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Home , Agostino Barbarigo, Barbarigo family, Fondaco dei Tedeschi, Giorgione, Herbert Cook, Leandro Bassano

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A ‘gentiluomo da Ca’ Barbarigo’ by in the ,

by ANTONIO MAZZOTTA

‘AT THE TIME he first began to paint like , when he was no more than eighteen, [Titian] made the portrait of a gen- tleman of the , a friend of his, which was held to be extremely fine, for the representation of the flesh-colour was true and realistic and the hairs were so well distinguished one from the other that they might have been counted, as might the stitches in a doublet of silvered satin which also appeared in that work. In short the picture was thought to show great diligence and to be very successful. Titian signed it in the shadow, but if he had not done so, it would have been taken for Giorgione’s work. Meanwhile, after Giorgione himself had executed the principal façade of the Fondaco de’ Tedeschi, Titian, through Barbarigo’s intervention, was commissioned to paint certain scenes for the same building, above the Merceria’.1 Vasari’s evocative and detailed description, which would seem to be the result of seeing the painting in the flesh, led Jean Paul Richter in 1895 to believe that it could be identified with Titian’s Portrait of a man then in the collection of the Earl of Darnley at Cobham Hall and now in the National Gallery, London (Fig.15).2 Up to that date it was famous as ‘Titian’s Ariosto’, a confusion that, as we shall see, had been born in the seventeenth century. In one respect it looked rather different in Richter’s time and closer to Vasari’s description than it does now. Photographs taken before its restoration in 1949 reveal that there was some repainting which thickened the man’s beard and hair, making it appear – more than it does now – that the hairs were ‘so well distinguished one from the other’.3 Also at that time his name written ‘in the shadow’ was still on the parapet. What now reads as Titian’s initials (‘· T · V ·’) had been 15. Portrait of a man (here identified as Gerolamo(?) Barbarigo), by Titian. c.1509. Canvas, 81.2 by 66.3 cm. (National Gallery, London). overpainted to read ‘TITIANVS · V ·’, with the last ‘V’ superimposed over the original ‘T’ and, to the right, the original ‘V’.4 By ‘in which was legible because it ‘cast’ a shadow. It is still possible to the shadow’ (‘in ombra’), a term that does not occur anywhere see what Vasari describes as ‘the stitches in a doublet of silvered else in the Lives, Vasari probably intended to indicate the satin’ which dot the ample sleeve (the ‘giubone’) of iridescent illusionistic effect given by a signature ‘carved’ on the parapet, satin which can certainly be described as ‘inargentato’, an adjective

I am very grateful to Giovanni Agosti, Nicholas Penny and Carol Plazzotta for having drawn copy after Titian by Theodor Matham (Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, followed every phase of my research on this work, encouraged me and commented and ; inv. no.Z 1305); repr in P. Humfrey et al., eds.: exh. cat. The Age of corrected an earlier draft of this article. My heartfelt thanks also the staff of the library Titian: Venetian from Scottish Collections, Edinburgh (National Gallery of the National Gallery. A special thank you goes to Jennifer Fletcher for her advice. of Scotland) 2004, p.105, fig.102. For the changes to the inscription, see C. Gould: 1 ‘A principio, dunque, che cominciò seguitare la maniera di Giorgione, non avendo più che National Gallery Catalogues: The Sixteenth Century Italian Schools, London 1975, p.281. diciotto anni, [Tiziano] fece il ritratto d’un gentiluomo da Ca’ Barbarigo, amico suo, che fu 5 See S. Battaglia: Grande dizionario della lingua italiana, I, Turin 1961, p.643. The tenuto molto bello, essendo la somiglianza della carnagione propria e naturale, e sì ben distinti ice-blue colour we see now was probably originally more of a violet hue, given that i capelli l’uno dall’altro che si conterebbono, come anco si farebbono i punti d’un giubone di raso on the surface the red lake has deteriorated, although it is still present in the paint inargentato che fece in quell’opera. Insomma, fu tenuto sì ben fatto e con tanta diligenza, che, layers immediately below. The sleeve was then striped with long red streaks (still just se Tiziano non vi avesse scritto in ombra il suo nome, sarebbe stato tenuto opera di Giorgione. perceptible in good light conditions), which refine and emphasise the padded effect; Intanto, avendo esso Giorgione condotta la facciata dinanzi del Fondaco de’ Tedeschi, per see J. Dunkerton and M. Spring: ‘The Technique and Materials of Titian’s Early mezzo del Barbarigo furono allogate a Tiziano alcune storie che sono nella medesima sopra la Paintings in The National Gallery, London’, in S. Janssen, ed.: Titian: Jacopo Pesaro Merceria’; G. Vasari: Le Vite de’ più eccellenti pittori scultori e architettori nelle redazioni del being presented by Pope Alexander VI to Saint Peter, Antwerp 2003, pp.9–21. 1550 e 1568, ed. R. Bettarini and P. Barocchi, VI, 1987, p.156. 6 The Barbarigo identity was enthusiastically taken up by C. Phillips: ‘The “Ariosto” 2 J.P. Richter: ‘The winter exhibition of works by the Old Masters’, The Art of Titian’, The Art Journal (1905), p.6, who, however, attributed the identification to Journal (1895), p.90. rather than Richter; see H. Cook: Giorgione, London 1900, pp.69–70; 3 It is reproduced, for example, in R.E. Fry: ‘Titian’s “Ariosto’’’, THE BURLINGTON earlier Phillips had doubted the identification; see C. Phillips: The Earlier Work of Titian, MAGAZINE 6 (1904), pp.136–39. London 1897, pp.58 and 60, note 3. Some scholars believe that the portrait is a self- 4 This inscription was still present in 1639, given that it appears in Reinier van Per- portrait; see Gould, op. cit. (note 4), pp.280–83; and most recently P. Holberton: review syn’s engraving after a drawing by (Lugt Collection, Fondation of E.M. Dal Pozzolo: Giorgione, THE BURLINGTON MAGAZINE 153 (2011), p.676. Custodia, Paris). The presence of the inscription at that date is confirmed by another 7 G. Tagliaferro: ‘L’Ariosto di Tiziano (Londra) non è Ariosto; e il Barbarigo non si

