DOCSLIB.ORG

August 2010 Abstract

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
August 2010 Abstract Digital Democracy in Malaysia: Towards Enhancing Citizen Participation Nor Mazny Abdul Majid A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Law Faculty of Business and Law Victoria University Melbourne, Australia August 2010 Abstract Digital Democracy in Malaysia: Towards Enhancing Citizen Participation This thesis investigates the relevance of digital democracy in enhancing citizen participation in policy making within the Malaysian civil service. A qualitative research method is applied through an empirical, in-depth interview based, data collection exercise of a sample of civil servants and commentators on government and technology in Malaysia. It assesses, from a broad perspective, the possible contribution of Information Communications Technology (ICT) in strengthening citizen participation in the democratic processes of government. In these contexts it offers a perspective on how the legal, political and social interpenetrates. The literature reviewed covers: the concept of democracy and assumed influences of ICT on democratic processes; Malaysia’s history with a focus on nation building, the civil service and also its government’s ICT agendas; and, laws structuring citizen participation in government in Malaysia, framed within autopoietic theory. This, as a metaphor, offers a flexible perspective of law’s affect on its environment and vice versa, and, further illustrates and emphasises the importance of context. The findings suggest that civil servants agree that there are numerous opportunities for policy making to benefit from digital democracy practices based on ICT. However there is a gap between their appreciation of this potential as a concept and their confidence in its implementation in policy making within the civil service. Civil servants are not ready to hand over the role of defining the process and content of policy making to citizens. Civil servants are generally uncertain about the actual value or weight they are willing to afford to inputs from digital democracy practices and what its influence on policy making will be. The thesis is significant because it describes, from viewpoints within the civil service, the role of ICT in enhancing citizen participation in democratic processes within a context of issues, benefits, enablers and barriers to citizen participation in policy making. This description is placed against a background of the history, culture and law which situates Malaysian civil servants’ understanding of the concept of digital democracy and how they frame its relevance to policy making. The research informs the formulation of policy for the use of digital democracy practices in Malaysia. More generally, it contributes to the debate over the factors, including historic democratic practices, which affect the capacity for ICT to enhance participatory democracy. Through this focus on a South East Asian state and its civil service, the study explores new dimensions and offers a significant contribution to the emerging field of digital democracy. II Stud ent Declaration “I, Nor Mazny Abdul Majid, declare that the PhD thesis entitled Digital Democracy in Malaysia: Towards Enhancing Citizen Participation is no more than 100,000 words in length including quotes and exclusive of tables, figures, appendices, bibliography, references and footnotes. This thesis contains no material that has been submitted previously, in whole or in part, for the award of any other degree or diploma. Except where otherwise indicated, this thesis is my own work.” Signature: Date: III III Acknowle dgement I thank God for it is only with His blessings that this PhD journey has reached a rewarding destination. It has been an exceptional journey for which I am forever indebted to many. First and foremost, I would like to express my deepest appreciation to my supervisor, Professor Neil Andrews. As much as his constructive criticism and comments have been invaluable, it is his patience, compassion and enthusiasm which is inspirational. Much appreciation is also due to my co-supervisor, Dr Scott Beattie for his valuable inputs and comments. I would also like to thank the wonderful people at the Faculty of Business and Law. A special thank you to Tina Jeggo, from whose dedication I benefited enormously. My heartfelt appreciation to my respondents, for their generous assistance, time and contributions. Thank you to friends, Wan, Zul, Ju, Aida, Zainah, Nikki, Effy, Annie and others who shared the postgraduate office. Their continued support, warmth and humour were critical to the overall enjoyment of my time at Victoria University and will forever be cherished. Thank you to my family for their emotional support and endless prayers. To my mother, Che Pora Abdul Hamid for her unquestioning love and devotion. To my children Adam and Afaf, my love for them makes me strive to improve. The motivation and drive to start this journey came from my husband, Abdul Gapar Abu Bakar. I am truly fortunate to have his love, support and understanding. My late father, Abdul Majid Salleh, always believed in his girl. I dedicate this work to his memory. IV IV Preface This thesis records a qualitative research project which aims to assess the role of ICT in enhancing citizen participation in democratic processes. It addresses the following primary and subsidiary research questions: • Primary question: How relevant is digital democracy towards enhancing citizen participation in policy making within the Malaysian civil service? • Subsidiary question 1: Will the potential of technology in disseminating information, facilitating interaction and conducting