“Stayers”? Examining China's Resettlement Induced By

land Article What about the “Stayers”? Examining China’s Resettlement Induced by Large Reservoir Projects Tianhe Jiang 1,2,3, Mark Wang 2,4 , Yingnan Zhang 2,5, Guoqing Shi 1,3,* and Dengcai Yan 1,3 1 School of Public Administration, Hohai University, Nanjing 211100, China; [email protected] (T.J.); [email protected] (D.Y.) 2 School of Geography, The University of Melbourne, Carlton, VIC 3053, Australia; [email protected] (M.W.); [email protected] (Y.Z.) 3 National Research Centre for Resettlement, Hohai University, Nanjing 210098, China 4 Centre for Contemporary Chinese Studies, Asia Institute, The University of Melbourne, Parkville, VIC 3010, Australia 5 Key Laboratory of Regional Sustainable Development Modeling, Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Resources Research, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100101, China * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Large reservoir projects typically occupy vast lots of rural land and trigger resettlement on a massive scale. In China’s reservoir context, increasing concerns have arisen regarding distant- resettlees (those who are resettled outside the reservoir area), while fewer studies have examined the nearby-resettlees (those who are resettled near the original area) and the non-movers (those who do not resettle). The significance of these two groups has been downplayed and their populations are in the millions (or more) in China. How and why they are impacted is under-researched and their relative position and intergroup nexus with the distant-resettlees remains unclear in the existing literature. To address this research gap, this paper incorporates the differences between nearby- resettlees and non-movers and collectively refers to them as the “stayers” as they are left behind in Citation: Jiang, T.; Wang, M.; Zhang, reservoir areas. Based on the background of reservoir-induced resettlement in present-day China, and Y.; Shi, G.; Yan, D. What about the a review of the project-induced impacts, we use Danjiangkou Reservoir as a case study. The findings “Stayers”? Examining China’s indicate that the stayers are largely disadvantaged in terms of land assets, housing conditions, finance, Resettlement Induced by Large infrastructure, industrialisation, livelihood strategies, and emotional impact, while many distant- Reservoir Projects. Land 2021, 10, 166. resettlees are less affected or positively impacted in these aspects. Through the lens of the political https://doi.org/10.3390/ land10020166 nature of reservoir-induced resettlements, we interpret the gaps between the distant-resettlees and stayers. Finally, domestic and global policy implications and further comments are presented. Academic Editor: Frank Vanclay Received: 22 December 2020 Keywords: development-induced displacement; distant-resettlees; nearby-resettlees; non-movers; Accepted: 2 February 2021 social impacts; rural area; post-resettlement stage; comparative study; Danjiangkou Dam; China Published: 6 February 2021 Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in 1. Introduction published maps and institutional affil- China’s reservoir-building spree has been fuelled by the reform and opening-up that iations. has occurred since 1978. By 2018, there were more than 98,795 reservoirs, including 732 large reservoirs with a capacity of more than 100 million m3 [1]. Because of the considerable increased capacity in terms of water storage, many people have been subjected to enormous risks due to physical displacement, relocation, and resettlement [2]. In the late 20th century, Copyright: © 2021 by the authors. due to the pervasive lack of prior surveys, sufficient planning and use of meticulous Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. designs [3], millions of reservoir resettlees were not sufficiently compensated, nor were This article is an open access article their livelihoods and property properly reinstated. This has shaped the initial image of distributed under the terms and resettlement in China. The extensive resettlement activity in China has been gradually conditions of the Creative Commons rectified since the 21st century due to remarkable growth in international investment Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// and guidelines injected into China’s dam industries. The pursuit of “best practice” for creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ resettlement, relieving the “trauma” [4], and ensuring that resettlement is “naturalised, 4.0/). Land 2021, 10, 166. https://doi.org/10.3390/land10020166 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/land Land 2021, 10, 166 2 of 20 legitimate and durable” [5] have become prevalent. Therefore, the traditional budget structure, time metrics, and technical specifications of resettlement are being updated and improved [6], and academia is concerned with more aspects, such as livelihood building, land reallocation, psychological recovery, voluntarism, and self-fulfilment [7–11]. In China, a reservoir project and its induced resettlement action would generate multiple impacted identities, including distant-resettlees, nearby-resettlees, non-movers, and host households in both reservoir and resettlement areas. This paper focuses on the former three groups. There was little distinction among them before resettlement occurred. The overwhelming majority are rural people [12] as most of China’s reservoir projects are located in rural areas. In the (post-) resettlement stage, they are classified into three sectors according to their movement characteristics. Distant-resettlees are generally people who are required to relocate far from their original counties to resettlement villages in other counties outside of the reservoir area, i.e., submergence-affected counties. Their movements and final destinations are mostly managed by authorities to ensure sufficient exploitable land resources and better living conditions [13–15]. In addition to obtaining reallocated land, distant-resettlees would receive land acquisition compensation and resettlement subsidies based on times of their average annual output value (AAOV). Moreover, to help distant-resettlees overcome the incompatibility caused by long-distance resettlement, usually some targeted measures and mutually beneficial mechanisms are employed to address the lifestyles, religious beliefs, customs, and habits of the distant-resettlees and receiving communities [15]. Distant- resettlement is costly, but is growing in popularity in China. This is because it can largely alleviate land shortage caused by dam impoundment and is conducive to the restructuring of supporting water conservancy facilities and the protection of the ecological environment. Nearby-resettlees are individuals whose housing or land (or both) are resettled to another place within the counties of the reservoir area [14–16]. This group has mostly moved a short distance within their original county, thus they are also called near-relocated people or intra-county resettlees [17]. All nearby-resettlees are similarly paid once-off land requisition fees and resettlement subsidies similar to distant-resettlees. Nearby- resettlement is widely practised in China as it is generally cost effective, easily implemented, and has less influence on the resettlees’ social networks. Compared to distant-resettlement, most people are inclined to relocate nearby if their original fixed assets are submerged and movement is inevitable. However, the principle of proximity has been no longer encouraged in resettlement activities since the regulations on land requisition compensation and resettlement for large and medium water conservation and hydropower construction projects (2006 Amendment). Because the nearby-resettlement approach intensifies the incisive contradiction between human and land, which essentially causes the remaining unsubmerged land to be overloaded with a larger population. Given the land-based nature of China’s dam-induced resettlement [12,18], the shortage of land in reservoir areas results in risks of livelihood deterioration and stalled development [19] for nearby-resettlees. Non-movers constitute an under-defined group. In China, this group is not included in a resettlement plan, so they almost have no choice, but to stay put in the reservoir area after resettlement occurs. This is because authorities believe that this population, who live in high-elevation reservoir areas, are not directly impacted by submergence. It is worthy to note that, in the reservoir context, non-movers differ from the general non- moved people [20–22], because the bottom half of the villages from a vertical perspective in which the former live is partially flooded in the post-resettlement stage [23,24]. Given this, non-movers are affected by many other aspects rather than reservoir flooding per se. It has been verified that there is a severe lack of infrastructure, public services, and development opportunities in the waterside or mountainside where non-movers live [25]. Although the situation of this population has been partly recognised by developers and governments, the “economic displacement” experiences [26] of non-movers are scarcely compensated. To exonerate themselves from compensation claims, non-movers are specifically named Liuzhi (literally means left and stagnant) population in some of China’s praxis [24,25,27]. Land 2021, 10, 166 3 of 20 This identification largely confuses the concepts between those who are not moved and those who are not influenced. Thus, non-movers are kept away from the umbrella of post- resettlement support policies, which are applicable to officially identified

Load more