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that does not necessarily imply a silver colour, but merely silvery translucent reflections.5 While initially Richter’s suggestion met with a certain success, in the course of the last century scholars gradually abandoned the theory, frightened by the possibility that such an identification would imply a very early date for the painting. Vasari wrote that Titian painted the portrait when he was ‘no more than eighteen’, and that when Giorgione had finished painting the façade of the Fondaco de’ Tedeschi, Barbarigo arranged for Titian to paint some scenes on the same building above the Merceria: this would have had to have been around 1508. Today few people believe that the Portrait of a man is the ‘gentiluomo da Ca’ Barbarigo’ described by Vasari.6 Some years ago, Giorgio Tagliaferro published, on Augusto Gentili’s suggestion, a partial copy of Titian’s portrait (Fig.16) which had just appeared on the market: a work of interest not for its pictorial qualities (which are few) but for the inscription that appears in the top right-hand side, under the Barbarigo coat of 16. Portrait of , arms: ‘AVGVSTINVS BARBDICVS / AEQUES PATAVII PRAEFECTVS / by an anonymous ANNO MDLXV’.7 Tagliaferro argued that the presence of the artist. First half of Barbarigo coat of arms on a copy (even a partial copy) of the the seventeenth century? Canvas, National Gallery portrait, combined with Vasari’s precise 118 by 97 cm. description, was enough to prove that the sitter was indeed the (Private ‘gentiluomo da Ca’ Barbarigo’. Yet the inscription on the copy collection). refers to a Barbarigo who cannot possibly be the man painted by Titian: this was the famous Agostino, born in 1516, Prefect of ved at the Ferdinandeum in 1887 with an attribution to Paris in 1565, who died in the Battle of Lepanto in 1571.8 We Bordone in the bequest of Ludwig von Wieser.12 Among the know what he looked like, for several portraits of him exist, the fifty paintings donated by Von Wieser, there was also a portrait most famous of which is that by Veronese of a little after 1571 of ‘Generale Pietro Barbarigo’ attributed to .13 (Cleveland Museum of Art).9 Then how are we to explain Pietro Barbarigo (1569–1618) was the son of another Agostino this ‘transplant’ of the face of the National Gallery portrait? whose identity is not certain, and it would seem likely that his Tagliaferro proposed various theories, the most convincing of portrait and that of Agostino belonged to a series of commemo- which was that ‘in the absence of the sitter, the portrait of rative posthumous effigies of the Barbarigo family painted at the Agostino Barbarigo was copied from a prototype of a relation or start of the seventeenth century.14 For this reason it is not neces- ancestor’.10 Tagliaferro accepted the date of 1565 for the work, sary to take 1565 as the date at which the Agostino Barbarigo was and attributed it to Titian’s circle. In this article an alternative but painted, only as an important date for the man portrayed. Thus complementary solution is proposed. the explanation could be that at the start of the seventeenth cen- A cutting from a catalogue in the Paris Bordone files in the tury the Barbarigo family commissioned a series of portraits of Witt Library in the Courtauld Institute of Art, London, allows celebrated members of their house, some dead for many years, part of the provenance of the Portrait of Agostino Barbarigo to be similar to that which was commissioned in the same years for the traced: until 1938 it was in the Tiroler Landesmuseum Ferdinan- decoration of the villa Barbarigo at Noventa Vicentina.15 deum in Innsbruck, when it was sent for sale in together Lacking a for one portrait, it was decided to use the face with a large part of the Museum’s reserve collection.11 It had arri- of the London portrait, which was evidently still in the Barbarigo

sa chi sia’, VeneziAltrove (2005), pp.118–39. certain. In the inventory of 1626 of Palazzo Barbarigo della Terrazza an ‘Agostino 8 A. Stella: ‘Barbarigo, Agostino’, Dizionario biografico degli italiani (hereafter cited as Barbarigo Proveditore copia di Paolo da ’ is listed and, immediately below, a DBI), VI, Rome 1964, pp.50–52. ‘Pietro Barbarigo’, and slightly lower, ‘Un’altro ritratto di Pietro Barbarigo di mano del 9 There is a smaller version of this posthumous portrait (probably a study for it) in vecchio’; see J.-C. Rössler: ‘Precisazioni su palazzo Barbarigo a San Polo e la the State Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest; for both see J. Garton: Grace and Grandeur: sua collezione di quadri’, Arte veneta 64 (2007), p.241. On Titian and the Barbarigo The Portraiture of , London and Turnhout 2008, pp.83–111, pls.17–18. collection, see I. Artemieva: ‘La collezione Barbarigo’, in L. Puppi, ed.: exh. cat. 10 Tagliaferro, op. cit. (note 7), p.127. Tiziano: l’ultimo atto, Belluno (Palazzo Crepadona) 2007, pp.43–47. 11 Vienna, Dorotheum, 8th–9th November 1938, lot 227 (in the sale of 9th Novem- 14 On Pietro Barbarigo, see A. Ventura: ‘Barbarigo, Pietro’, DBI, VI, Rome 1964, ber). It was unsold and sent for sale again at the Dorotheum, 20th May 1940, lot 75 pp.78–79. Another portrait may have belonged to the same series of Barbarigo portraits (the purchaser is unknown). The sale catalogue’s entry (Aus den Depots des Tiroler (it has similar dimensions – 113 by 106 cm. – compared with that of Agostino Landesmuseum Ferdinandeum, Vienna 1938, p.23, no.227) describes an inscription on Barbarigo, which measures 118 by 97 cm.); it went for sale in Florence, Semenzato, the back of the work which refers to Paris Bordone. 26th May 2004, lot 198. The catalogue gives the inscription: ‘Nicolaus Barbadicus / Legatus 12 G. Ammann: ‘“. . . die Gemälde nach Übernahme vorteilhaft aufzuhängen, der ad Regem Trac / um eloquentia ac doc / trina perspicuus vita / functus est Constant / eneapolis Provenienz nach deutlich zu machen und für Conservierung zu sorgen . . .”. Die Legate Josef anno: MDLXVII’. This Niccolò Barbarigo must be the one who was nominated Balio Tschaeger, Johann Wieser, Ludwig von Wieser, Leander Rigel, Caspar Jele und Bernhard at Costantinople in 1577 (thus the date that appears on the portrait must be out by a Höfel – Zur Geschichte der Niederländer-Sammlung’, Veröffentlichungen des Tiroler decade); see F. Babinger: ‘Barbarigo, Niccolò’, DBI, VI, Rome 1964, pp.76–78. Landesmuseums Ferdinandeum 85 (2005), p.19, no.29. I thank Rüdiger Hoyer of the 15 See S. Colla, L. Losa and M. Muraro: La villa Barbarigo di Noventa Vicentina: Il Zentralinstitut für Kunstgeschichte, Munich, for having kindly sent me a copy of this territorio, la villa, gli affreschi, Noventa Vicentina 1984. A series of posthumous portraits article. of members of the Barbarigo family of the same celebratory type are in the picture 13 Ibid., p.19, no.40. This portrait (whose whereabouts is now unknown) would gallery of the Castello Sforzesco, Milan; see A. Loda, in Museo d’Arte Antica del Castello presumably have had an identifying inscription, although we do not know for Sforzesco: Pinacoteca, III, Milan 1999, pp.361–63, nos.764–66.