political transactions through digital democracy practices be used to increase the transparency, efficiency, flexibility, cost-effectiveness, and inclusiveness of policy making in the Malaysian civil service? • Subsidiary question 2: To what extent will digital democracy practices be integrated in the practices of Malaysian civil service institutions and how will they affect actual policy making processes? • Subsidiary question 3: Will the potential of digital democracy be used optimally in integrating the basic elements of the entire policy making process in the Malaysian civil service? • Subsidiary question 4: Will digital democracy practices for policy making in the Malaysian civil service be such that people involved may influence issues of interest? Points of Departure This thesis emerged from my personal experience as a civil servant with a background in legal studies, and a growing personal interest in the field of information and communication technologies (ICT). Informed by fifteen years of experience in the management and diplomatic scheme, within the Malaysian civil service, I am aware that civil servants have a predominant voice in policy making. I also appreciate that first and foremost, civil servants are individuals with outlooks or attitudes based on their personal experience and dispositions. This has led me to question how their V V views on ICT processes and new policy styles, as well as their views on citizen participation in policy making, will influence the inclusion or exclusion of digital democracy practices in policy making within the civil service. Being both an insider 1 (by virtue of being a civil servant), and a researcher, makes me a “familiar stranger”. I feel that my proximity to the environment that I am researching increases my ability to better evaluate opinions and information, and to interpret them. In essence, this thesis, which is exploratory in nature, is written from the point of view of a civil servant, with the purpose of making sense of, and offering insights into the complexities of the Malaysian civil service. Moving beyond the personal, to begin with, there is growing interests in the assumed influences of ICT particularly of the internet on democratic processes. The potential ICT holds for distribution of and access to information, as well as reinforcing interactivity between citizens and governments, has led to it being hailed as a changer of political lives. In the wake of this development, lies the concept of digital democracy, defined by Hacker and Dijk as “… a collection of attempts to practise democracy without the limits of time, space and other physical conditions, using ICT or CMC [Computer Mediated Communication] instead, as an addition, not a 2 replacement for traditional ‘analogue’ political practices … .” The qualifications in this definition, that the concept is “a collection of attempts” and “an addition, not a replacement”, suggest some holding back by the authors. A review of the literature revealed that among scholars, some view the social and political identities of a society and its existential base in relation to citizen participation as being formed in specific cultural and institutional contexts. Such views posit that states have their own conceptions and variants of democracy and continue to be differently democratic, and that ICT does, and will, not necessarily enhance democracy by increasing citizen participation or citizen power. These views, which express hesitations and restraints, suggested the importance of taking a step back to 1 A concept first introduced by Stanley Milgram, to depict an individual who is recognised from regular activities, but with whom one does not interact. 2 Hacker and Dijk, What is Digital Democracy, In Hacker and Dijk (eds.), Digital Democracy Issues of Theory and Practice , (London 2000) 1, emphasis in or iginal . VI VI analyse and understand
Load more

Recommended publications
  • An Analysis of United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) 1946 - 1999 Azeem Fazwan Ahmad Farouk
    Institut für Asien- und Afrikawissenschaften Philosophische Fakultät III der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Culture and Politics: An Analysis of United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) 1946 - 1999 Azeem Fazwan Ahmad Farouk Südostasien Working Papers No. 46 Berlin 2011 SÜDOSTASIEN Working Papers ISSN: 1432-2811 published by the Department of Southeast Asian Studies Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Unter den Linden 6 10999 Berlin, Germany Tel. +49-30-2093 66031 Fax +49-30-2093 66049 Email: [email protected] The Working Papers do not necessarily express the views of the editors or the Institute of Asian and African Studies. Al- though the editors are responsible for their selection, responsibility for the opinions expressed in the Papers rests with the authors. Any kind of reproduction without permission is prohibited. Azeem Fazwan Ahmad Farouk Culture and Politics: An Analysis of United Malays National Organi- sation (UMNO) 1946 - 1999 Südostasien Working Papers No. 46 Berlin 2011 Table of Contents Preface........................................................................................................................................................... 5 Abbreviations.................................................................................................................................................. 6 CHAPTER 1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................... 9 Organizational Structure and Centralization..................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • From Plural Society to Bangsa Malaysia: Ethnicity and Nationalism in the Politics of Nation-Building in Malaysia
