Review by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. NEW YORK LAW SCHOOL LAW REVIEW VOLUME 60 | 2015/16 VOLUME 60 | 2015/16 Stephen Ellmann The Struggle for the Rule of Law in South Africa 60 N.Y.L. Sch. L. Rev. 57 (2015–2016) ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Stephen Ellmann is Martin Professor of Law at New York Law School. The author thanks the other presenters, commentators, and attenders of the “Courts Against Corruption” panel, on November 16, 2014, for their insights. www.nylslawreview.com 57 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE RULE OF LAW IN SOUTH AFRICA NEW YORK LAW SCHOOL LAW REVIEW VOLUME 60 | 2015/16 I. INTRODUCTION The blight of apartheid was partly its horrendous discrimination, but also its lawlessness. South Africa was lawless in the bluntest sense, as its rulers maintained their power with the help of death squads and torturers.1 But it was also lawless, or at least unlawful, in a broader and more pervasive way: the rule of law did not hold in South Africa. -
Case Book 2005-2015
SOUTHERN AFRICA LITIGATION CENTRE CASE BOOK 2005-2015 10 Years of Strengthening Human Rights in Southern Africa SOUTHERN AFRICA LITIGATION CENTRE Contact us: president place, 1 hood avenue, rosebank, johannesburg, 2196 t: +27 (0) 10 596 8538 Follow us on Twitter, @follow_SALC www.southernafricalitigationcentre.org SOUTHERN AFRICA LITIGATION CENTRE CASE BOOK 2005-2015 10 Years of Strengthening Human Rights in Southern Africa SOUTHERN AFRICA LITIGATION CENTRE CASE BOOK 2005-2015 Contents Foreword 1 1 Women’s Land and Property Rights • Masupha v Senior Resident Magistrate for the Subordinate Court of Berea and Others 4 • Mmusi and Others v Ramantele and Another 7 • The Registered Trustees of the Women and Law (Malawi) Research & Education Trust v Attorney General 10 2 Children’s Rights • GK v K and Others 14 • R v The Republic 15 3 Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights • LM and Others v Government of Republic of Namibia 18 • Mapingure v Minister of Home Affairs and Others 21 4 Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) Persons’ Rights • Rammoge and Others v Attorney General of Botswana and Another 24 • S v M and Another 27 • The People v M and M 28 • The People v Paul Kasonkomona 29 5 HIV and Health Rights • Kingaipe and Another v Attorney General 32 • S v Mwanza Police and Others 34 • M v St Anne’s Hospital and Others 36 • Mwanza and Another v Attorney General 37 • Tapela and Others v Attorney General and Others 38 SALC CASE BOOK 6 Prisoners’ Rights • M v Attorney General 42 • M v The Republic 44 • M and Others v The Republic 45 • Paul -
The Judiciary As a Site of the Struggle for Political Power: a South African Perspective
The judiciary as a site of the struggle for political power: A South African perspective Freddy Mnyongani: [email protected] Department of Jurisprudence, University of South Africa (UNISA) 1. Introduction In any system of government, the judiciary occupies a vulnerable position. While it is itself vulnerable to domination by the ruling party, the judiciary must at all times try to be independent as it executes its task of protecting the weak and vulnerable of any society. History has however shown that in most African countries, the judiciary has on a number of occasions succumbed to the domination of the ruling power. The struggle to stay in power by the ruling elite is waged, among others, in the courts where laws are interpreted and applied by judges who see their role as the maintenance of the status quo. To date, a typical biography of a post-independence liberation leader turned president would make reference to a time spent in jail during the struggle for liberation.1 In the post-independence Sub-Saharan Africa, the situation regarding the role of the judiciary has not changed much. The imprisonment of opposition leaders, especially closer to elections continues to be a common occurrence. If not that, potential opponents are subjected to charges that are nothing but a display of power and might. An additional factor relates to the disputes surrounding election results, which inevitably end up in court. The role of the judiciary in mediating these disputes, which are highly political in nature, becomes crucial. As the tension heats up, the debate regarding the appointment of judges, their ideological background and their independence or lack thereof, become fodder for the media. -
Do Women on South Africa's Courts Make a Difference?