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17. Detail from the predella of Fig.18 showing Gerolamo Barbarigo. Panel, c.30 by 18. St Benedict 40 cm. enthroned with Sts Jerome and Louis collection at the start of the seventeenth century and considered of Toulose (the St Benedict altar - an iconographic model of a dead relation. So in all probability piece), by Andrea the portrait represents a member of the Barbarigo family, and Previtali. 1524. everything suggests that he can be identified with the ‘gentiluomo Panel transferred to canvas, da Ca’ Barbarigo’ described by Vasari. c.340 by 200 cm. But who exactly is he? Tagliaferro considered the possibility overall. (Bergamo that it is Bernardo (1463–1518), son of the Doge Marco Cathedral). (1413–86), a brilliant politician and a high-ranking magistrate and administrator of the Republic’s finances in 1509.16 But this necessary to be at least thirty years old.18 He was the eldest of suggestion seems impossible, because if we take the dating of the ten children of Andrea Barbarigo, who in his turn had been the portrait to be around 1508–09, Bernardo would have been the eldest of Doge Marco’s children (and the brother of the slightly over forty-five years old, which is not the age of the above-mentioned Bernardo). In 1479 Andrea married Paolina sitter, who seems considerably younger. His face is fully Vitturi and he died in an accident in 1499 when the family’s formed and bearded, and his self-confident expression is that of a financial circumstances were somewhat strained, although they mature yet still young man of about thirty years old.17 recovered thanks to the intervention of their uncle Agostino At that date the thirty-year-old Gerolamo di Andrea Barbarigo Barbarigo, who had succeeded his brother Marco as Doge. was about to take his first steps in politics: on 1st August 1509 he Gerolamo had a particularly brilliant public career. At the time was one of the Heads of the Forty (with Andrea Loredan, who of his death, on 15th August 1531, Marin Sanudo remarked that was soon to become one of the Heads of the ), ‘he would have been even greater had God granted him a long while in October 1509 he was elected as one of the magistrates life’. In 1529 Pietro Bembo advised his nephew Giovan Matteo responsible for navigation (Savio agli Ordini), for which it was to get help from ‘Magnifico M. Ieronimo Barbarigo, who was

16 Tagliaferro, op. cit. (note 7), p.124. On Bernardo Barbarigo, see A. Ventura: 18 On Gerolamo Barbarigo, see A. Ventura: ‘Barbarigo, Girolamo’, DBI, VI, ‘Barbarigo, Bernardo’, DBI, VI, Rome 1964, pp.59–61. Bernardo Barbarigo was Rome 1964, pp.67–68; and G. Priuli: Pretiosi frutti del Maggior Consiglio della Sere- involved in the reconstruction of the Fondaco because he was a member of the Dieci nissima Republica di Venezia, , Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Cod. Cicogna Savi for the taxation of Venice and governor of the Entrate in 1509. Tagliaferro also 3781, fol.27. For Gerolamo’s branch of the family see M. Barbaro: Arbori de’ patritii names Francesco Barbarigo, who on 10th March 1505 was one of the counsellors of veneti, I, fol.172, Albero A, Venice, Archivio di Stato, Misc. Codici, s. I, Storia the illustrissima signoria in imposing a tax on the Proveditori al Sal regarding veneta, nos.17–23; and G.A. Cappellari: Il Campidoglio , Venice, Biblioteca the reconstruction of the Fondaco, recently devastated by fire; see H. Simonsfeld: Nazionale Marciana MSS, It. VII, 15–18 (=8304–8307), I, fol.94v, Albero C. For Der in Venedig und die deutsch–venetianischen Handelsbeziehungen: this branch of the family and on Gerolamo in particular, see G. Padoan: Momenti Quellen und Forschungen, Stuttgart 1887, pp.346–47, no.631. In the Duveen archives del Rinascimento veneto, Padua 1978, pp.325–26, note 132. He does not seem to be at the Getty Institute (Duveen Brothers Records, Series II.A. Artists’ files regarding mentioned in the Diarii of Gerolamo Priuli (who was his second cousin and works of art, 1904–62 ca., box 293, folder 16, ‘Titian: “Gentleman in outfit”, ex contemporary: Priuli’s maternal grandfather was Gerolamo Barbarigo, brother of Benson Collection, c.1947–1960’) there is a file on the Portrait of the man in black bel - the Doge Marco). On Priuli, whose portrait appears in the Bellini school Supper at ieved to be a youthful work of Titian’s, formerly in the Benson collection (Norton Emmaus (S. Salvador, Venice), see E. Merkel: La Cena in Emmaus di San Salvador, Simon Museum, Pasadena), with extensive notes by Maurice W. Brockwell on the Milan 1999; and J. Fletcher and R.C. Mueller: ‘Bellini and the bankers: the Priuli Barbarigo family. Brockwell concluded that the ex-Benson portrait was of Andrea di altarpiece for S. Michele in Isola, Venice’, THEBURLINGTONMAGAZINE 147 (2005), Niccolò di Andrea Barbarigo, who was appointed Lord of the Arsenal on 23rd May pp.5–15. Gerolamo di Andrea Barbarigo should not be confused with other 1512. I have not seen the portrait, but doubt that it is really an early work of Titian’s, contemporary members of the family with the same name: Gerolamo di Francesco on the level of the painting in the National Gallery. My attention was drawn to the Barbarigo, merchant for the Priuli who died in February 1500 (his widow, Cecilia Duveen material by R. Lauber: ‘Barbarigo “dalla Terrazza” collezione’, in L. Borean Priuli, married in February 1505 Marin Sanudo; M. Sanudo: Diarii, VI, Venice and S. Mason, eds.: Il collezionismo d’arte a Venezia: Il Settecento, Venice 2010, p.246. 1881, p.132); Gerolamo di Antonio Barbarigo, ‘sopracomito e capitano di galere’ 17 This in itself precludes the identification of the sitter as Titian himself; see note 6 in 1505 (ibid., VI, pp.355 and 357); Gerolamo di Antonio di Gerolamo Barbarigo, above. elected Primicenio of S. Marco on 25th August 1501 (ibid., IV, Venice 1880, p.104)