    FROM PLURAL SOCIETY TO BANGSA MALAYSIA: ETHNICITY AND NATIONALISM IN THE POLITICS OF NATION-BUILDING IN MALAYSIA Mohamed Mustafa Bin Ishak Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds Department of Sociology and Social Policy & Department of Politics July 1999 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. i From plural society to Ban gsa Malaysia: Ethnicity and nationalism in the politics of nation-building in Malaysia Doctor of Philosophy July 1999 ABSTRACT The question of nation-building has always been a central issue in Malaysian politics. Whilst the country has been able to sustain a relatively stable politics since the 1969 tragedy, and hence spawn a rapid economic development (at least until the 1997 Asian economic crisis), the project of nation-building remained a basic national agenda yet to be fully resolved. This study investigates the delicate process of nation-building in Malaysia in the post 1970s, especially in the context of the vision of constructing the Bangsa Malaysia or 'a united Malaysian nation' enshrined in Mahathir's Vision 2020 project which was introduced in 1991. The aim of the study is firstly, to examine the underlying socio-political parameters that shaped and influenced the politics of nation-building in the country, and secondly, to explore the viability of the project of Bangsa Malaysia in the context of the daunting challenges involved in the process of nation-building. Drawing from a range of theoretical frameworks as well as from both primary and secondary data, the study contends that, based on the Malaysian experience, the potent interplay between the forces of ethnicity and nationalism constitute the crux of the problems in the politics of nation-building in Malaysia.
    [Show full text]
  • Shifting Trends of Islamism and Islamist Practices in Malaysia, 1957–2017
    Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 49, No. 2, September 2011 Shifting Trends of Islamism and Islamist Practices in Malaysia, 1957–2017 Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid* This article seeks to analyze the evolving development and contestations regarding the interplay of Islam and politics in Malaysia’s public space for a period of 60 years (1957–2017) since its independence as a nation-state. A crucial element in this discourse is the official position of Islam as the “religion of the federation” in the Malaysian Constitution, which simultaneously guarantees the freedom of other reli- gions embraced by almost half of the country’s population. The population became even more diverse ethnically and religiously upon the formation of the Federation of Malaysia, which replaced Malaya, on September 16, 1963. Closely related to the discourse of political Islam in Malaysia, the evolving concepts of “religion” and “secularism” in Malaysia’s Islamic context have undergone considerable shifts as a result of constant public engagement by an assortment of politicians, commenta- tors, scholars, bureaucrats, and civil society activists. As the argument develops, Malaysia’s interaction with Islam has been essentialized by political interests such that boundaries are hardened between what is considered Islamic and un-Islamic. The increasingly rigid positions adopted by Islamic stakeholders have arguably worsened both interreligious and intra-Muslim relations, with progressive Muslim voices increasingly finding themselves marginalized in the state-controlled political environment. Keywords: Islam, Islamism, political Islam, Malaysia, secularism, Mahathir Mohamad, Federal Constitution, hudud, Salafi Introduction A “plural society” par excellence (Rabushka and Shepsle 1972, 20), Malaysia1) gained independence from Britain on August 31, 1957 as the Federation of Malaya.
    [Show full text]
  • UMNO Factionalism and the Politics of Malaysian National Identity
    UMNO Factionalism and The Politics Of Malaysian National Identity JAE HYON LEE This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of Murdoch University 2005 I declare that this thesis is my own account of my research and contains as its main content work which has not previously been submitted for a degree at any tertiary education institution. .................................. Abstract This thesis analyses UMNO factionalism from the perspective of the elite’s manipulation of the various modes of nationalisms. This thesis argues that UMNO factionalism, which is seemingly a power struggle between competing UMNO elites, has been significantly shaped by contesting nationalist ideologies that reflect the unresolved questions of national identity in Malaysia. These two issues, that is, nationalism and UMNO factionalism, have shaped Malaysian politics in significant ways. UMNO factionalism has been related to such major political events as the 1969 ethnic riots, the introduction of the New Economic Policy, the UMNO split in 1987 and the Reformasi (Reform) movement in 1998. Frequently, the impact of these disputes extended beyond UMNO politics and affected wider Malaysian politics. At the same time, due to unresolved questions of national identity, nationalism has occupied a central position in Malaysian political discourse. There are ambiguities regarding the relationships among the various ethnic identities and national identity and between the individual and the larger Malaysian community that enable elites to construct and manipulate nationalist ideologies. In this thesis, the conflicting nationalisms are captured by five different concepts of nationalism – ethnocultural, civic and multicultural nationalisms in one group and collectivist-authoritarian and individualistic-libertarian nationalisms in another.