Do Women on South Africa’s Courts Make a Difference? Do Women on South Africa’s Courts Make a Difference? *By Ruth B. Cowan Research assistance provided by Colleen Normile Women’s presence on the bench in South Africa began in 1994 with the end of apartheid. As Justice Yvonne Mokgoro observes in the documentary Courting Justice, during the hundreds of preceding years “ I guess there was no thought that women could also serve.” More accurately, what kept women off the bench were the thoughts that women , unsuited by nature, could never serve. The post apartheid Constitution, setting forth a human rights- based constitutional democracy, dismissed these notions and mandated the consideration of women when making judicial appointments. The appointments were to be made to what was now to be an independent judiciary. The apartheid judiciary had not been independent—its charge was to assure the validation of apartheid’s legislation, executive regulations and official actions. Yet, these courts were to be retained, as were the judges and court personnel whose record was hostile to the very human rights which the judiciary was now charged to protect. The Constitution did create one new court ; i.e., the Constitutional Court . It was charged with and limited to considering cases in which constitutional issues were raised. Given the continued engagement of the apartheid judges --all but two of whom were white males and almost all of whom were energetic in support of apartheid’s oppressive and repressive laws and brutal actions, the transformation of the judiciary by race and gender was and continues to be verbally embraced as a high priority. -
12-Politcsweb-Going-Off-The-Rails
http://www.politicsweb.co.za/documents/going-off-the-rails--irr Going off the rails - IRR John Kane-Berman - IRR | 02 November 2016 John Kane-Berman on the slide towards the lawless South African state GOING OFF THE RAILS: THE SLIDE TOWARDS THE LAWLESS SOUTH AFRICAN STATE SETTING THE SCENE South Africa is widely recognised as a lawless country. It is also a country run by a government which has itself become increasingly lawless. This is so despite all the commitments to legality set out in the Constitution. Not only is the post–apartheid South Africa founded upon the principle of legality, but courts whose independence is guaranteed are vested with the power to ensure that these principles are upheld. Prosecuting authorities are enjoined to exercise their functions “without fear, favour, or prejudice”. The same duty is laid upon other institutions established by the Constitution, among them the public protector and the auditor general. Everyone is endowed with the right to “equal protection and benefit of the law”. We are all also entitled to “administrative action that is lawful, reasonable, and procedurally fair”. Unlike the old South Africa – no doubt because of it – the new Rechtsstaat was one where the rule of law would be supreme, power would be limited, and the courts would have the final say. This edifice, and these ideals, are under threat. Lawlessness on the part of the state and those who run it is on the increase. The culprits run from the president down to clerks of the court, from directors general to immigration officials, from municipal managers to prison warders, from police generals to police constables, from cabinet ministers to petty bureaucrats. -
Cadres Running Scared
PAGE 3 PAGE 4 PAGE 6 FINANCE// GLOBAL CITIZEN// LIGHT// THE FAMOUS LIVING THE LIFE RUGBY: it’S KICK- BRANDS JOURNEY IN LISBON OFF TIME, FINALLY BizTHE RATIONAL PERSPECTIVENewsDigest WWW.BIZNEWS.COM FRIDAY 09 OCTOBER 2020 BIZNEWSCOM Cadres running scared BRIEFS Business Long-suffering South Africans, even those more cynically inclined, have reason to celebrate Arrest Confidence Index October, now that the National Prosecution Authority is finally cracking the whip. At last count, 17 suspects had been rounded up with more arrests on the cards under the rejuvenated leadership of the 85.7 NPA, and nourished by the flow of evidence at the Zondo Commission into State Capture. It’s early September 2020 days, but a tangible momentum shift is undeniable, that the corrupt elite’s days of reckoning are coming. The likes of serially-implicated ANC secretary general Ace Magashule and former minister Nomvula Mokonyane, among others, must know it’s not if, but when the Hawks put on the cuffs and R640m take them for a drive. – Derek Alberts Sanral shortfall to date By Claire Badenhorst Ace quivering The Free State asbestos project that lead to the arrest of seven Afrimat he State Capture suspects, including fast-living interim headline Commission has heard tenderpreneur Edwin Sodi, cast earnings per share from key witnesses about even more aspersions on deeply Thow several meetings were held implicated ANC secretary general with former president Jacob Ace Magashule. 0-5% Zuma, his close friend Dudu He is said to be feeling the pressure Myeni, and Eskom executives though, so much so that he sought in 2015. -
Application to the Tribunal
Application to the Tribunal And as replacement to 2015.010.21 Application UZA with ITNJ General Jurisdiction: Republic of South Africa Court of origin (where appropriate): Constitutional Court of South Africa; Appeal number (where appropriate): Date of filing: 23rd of October 2015 ITNJ File No: 2015.01 - UZA Constitutional Court Case Number: CCT 200/15 Agents Applicant’s agents: court of record: representative real action of we, the people; Unified Common-law Grand Jury of Southern Africa, hereinafter UZA or uza Respondent’s agents: The National Prosecuting Authority of South Africa 1. Details of the applicant Applicant’s full name: Unified Common Law Grand Jury of Southern Africa Original status: Claimant Defendant Intervener ITNJ Form 1 – Application to the Tribunal Page 1 of 21 Petitioner Respondent Agent (if applicable) Name: administrator: brother-thomas-graham:carlsson-rudman prosecutor : miss t bailiwick : jan:lohfeldt Address: Telephone: skype: commonlawsa1 c/o Unified Grand Jury ZA Fax no: ------- P.O. Box 166 DX no: ------- Laezonia Ref: Pretoria Concourt: CCT: 200/15 South Africa, ZA ITNJ: 15.10.23 UZA: 2013/06/S11 Postcode: n/a (jurisdiction) Email: [email protected] and [email protected] and [email protected] How would you prefer us to communicate with you? Via email thank you; Counsel (if applicable) Name: miss t (attorney at law) attorney in fact in this case Address: s/a/a Telephone no: Fax no: Postcode: DX no: Ref: Email: [email protected] How would you prefer us to communicate with you? Email ITNJ Form 1 – Application to the Tribunal Page 2 of 21 2.