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the Doge’s grandson’, assuring him that he was a ‘gentilissimo Gentil uomo’ and that he ‘will do good work’.19 Gerolamo also belonged to the Veneto’s humanist circles. He was almost certainly the Gerolamo Barbarigo who belonged to the ‘young students of the arts from patrician Venetian families’ (‘Giovini scolari delle arti Patrizi Veneti’) who, at Padua on 13th June 1498, were listed as candidates for doctorates in the arts (‘Dotto- rato in Artibus’).20 Among the other candidates to be elected as ‘learned in the arts’, almost all contemporaries, born around 1480, were Vincenzo Querini and Tommaso Giustiniani (both members, with Pietro Bembo, of the famous ‘Compagnia degli 19. Portrait Amici’), Alvise Bembo (father of Giovan Matteo) as well as of a man, possibly a Cristoforo Marcello (who was named as an apostolic protonotary member of by Julius II in 1507–08).21 Gerolamo belonged to the generation the Barbar - involved in the radical revival of literature, politics, theology igo family, 22 by Titian. and above all the arts in the Veneto. It was in these years c.1512–14. that Giorgione emerged and in which Bembo’s bestseller, the Canvas, 82.6 Asolani, was pub lished by Aldo Manuzio in 1505.23 by 64.8 cm. (Collection So far Gerolamo would seem to correspond well to the identi - of the kit of the sitter in the London portrait. However, unfortunately Duke of no independent portrait of him is known. We can follow him Northum- berland, around the Venetian terraferma, where he acted as governor for Alnwick various cities under Venetian control. He was podestà, or Prefect, Castle). of Feltre from 1513 to 1514, at the uneasy time of the War of the League of Cambrai. The only tangible trace of him at this time is of the same year, chiefly thanks to the intervention of Ludovico a beautiful stone dated 1513 erected in his honour, now walled Passi, the city was granted a papal absolution; the new altarpiece into the southern façade of the Palazzo Pretorio.24 Between 1519 in St Benedict was one of the consequences of that absolution. and 1520 he served as podestà at Chioggia, and at Bergamo from The three predella panels illustrate these events: the central 1521 to 1524. In Bergamo he commissioned Andrea Previtali to scene refers both to the fourteenth-century Pope Benedict XII paint an altarpiece for the chapel of St Benedict in the Cathe- pardoning the Bergamasque ambassadors and the more recent dral.25 Previtali had finished it by 17th June 1524, because on that absolution. In the left-hand panel, beneath St Jerome, Gerolamo day there was a dispute between the painter and the commune Barbarigo kneels, cap in hand, as the patron of the altarpiece regarding his payment. and Antonio Boselli were (Fig.17). At this date he was slightly over forty years old, more summoned to value the work, and assessed it respectively at 94 than ten years older than in the London portrait. While this is and 90 ducats; it was settled at 92 ducats. Previtali’s altarpiece not definite proof, and although the predella is far smaller in (Fig.18) shows St Benedict enthroned between Sts Jerome (for- scale, his appearance, in terms of the profile, hair and beard, is merly thought to be St Bonaventure) and Louis of Toulouse.26 very similar and would seem to reinforce the identification of the The chapel of St Benedict was erected just after 1341, following ‘gentiluomo da Ca’ Barbarigo’ as Gerolamo.27 the absolution from the interdict imposed on Bergamo by Pope Another painting could have a ‘family link’ with the London Benedict XII. On 15th April 1520 Bergamo was placed under a portrait: the Portrait of a man in the collection of the Duke of new papal interdict by Leo X, because of diplomatic blunders Northumberland at Alnwick Castle (Fig.19). Nicholas Penny made by an important local family, the Passi. On 14th December noted that this rather neglected portrait ‘looks like Titian’s work’

and then apostolic protonotary (ibid., X, Venice 1883, p.16); or Gerolamo di 1507, which included two dedications, one to Lucrezia Borgia written by Gerolamo Benedetto Barbarigo, member of the Dieci Savi in July 1508 (ibid., VII, Venice and another addressed to Gerolamo by Filosseno; M. Filosseno: Sylve de Marcello 1882, p.575). Philoxeno tarvisino poeta clarissimo, Venice 1507. It is a curious coincidence that the first 19 P. Bembo: Lettere: vol. III (1529–1536), ed. E. Travi, Bologna 1992, p.50, no.979. act of Gaetano Donizetti’s opera Lucrezia Borgia (based on Victor Hugo’s play) takes 20 B. Nardi: Saggi sulla cultura veneta del Quattro e , ed. P. Mazzantini, place on the terrace of Palazzo Barbarigo in Venice. Padua 1971, p.40, note 3. This is known thanks to a collection of Paduan documents 24 On the stone, which also is inscribed with a celebratory epigraph, see P. Rugo: compiled by the abbot Dorighello in the late eighteenth century (Padua, Bibl. Riflessi storici del dominio e della caduta della Repubblica veneta nelle lapidi della cittadella di Civica, MS B. P. 938), ibid., p.40. Feltre, Feltre 1998, pp.148–49, no.137. 21 On the ‘Compagnia degli Amici’, see P. Bembo: Prose e rime, ed. C. Dionisotti, 25 A. Pinetti: ‘Per la storia della pittura bergamasca nel Cinquecento: spigolature Turin 1966, pp.699–703; and A. Ballarin: ‘Giorgione e la Compagnia degli Amici: d’archivio’, Bollettino della Civica Biblioteca di Bergamo 2 (1908), pp.234–35. il “Doppio ritratto” Ludovisi’, Storia dell’arte italiana, V, Turin 1983, pp.479–541 26 Carlotta Quagliarini has convincingly explained the presence of the various saints; (who corrects the mistaken inclusion of Tommaso Giustiniani in the ‘Compagnia’, see C. Quagliarini: ‘Andrea Previtali tra celebrazione cittadina e cultura religiosa: le it was in fact Trifone Gabriele). On Vincenzo Querini, see S.D. Bowd: Reform pale del Duomo e delle chiese di Sant’Andrea e Sant’Alessandro della Croce a before the Reformation: Vincenzo Querini and the Religious Renaissance in , Leiden, Bergamo’, unpublished M.A. diss. (Università degli Studi di Roma La Sapienza, Boston and Cologne 2002, esp. pp.32–45. On Cristoforo Marcello, see M. 1991–92), pp.27–111. Palumbo: ‘Marcello, Cristoforo’, DBI, LXIX, Rome 2007, pp.525–28. Marcantonio 27 The small Portrait of Marco Barbarigo by a follower of Jan van Eyck in the National Michiel described a portrait of Cristoforo Marcello by Titian; see G. Frizzoni, ed.: Gallery, executed c.1449–50 when the sitter was in London, shows the future Notizia d’opere di disegno pubblicata e illustrata da D. Jacopo Morelli, Bologna 1884, Doge aged about thirty, a little before the birth of his firstborn, Andrea, the father of p.170. Gerolamo. If the ‘gentiluomo da Ca’ Barbarigo’ is really Gerolamo, the National 22 See G. Romano: ‘Verso la maniera moderna; da Mantegna a Raffaello’, Storia Gallery possesses portraits of grandfather and grandson separated by about sixty years. dell’arte italiana, VI.1, Turin 1981, pp.4–85. On the portrait of Marco, see L. Campbell: National Gallery Catalogues: The Fifteenth 23 Gerolamo was also responsible for the publication of Marcello Filosseno’s Sylve in Century Netherlandish Paintings, London 1998, pp.224–27.