    [Show full text]
  • Artistic Responses to Recent Street Protests in Kuala Lumpur
    Rites of Change: Artistic Responses to Recent Street Protests in Kuala Lumpur Fiona Lee Southeast of Now: Directions in Contemporary and Modern Art in Asia, Volume 1, Number 2, October 2017, pp. 65-90 (Article) Published by NUS Press Pte Ltd DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/sen.2017.0014 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/673251 [ Access provided at 27 Sep 2021 23:55 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] Rites of Change: Artistic Responses to Recent Street Protests in Kuala Lumpur FIONA LEE The past decade has witnessed the revival of street protest culture in Malaysia. This new wave of demonstrations arguably began in 2007, when the Hindu Rights Action Force (HINDRAF) mobilised an estimated 30,000 people to march for the rights of a religious—and racialised—minority against govern- ment policies that favour bumiputera Malays.1 Since then, street protests have been organised by a wide variety of groups and have become an increasingly common feature in Malaysia’s political landscape. The most prominent of them are the Bersih [Clean] marches organised by a coalition of non- government organisations calling for ballot reform to ensure fair elections; to date, there have been five such rallies, each of which mobilised tens of thousands of participants. Coinciding with the early years of this new wave of protests were the general elections of 2008 and 2013, which saw record voter turnout and an unprecedented number of seats won by the opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat, breaking the political stronghold held by the ruling ethno-nationalist party, United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), since independence.
    [Show full text]
  • Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University Southeast Asian Studies, Vol
    http://englishkyoto-seas.org/ Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid Shifting Trends of Islamism and Islamist Practices in Malaysia, 1957–2017 Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 7, No. 3, December 2018, pp. 363-390. (<Special issue>“Divides and Dissent: Malaysian Politics 60 Years after Merdeka,” edited by Khoo Boo Teik) How to Cite: Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid. Shifting Trends of Islamism and Islamist Practices in Malaysia, 1957–2017. In “Divides and Dissent: Malaysian Politics 60 Years after Merdeka,” edited by Khoo Boo Teik, special issue, Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 7, No. 3, December 2018, pp. 363-390. Link to this article: https://englishkyoto-seas.org/2018/12/vol-7-no-3-ahmad-fauzi-abdul-hamid/ View the table of contents for this issue: https://englishkyoto-seas.org/2018/12/vol-7-no-3-of-southeast-asian-studies/ Subscriptions: http://englishkyoto-seas.org/mailing-list/ For permissions, please send an e-mail to: [email protected] Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 49, No. 2, September 2011 Shifting Trends of Islamism and Islamist Practices in Malaysia, 1957–2017 Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid* This article seeks to analyze the evolving development and contestations regarding the interplay of Islam and politics in Malaysia’s public space for a period of 60 years (1957–2017) since its independence as a nation-state. A crucial element in this discourse is the official position of Islam as the “religion of the federation” in the Malaysian Constitution, which simultaneously guarantees the freedom of other reli- gions embraced by almost half of the country’s population.
    [Show full text]
  • Reconfiguring Malay and Islam in Contemporary Malaysia
    8 Reconfiguring Malay and Islam in Contemporary Malaysia VIRGINIA MATHESON HOOKER* A plural, multi-religious society is living perpetually on the brink of catastrophe. Relations between Muslims and non-Muslims must be governed by moral and ethical considerations.1 ampaigning in the Malaysian general election of November 1999 emphasised once again that in Malaysian politics, Islam is an emotive C and powerful topic. The ruling National Front (Barisan Nasional) led by Prime Minister (PM) Dr Mahathir claimed it had a long record of religious tolerance but accused its strongest rival, Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS), of fanaticism. For the first time at a general election, the National Front faced an opposition coalition which brought together PAS, the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and the National Justice Party (Keadilan), the latter led by Datin Dr Wan Azizah, wife of former Deputy Prime Minister (DPM) Anwar Ibrahim. The opposition coalition called itself the ‘Alternative Front’ and used the gaoling of Anwar as a prime example of the National Front’s corrupt and autocratic behaviour. The Alternative Front campaigned on a platform of social justice for all races and received public support from prominent Chinese and Indian intellectuals and activists, as well as from PAS leaders. In an attempt to subvert the appeal of the Alternative Front to nonMuslim voters (Chinese and Indians), the National Front warned that votes for the opposition would be votes against religious freedom. The Alternative Front was quick to respond with a statement from Anwar (read out by Wan Azizah) accusing the National Front of trying to create a culture of fear.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of National Identity in West Malaysia: Continued Mutation Or Critical Transition?