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21. Detail of the Miracle of the speaking babe, by Titian. 1510–11. Fresco. (Scuola del Santo, Padua).

Moreover, the paintings have almost identical dimensions.31 Could the Alnwick portrait also be of a Barbarigo, perhaps one of Gerolamo’s many younger brothers? Stylistically it seems to me that the Alnwick portrait dates from some years after that in London; although less audacious compositionally, it is represen- tative of a time when Titian, after painting the frescos in Padua, classicised his forms and created his own canon of portraiture. The fiery landscape is typical of Titian’s brief but intense Giorgionesque period, while the face is wonderfully lit with shafts of coloured light to create an almost pastel effect. It is very close 20. , by Sebastiano del Piombo. 1510. Panel, 54.9 by 44.5 cm. (National Gallery, London). to the Portrait of a man (collection of the Earl of Halifax) or the Portrait of a man with a red cap (Frick Collection, New York). Now we should turn to the question of the London portrait’s and that it ‘seems to represent the same sitter as the National Gal- chronology. According to Vasari, Titian painted this portrait lery’s portrait’.28 Although there are some discrepancies between when he was not more than eighteen years old (probably one of the two sitters – blue eyes in the London portrait; brown in the the chief reasons that Vasari’s account has not been accepted one at Alnwick, and different mouths – the two men would seem since Titian was considered to be too young to create such a to share a family likeness. And while Penny’s suggestion was based masterpiece) and subsequently worked on the façade of the purely on their physical similarities, it is worth noting that when Fondaco dei Tedeschi after Giorgione had finished painting the the Alnwick painting was in the Camuccini collection in 1851, main façade, which was in December 1508.32 Ludovico Dolce Tito Barberi, who compiled the catalogue of that collection, wrote that Titian worked on the Fondaco ‘when he was still not linked the portrait to Vasari’s remarks about the ‘gentiluomo da Ca’ twenty’.33 This statement is generally considered to be reliable Barbarigo’.29 When the portrait reached Alnwick some years later, and also fundamental for establishing Titian’s probable date of it was known as the ‘portrait of a Barbarigo’. The presence in both birth. Various factors – including the fact that it would have been works of a sleeve of silvered bluish satin – the only two of this type difficult to paint in fresco on an external wall in winter – suggest to appear in a male portrait of Titian’s – leads one to suppose that that Titian must have worked there in the summer of 1509.34 there may have been a link between the two commissions.30 If one follows Vasari, then the portrait of the ‘gentiluomo da Ca’

28 N. Penny in D. Jaffé, ed.: exh. cat. Titian, London (National Gallery) 2003, p.82, members of the Barbarigo family portrayed in the sixteenth century have beards, and no.5, fig.43. Despite its high quality, emphasised by R. Pallucchini: Tiziano, I, the family coat of arms includes stylised beards, a pun on their name. Florence 1969, pp.242–43, no.75, this portrait has had difficulties entering the Titian 31 The National Gallery painting measures 84.6 by 69.5 cm., but the original painted œuvre, although it is included in P. Humfrey: Titian: The Complete Paintings, Ghent surface measures 81.2 by 66.3 cm.; the Alnwick portrait measures 82.6 by 64.8 cm. 2007, p.47, no.14; for its critical history see P. Rylands: , Cambridge 32 In December 1508 an arbitration panel of three painters (Lazzaro Bastiani, 1988, p.257, no.A1. and Vittore Belliniano), nominated by , was asked 29 T. Barberi: ‘Catalogo ragionato della Galleria Camuccini in Roma’, c.1851, to value Giorgione’s frescos, which had already been finished; see M. Barausse: no.15 (MS in Alnwick Castle Archives; another copy is with the descendants of the ‘Giovanni Bellini. I documenti’, in M. Lucco and G.C.F. Villa, eds.: exh. cat. Camuccini family at Cantalupo). On the Camuccini collection and its sale, see Giovanni Bellini, Rome (Scuderie dell’Quirinale) 2008, p.355, no.108. N. Penny: ‘’s “ dei garofani” rediscovered’, THE BURLINGTON 33 L. Dolce: ‘Dialogo della Pittura: Intitolato l’Aretino’, in P. Barocchi, ed.: MAGAZINE 84 (1992), pp.76–80; L. Finocchi Ghersi: ‘“Il moccolo che va avanti, fa Trattati d’arte del Cinquecento: Fra Manierismo e Controriforma: Volume primo: lume per due”. Pio IX, il marchese Campana e la vendita della collezione Camuccini’, Varchi–Pino–Dolce–Danti–Sorte, Bari 1960, p.201. Rivista dell’Istituto Nazionale d’Archeologia e Storia dell’Arte, III ser., 25 (2002), 34 P. Joannides: Titian to 1518, New Haven and London 2001, p.68. pp.355–79. The Alnwick portrait, like many other of the Camuccini paintings, has 35 Vasari, op. cit. (note 1), p.156; on Titian’s Flight into Egypt, see the article by Irina an Aldobrandini provenance, and probably came from the Este collections. Artemieva on pp.4–11 above. 30 Many of the men portrayed by Titian early in his career have similar physiognomies, 36 To this category of portraits belong the ‘ritratto in maestà’, according to Marcantonio and almost all of them have beards, from the Portrait of a man in black of c.1507 Michiel’s definition of Raphael’s portrait of Pietro Bembo, which Michiel saw (, Washington), to Domenico Balbi in the in Bembo’s collection; he probably used the term ‘in maestà’, to mean full face (as of c.1512–14 (Fondazione Magnani Rocca, Mamiano di Traversetolo). Many explained in Dolce, op. cit. (note 33), p.179; see also the definition in Battaglia, op. cit.