    Kyoto University Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 47, No. 1, June 2009 The Politics of National Identity in West Malaysia: Continued Mutation or Critical Transition? * Helen TIINGNG Abstract In this paper, national identity is conceptualized in terms of competing representations of the putative “nation” based on which socio-political contests unfold and bureaucracy functions. Two key historical happenings marked the politics of national identity in West Malaysia: the 1969 racial riots and the Islamization policies. After 1969, comprehensive ethnic-based preferential policies were formalized, while Malay political primacy justified on the basis of indigeneity became entrenched. The Islamization Policy implemented from the 1980s mainstreamed the idea of Malaysia as a negara Islam. Executive curtailment of judicial autonomy led to institutional mutations dubbed by a scholar as the “silent re-writing of the Constitution.” During the 1990s, despite selected socio-cultural measures of “liberalization” more accommodative of non-Malay interests, ethnic preferential treatments remained prevalent. Moreover, the conflation of the logic of Malay primacy with that of Islamic supremacy in institutional practices resulted in a rise in inter-religious contentions. Historic regime change became conceivable following recent political development. Nonetheless, prospects for radical revision of existing inter-religious dynamics remain dim because Islamic conservatism among Malay politicians transcends party-lines. Keywords: nationhood, Malay political primacy, Islamization, inter-religious relations. Introduction Historians pioneered studies on the historical emergence of nationalism and nation-building efforts in Malaysia. One important historical study that lays the groundwork for studying the problematic of Malaysian nationhood is the constitutional history examined by Joseph Fernando [2002]. Complementary to historical studies are the works of social scientists such as Ratnam [1965], Vasil [1980] and Heng [1988].
    [Show full text]
  • Study of the Concept of Race in Malaysia
    Malaysia, a Racialized Nation: Study of the Concept of Race in Malaysia Rie Nakamura1 School of International Studies Universiti Utara Malaysia Abstract. This paper investigates the reasons why university students in Malaysia prefer the term race over ethnic groups. The usage of the word race by students and faculty members in the classroom will be examined, along with academic writings and media usages of this term. Further, reasons for the pervasiveness of the term race in Malaysia will be explored. In this paper I argue that the concept of race is used to create a notion that the three major ethnic groups in Malaysia are physically/biologically separate groups, and that their differences will never be changed. Such sedentary ethnic divisions are important for the maintenance of social hierarchy and status quo in Malaysia. Keywords: Race, Racial Discourse, Bumiputera, Ethnic Groups, Colonialism 1. Introduction This paper is an attempt to understand the reason why in Malaysia the word race is preferred over the more widely accepted term ethnic groups and ethnicity to describe different groups in academia. I first examine how students used the word race in their coursework, and how faculty members and other scholars (including anthropologists) use the word race. I then shift to examine the term race in Malaysia historically. I compare racial discourse which was introduced and spread under British colonial domination with contemporary racial discourse. Finally I explore the reasons for the pervasive usage of race in Malaysia, and argue that the concept of race is useful to create the notion that the three major ethnic groups in Malaysia – Malays, ethnic Chinese and ethnic Indians – are separate groups and that their differences will never be changed.