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Barbarigo’ must have been painted slightly before the frescos, given that Titian, who was still extremely young, only got the commission thanks to the intervention of Barbarigo. Vasari also writes that after the Fondaco, Titian ‘painted a large painting with life-size figures’ of the Flight into Egypt (‘la Nostra Donna che va in Egitto’), now in the Hermitage, which was probably 22. Christ commissioned by Andrea Loredan for his new palace on the carrying the , but which must have been painted before the cross (before 35 restoration), Fondaco frescos. Given Vasari’s chronological error, we cannot by Titian. believe blindly in his sequence for Titian’s youthful works. We c.1508–09. need to determine whether it is plausible that Titian could have Canvas, 68.2 by 88 invented a radically new form of portrait when he was not yet cm. (Scuola twenty, slightly before 1510, by comparing it with documented Grande di works of the same period. S. Rocco, Compositionally, the ‘gentiluomo da Ca’ Barbarigo’ belongs to Venice). the ‘looking over the shoulder’ portrait type popular in Venice since c.1500 – for example, Giorgione’s Portrait of Francesco Maria says ‘his friend’) who was demanding, of sufficient social standing della Rovere (, Vienna) – even if it and au fait with current trends as, it would seem, was Gerolamo takes the pose to an extreme, emphasising the twist of the neck Barbarigo. Carlo Dionisotti wrote that ‘at the start of the and the torso. The parapet cuts the sitter at the waist, unlike the cinquecento, in Venice, a young unknown painter, as Titian was Bellini tradition of showing only the bust, as, for example, in at that time, was encouraged by his environment, his patrons and Giorgione’s Giustiniani portrait (Gemäldegalerie, ), often clients to produce works in a completely new style’.39 compared with the painting in the National Gallery, and some- The first fully documented works of Titian’s are the frescos times even considered to be by the young Titian. There are also with Stories of St Anthony of Padua painted between the end of several elements, such as the enlargement of the visual field and 1510 and 1511 for the Scuola del Santo in Padua in which his the lowering of the parapet, to emphasise the volume of the torso style reached a classical perfection. In the Miracle of the speaking and arms (often in voluminous sleeves), which create such a babe the group of women on the right (Fig.21) have a mon - masterly sensation of space, and above all the Olympian calm and umental physical presence and there is a total conquest of the self-confidence expressed by the sitter’s expression and gesture, depiction of space that is similar to the London portrait, which which link it to the kind of monumental portrait born in those would seem, however, to have been painted earlier – just as it years.36 To this genre belong, for example, Raphael’s portraits is this writer’s conviction that it was painted earlier than the from his Florentine years (those of Agnolo and Maddalena Doni ‘Schiavona’, also in the National Gallery, one of the most mag - in the , Florence) and at (the so-called Portrait of nificent examples of the full-face portraits (‘ritratto in maestà’), Francesco Maria I della Rovere, also at the Uffizi). In the London and exactly contemporary with the Paduan frescos. The close portrait Titian fused the ‘looking over the shoulder’ format and compositional parallels between the ‘gentiluomo da Ca’ Barbarigo’ the monumental portrait, anticipating by some years Raphael, and Sebastiano del Piombo’s Salome (Fig.20), also in the National who experimented with it in, for example, the Man in fur Gallery, dated 1510, are also intriguing. It was a moment when (formerly in the Czartorysky Museum, Cracow).37 There were Sebastiano seems to have fallen under the influence of the young many ways that these new compositional ideas could have been Titian: 1510 can therefore be taken as a terminus ante quem for the transmitted. Pietro Bembo was at the court of Urbino from 1506, Barbarigo portrait. It does not seem impossible that in 1509 and Fra Bartolomeo was in Venice in spring 1508.38 The young Titian was able to paint such a portrait: his Christ carrying the cross Titian’s wish to formulate something radically new, which broke at S. Rocco was most probably painted in this year (Fig.22).40 all ties with the past, was probably stimulated by a person (Vasari The attribution of this painting is still under discussion despite

(note 5), IX, p.404) from the waist up and with a monumental effect: ‘el retratto Bembo makes Beroaldo say that a portrait needs to contain the ‘mores animi’ to express piccolo de esso M. Pietro Bembo, allora che giovinetto stava in corte del duca d’Urbino fu the ‘consuetudo animi’ of the person portrayed; see B. Agosti: ‘Intorno alla “Vita” de mano de Raffael d’Urbin in m[aest]ta’; Frizzoni, op. cit. (note 21), p.46. The term Gioviana di Raffaello’, Prospettiva 110–11 (2003), pp.58–60. That there were ‘maestà’ was already used early in the fourteenth century to indicate a sacred image links between Bembo in his Urbino years and Titian are proven by Titian’s Tobias shown frontally; see G. Agosti: ‘Il più antico ricordo lombardo di Giotto’, in C. Acidini and the angel (Accademia, Venice), on which the Bembo coat of arms appears; it is not Luchinat, ed.: Settanta studiosi italiani: Scritti per l’Istituto Germanico di Storia dell’Arte di improbable that Pietro Bembo commissioned it; it is plausibly dated c.1508; see J. Firenze, Florence 1997, p.44. Wilde: Venetian Art from Bellini to Titian, 1974, pp.109–12. For Fra Bartolomeo 37 See R. Jones and N. Penny: Raphael, New Haven and London 1983, pp.170–71, in Venice, see P. Humfrey: ‘Fra Bartolommeo in Venice and St Catherine of Siena’, fig.180. Before taking on the monumental portrait format, Titian had experimented THE BURLINGTON MAGAZINE 132 (1990), pp.476–83. with the ‘looking over the shoulder’ format; from the Portrait of a man (Ickworth, 39 C. Dionisotti: ‘Tiziano e la letteratura’, in idem: Appunti su arti e lettere, Milan 1995, National Trust), called the ‘Gentleman with Flashing Eyes’ by E. Wethey: The p.119. Paintings of Titian: II: The Portraits, London 1971, p.104, no.41, to the Altman Portrait 40 J. Anderson: ‘“Christ carrying the Cross” in San Rocco: its commission and of a man (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York), which comes from the height miraculous history’, Arte veneta 31 (1977), pp.186–88. For a different interpretation of of his Giorgionesque phase just before the ‘gentiluomo da Ca’ Barbarigo’. A similar silk the documents and the origin of the painting, see M.A. Chiari Moretto Wiel: ‘Il sleeve is worn by the man on the left of the Lovers (Royal Collection), a ruined Cristo portacroce della Scuola di San Rocco e la sua lunetta’, Atti dell’Istituto Veneto picture but certainly by Titian of the same date as the National Gallery portrait. di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti 156 (1997–98), pp.687–732. In Van Dyck’s travel sketchbook 38 It is possible that Bembo had some influence on Titian’s youthful portraits, and in the British Museum is a drawing of the Christ carrying the cross; see G. Adriani: Anton on the creation of the ‘gentiluomo da Ca’ Barbarigo’: in the dialogue De Guido Ubaldo Van Dyck: Italienisches Skizzenbuch, Vienna 1965, pp.15–16, no.20v, where the face Feretrio deque Elisabetha Gonzagia Urbini ducibus liber, written between 1509 and 1510, strangely recalls Giorgione’s lost Orpheus.

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confidence and the grandeur with which he invested his portraits, had already become the favourite of the Venetian patriciate, while Giorgione, in the last months of his life, evidently followed a dramatically different artistic path which had probably distanced him from the more high-flown tastes of the great Venetian patrons.42 The recent discovery of the post mortem inventory of his possessions revealed his indigent state: he died a poor man.43 The myth that the Barbarigo portrait represented Ludovico Ariosto was born in Amsterdam around 1640.44 At that date the work was in the collection of Alfonso Lopez, who also owned Raphael’s portrait of Baldassarre Castiglione (Musée du , Paris). Similar both in dimensions and in composition, they came to be regarded as pendants: in fact they formed a perfect quartet Ariosto–Titian/Castiglione–Raphael. Once Titian’s portrait had 23. Orpheus, been immortalised as ‘Ariosto’ in Reinier van Persyn’s engraving by David and then in Joachim von Sandrart’s Teutsche Academie, the deed Teniers the Younger, after was done. It is well known that was inspired by the a lost painting two portraits in his etched self-portrait of 1639 and in his painted by Giorgione Self-portrait of 1640 (National Gallery, London).45 of c.1508–09. c.1670. Can- Another great portrait painter and admirer of Titian’s who vas mounted exploited some of the qualities of the ‘Ariosto’ was Anthony van on panel, 16.8 Dyck; in his Self-portrait (Fig.24), datable around 1640, he would by 11.7 cm. (Private seem to have been inspired by Titian, not only in the ‘looking collection). over the shoulder’ format, but also in the use of light and shade on the face.46 Van Dyck can be credited with having been the fact that it is a wreck. In the present writer’s opinion it is (or responsible for the enormous diffusion of this kind of portrait in was) certainly by Titian, and Christ’s face, with its poignant England during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, giving expression, appears similar to the face in the Barbarigo portrait, rise to many sore necks, at the expense of, among others, Samuel almost as if Titian had in his mind the face of ‘his friend’ which Pepys: ‘I sit to have it full of shadows and do almost break my he had studied so long for the portrait. neck looking over my shoulders to make the posture for him It was at this time that Giorgione also arrived at similar to work by’.47 We know from the correspondence between compositional solutions, although with wildly different results. It Claude Vignon and François Langlois in November 1641 that is to be hoped that one day his painting of Orpheus will reappear; Van Dyck, who already owned many wonderful paintings by it is known only through an engraving by Lucas Vorsterman Titian, was interested in buying the ‘ritratto dell’Ariosto molto made after a copy of the original by David Teniers the Younger eccellentissimo’, which was sent for sale in Paris in mid-December (Fig.23) for the . Giorgione had conceived together with the rest of Lopez’s collection.48 On 9th December of something similar to Titian’s portrait with Orpheus’s great Van Dyck died, a few days before the Lopez sale. Given that a billowing sleeve in the foreground. But in contrast to the calm painting of ‘Ariosto Poeta’ by Titian is listed in an inventory of self-confidence of Titian’s figure, Giorgione’s poet, his cap his collection in 1644, it would seem likely that Van Dyck had pushed to the back of his head, sings a desperate, heartbreaking arranged to buy the painting on one of the last days of his life, song, rather like those of the Singers in the and and that when the sale was finalised he may have already been in the Mattioli collection.41 Titian, thanks to his apparent self- dead for some days.49