    [Show full text]
  • Thesis Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirement of the Phd in International Relations
    Thesis Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirement of the PhD in International Relations The Kinship Factor in International Relations: Kinship, Identity Construction, and Nation Formation in Indonesia- Malaysia Relations Joseph Chinyong LIOW Department of International Relations London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 2003 1 UMI Number: U183176 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U183176 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ABSTRACT This thesis addresses the question of why the kinship factor has not been able to provide a viable basis upon which Indonesia-Malaysia relations can be organised, despite the fact that the language of kinship continues to frame diplomatic discourse between the two “kin states”. As a study of the phenomenon of kinship in international relations, the thesis discusses the basis of kinship discourse in Indonesia-Malaysia relations, how kinship was politicised in terms of its conceptualisation and application,
    [Show full text]
  • ISLAM and MINORITIES: Managing Identity in Malaysia
    ISLAM AND MINORITIES: Managing Identity in Malaysia Ahmad Suaedy Executive Director of the Wahid Institute, Jakarta; Visiting Research Fellow at The Center for Southeast Asian Studies (CSEAS), Kyoto University Abstract The Malaysian general election in March 2008 raised an interesting and new phenomenon. For the first time since independence in 1957, the ruling alliance known as the National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN) failed to secure two thirds of seats in parliament and lost control of five of Malaysia’s 13 states. This was due to the challenge presented by the new opposition alliance known as the Alternative Front (Barisan Alternatif, BA) or the People’s Alliance (Pakatan Rakyat, PK) which won more than 36% of seats in parliament and gained control of the five states. In the 2004 election, BN secured the largest ever percentage of seats in parliament with 91%. What is interesting is that it seems that this significant increase in support for the opposition is due to their offer to change the way minorities and ethnicity is managed. They propose a move from “Bumiputera Supremacy”, or affirmative action for the approximately 65% of “Bumiputera” Malaysians (the rest being largely of Chinese or Indian ethnicity), to “The People’s Supremacy”, which involves eradicating affirmative action based on ethnicity, basing it instead on need, for instance need due to poverty. This would potentially increase the likelihood of justice and equality for all ethnic or racial groups. This paper connects the phenomenon of change, as seen in the about turn in the results between the 2004 and 2008 elections, to the more global trend in which minorities are standing up to demand their rights in this era of globalization, and to the challenge multiculturalism presents to parts of the Muslim world such as Malaysia.
    [Show full text]
  • Dewan Negara
    Bil. 3 Selasa 22 April 2014 MALAYSIA PENYATA RASMI PARLIMEN DEWAN NEGARA PARLIMEN KETIGA BELAS PENGGAL PERTAMA MESYUARAT PERTAMA K A N D U N G A N JAWAPAN-JAWAPAN LISAN BAGI PERTANYAAN-PERTANYAAN (Halaman 1) USUL: - Menjunjung Kasih Titah Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong - YB. Senator Datuk Seri Mohd Ali bin Mohd Rustam (Halaman 21) - Waktu Mesyuarat dan Urusan Dibebaskan Daripada Peraturan Mesyuarat (Halaman 35 & 90) Diterbitkan Oleh: CAWANGAN PENYATA RASMI PARLIMEN MALAYSIA 2014 DN 22.4.2014 i AHLI-AHLI DEWAN NEGARA 1. Yang Berhormat Tuan Yang d-Pertua, Tan Sri Abu Zahar bin Dato’ Nika Ujang 2. “ Timbalan Yang di-Pertua, Datuk Doris Sophia ak Brodi 3. “ Dato’ Haji Abdul Rahman bin Bakar (Dilantik) 4. “ Dato’ Abdul Rahim bin Abdul Rahman (Dilantik) 5. “ Tuan Haji Abdul Shukor bin P A Mohd Sultan (Perlis) 6. “ Dato’ Sri Abdul Wahid bin Omar – Menteri di Jabatan Perdana Menteri 7. “ Dato’ Adam bin Abdul Hamid (Johor) 8. “ Tuan Haji Ahamat @ Ahamad bin Yusop (Johor) 9. “ Dato’ Seri Ahmad Bashah bin Md Hanipah - Senator - Timbalan Menteri Perdagangan Dalam Negeri, Koperasi dan Kepenggunaan 10. “ Dr. Ariffin bin S.M. Omar (Pulau Pinang) 11. “ Tuan Baharudin bin Abu Bakar (Dilantik) 12. “ Puan Bathmavathi a/p K.Krishnan (Dilantik) 13. “ Dato’ Boon Som a/l Inong (Dilantik) 14. “ Tuan Chandra Mohan a/l S. Thambirajah (Selangor) 15. “ Datuk Chiew Lian Keng (Dilantik) 16. “ Datuk Chin Su Phin (Dilantik) 17. “ Datuk Chiw Tiang Chai (Dilantik) 18. “ Tuan Chong Sin Woon (Negeri Sembilan) 19. “ Dato’ Dayang Hajah Madinah binti Tun Abang Haji Openg (Sarawak) 20.
    [Show full text]