41 On Giorgione’s Singers, see A. Ballarin in M. Laclotte and G. Nepi Scirè, eds.: time in 2009; see K. Hearn, ed.: exh. cat. Van Dyck and Britain, London (Tate exh. cat. Le siècle de Titien: L’âge d’or de la peinture à Venise, Paris (Grand Palais) 1993, Britain) 2009, p.139, no.67. This self-portrait follows that with the sunflower of 2nd ed., pp.42–44 and 341–46, nos.29–30. Also to be included in this discussion is c.1633 (collection of the Duke of Westminster), which was already related to Titian’s Giorgione’s Self-portrait as David (Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum, Braunschweig), portrait by Gould, op. cit. (note 4), pp.281–82, note 6. one of his last works. 47 Pepys is speaking of his portrait painted by John Hayls in 1666 (National Portrait 42 This may reflect a genuine sense that he was marginalised or less successful than Gallery, London); see D. Piper: Catalogue of Seventeenth-Century Portraits in the National Titian; see Dolce’s famous anecdote; Dolce, op. cit. (note 33), pp.201–02, repeated Portrait Gallery: 1625–1714, Cambridge 1963, pp.269–70. My thanks to Norman by Vasari, op. cit. (note 1), p.157, on Giorgione’s jealousy of the success of Titian’s Coady for having alerted me to this anecdote. work on the Fondaco dei Tedeschi. 48 C. Hofstede de Groot: Die Urkunden über Rembrandt (1575–1721), The Hague 1906, 43 R. Segre: ‘A rare document on Giorgione’, THE BURLINGTON MAGAZINE 153 pp.116–18, no.90. (2011), pp.383–86. 49 The Lopez sale must have taken place at the same time that Van Dyck died; 44 For Ariosto’s real iconography, see G. Gronau: ‘Titian’s “Ariosto”’, ibid., ibid., p.117. For the inventory of his collection of 1644, see J. Wood: ‘Van Dyck’s 63 (1933), pp.194–203; and R. Ceserani: ‘Studi ariosteschi: I. Dietro i ritratti “Cabinet de Titien”: the contents and dispersal of his collection’, THE BURLINGTON di Ludovico Ariosto’, Giornale storico della letteratura italiana 153 (1976), MAGAZINE 82 (1990), p.695. pp.243–95. 50 Two copies of this detailed manuscript survive, it was compiled by the painter 45 See E.M. Bloch: ‘Rembrandt and the Lopez collection’, Gazette des Beaux-Arts 29 Douglas Guest; see D. Guest: A Catalogue of Pictures at Cobham Hall [. . .] Made in the (1946), pp.175–86; and C. Brown: exh. cat. Second Sight: Titian: Portrait of a Man: Year 1833 (Strood, Medway Archives Office, inv. no.U565.F27). Titian’s portrait is Rembrandt: Self-portrait at the age of 34, London (National Gallery) 1980. no.7, valued at £400. Nicholas Penny, who generously shared his personal work on 46 Sale, Sotheby’s, London, 9th December 2009, lot 8; it was exhibited for the first the ‘gentiluomo da Ca’ Barbarigo’, also discovered this: see the biographical details of

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24. Self-portrait, by . c.1640. Canvas, 59.7 by 47.3 cm. 25. Self-portrait, by . 1775. Panel, 71.5 by 58 cm. (Galleria (Photograph courtesy of Sotheby’s, London). degli Uffizi, Florence).

The painting reappears at the start of the nineteenth century (1734–1802), minister of finance under Louis XVI, most of whose in the collection of John Bligh, 4th Earl of Darnley (1767–1831), collection was sold in London in two sales in March and April at Cobham Hall, Kent. In an inventory of the paintings at 1795.52 In the catalogue of the Calonne sale we find: ‘Titian. The Cobham Hall of 1833 it appears as ‘Titian. Portrait of Ariosto – Portrait of a Venetian Nobleman. This surprizing head may be very fine – the drapery beautifully painted – brought from ranked as the most perfect model of portrait painting; it has the France at the beginning of the French Revolution’.50 A few pages appearance of illusion, and seems to possess life and animation’; later a painting by Rubens is described: ‘The Triumph of Henry and also: ‘Rubens. Rome Triumphant – a finished sketch of an Quatre – a very Masterly Sketch – brought from France with the emblematic subject, painted with infinite spirit, and coloured in Ariosto at the breaking out of the French Revolution’.51 This his best manner’.53 It is not known where Calonne bought the painting is now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. portrait, but it is interesting that Joshua Reynolds, who had links The presence of these two works together in a French collection with Calonne, in many of his self-portraits (particularly that in that was split up at the end of the eighteenth century allows for the Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence; Fig.25) would seem to have the identification of two similar paintings (almost certainly the been inspired, more than two and a half centuries after it was first same two) in the collection of Charles-Alexandre de Calonne painted, by Titian’s ‘gentiluomo da Ca’ Barbarigo’.54

John Bligh (1767–1831), 4th Earl of Darnley, in N. Penny: National Gallery 53 The description appears in the second sale catalogue at Bryan’s Gallery, op. cit. Catalogues: The Sixteenth Century Italian Paintings: Volume II: Venice 1540–1600, (note 52). The two paintings are nos.81 and 113 (respectively priced at £35 and London 2008, pp.448–52. Also in the Medway Archives Office (inv. no.U565.T249) £44.2.0). They also appear in the catalogue of Skinner and Dyke, op. cit. (note 52): is an inventory with valuations of the Darnley collection in 1895, in which Titian’s the Titian on the second day’s sale of paintings (26th March 1795), no.67, ‘A fine ‘Portrait of Ariosto’ is in the ‘Large Picture Gallery’ valued at £2,800. Another Portrait of a Noble Venetian’, £35, the Rubens was in the fourth day’s sale of inventory of Cobham Hall, made on John Bligh’s death in 1831, is in London, paintings (28th March 1795), no.30, ‘Rome Triumphant, an emblematic finished Victoria and Albert Museum, National Art Library, MSS, MSL/1972/2122, when sketch, full of genius, and finely coloured’, £42.2.0. Titian’s ‘Ariosto’ was in the ‘Picture Gallery’. 54 In 1790 Calonne bought from Reynolds Sarah Siddons as the Tragic Muse 51 Rubens’s painting is in the inventory of 1833 (Guest, op. cit. (note 50), no.21), (Huntington Library, San Marino CA) for 800 gns. For Reynolds’s self-portraits that valued at £200, but only at £120 in that of 1896. In the Cobham Hall inventory of seem to be based on the same composition as the National Gallery Titian, see D. 1831 it appears immediately after Titian’s ‘Ariosto’. Mannings: Sir Joshua Reynolds: A Complete Catalogue of his Paintings, New Haven and 52 Nicholas Penny reached the same conclusion on Calonne from the Darnley London 2000, I, pp.47–51, nos.5–21. The Concert Champêtre in the Louvre has had a inventory. On the Calonne collection, see W. Buchanan: Memoirs of painting, with a similarly long-lasting influence, see F. Haskell: ‘Giorgione’s “Concert Champêtre” chronological history of The Importation of Pictures by the Great Masters into England since and its Admirers’, in idem: Past and Present in Art and Taste: Selected Essays, New Haven the French Revolution, London 1824, pp.217–56; and B. Scott: ‘Charles Alexandre de and London 1987, pp.141–53. The Concert Champêtre is today rightly regarded Calonne: Economist and Collector’, Apollo 97/131 (1973), pp.86–91. There were by most scholars as a cornerstone for Titian’s early work and in my opinion can be several Calonne sales, the relevant ones are: sale, London, Skinner and Dyke, considered in parallel with the /Justice originally above the side entrance of the 23rd–28th March 1795; and sale, London, Bryan’s Gallery, 27th April 1795, and the Fondaco (the detached remains of which are now in the Ca’ d’Oro), and therefore following days. almost contemporary with the Barbarigo portrait.

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