Iranians' Attitudes Toward Elections: a 2021 Survey

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Iranians' Attitudes Toward Elections: a 2021 Survey IRANIANS’ ATTITUDES TOWARD ELECTIONS: A 2021 SURVEY REPORT The Group for Analyzing and Measuring Attitudes in IRAN (GAMAAN) AMMAR MALEKI Assistant Professor of Comparative Politics, Tilburg University June 2021, The Netherlands This study was conducted independently and funded by voluntary public donations. We express our sincere gratitude to Dr. Pooyan Tamimi Arab for his contribution, and to all the volunteers who assisted us in one way or another. Any use of this research or parts thereof is permitted only if properly cited: Maleki, Ammar 2021. Iranians’ Attitudes Toward Elections: A 2021 Survey Report. Published online, gamaan.org: GAMAAN. The Group for Analyzing and Measuring Attitudes in Iran (GAMAAN) is an independent, non-profit research foundation registered in the Netherlands. Copyright © 2021 GAMAAN. All rights reserved. Website: www.gamaan.org E-mail: [email protected] Twitter: @gamaanresearch Telegram: /gamaanresearch Instagram: /gamaanresearch Survey summary • The survey titled “Election Survey” was conducted from May 27 to June 3, 2021. Around 80 thousand respondents participated in the study. The final sample used in this report consisted of 68,271 Iranians living inside Iran. This study’s findings reflect the views of literate Iranian residents aged above 19, who comprise 85% of the eligible voters in Iran. The results can be generalized to the target population with a 95% credibility level and credibility intervals of 5%. • The results show that around 75% of the population will not vote in the upcoming presidential election, which is held on June 18, 2021, while 18% say they will certainly vote, and 6% haven’t decided on their participation. Moreover, the willingness to vote in the City and Village Council elections resembles that of the presidential election. • While around 71% of the non-voters reported “the unfree and ineffective nature of elections in the Islamic Republic” as their reason for abstention, 7% reported the Guardian Council’s “disqualification of my preferred candidate” as their reason. About 2% declared that they will not vote due to the COVID-19 pandemic and “the health risk of standing in the voting queue”. • 15% of all eligible voters will vote for Ebrahim Raisi, 2% for Saeed Jalili, and less than 1% for any of the other candidates. Roughly 4% of the population haven’t decided, while about 2% declared to cast a blank vote. • Of those who intend to vote, 59% reported to vote for Ebrahim Raisi, 8% for Saeed Jalili, 3% for Abdolnaser Hemmati, 2.5% for Mohsen Rezaee, and less than 1% for Mehralizadeh, Ghazizadeh Hashemi, and Zakani. About 16% of those who intend to vote haven’t decided on their preferred candidate, while 9% say they will cast a blank vote. • In response to a question about an imagined, completely free election, the most popular candidates were Reza Pahlavi (29%), Ebrahim Raisi (15%), Nasrin Sotoudeh (11.5%), Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (10%), Narges Mohammadi (8%), Mohammad Nourizad and Masih Alinejad (both 7%), and Mohammad Khatami, Esmail Bakhshi, and Mir-Hossein Mousavi with around 4% of the votes. Among the proposed political figures in the survey, Hassan Rouhani was the least popular. • When asked about the most suitable type of government for Iran, 31% opted for a secular republic, 16% a secular constitutional monarchy, and 22% preferred an Islamic Republic as the best political system for Iran. About 31% reported to be inadequately informed for answering this question. • Among the Iranian respondents who live outside Iran (over 6 thousand people), about 54% voted in the 2017 presidential election, but only 4% declared to vote in the upcoming election. 1 Section 1: Sampling methods and sample characteristics 1.1. Survey and raw sample characteristics • The Group for Analyzing and Measuring Attitudes in Iran (GAMAAN) conducted the “Election Survey” survey from May 27 to June 3, 2021. This survey was conducted online using a specialized and secure platform. • The sampling method was multiple chain-referral sampling through social media (Telegram, Instagram, WhatsApp, and Twitter). Around 80,000 respondents living inside and outside Iran participated in the study (see the Appendix for more methodological information). • According to Iran’s official statistics published in August 2020, more than 80 million people use the Internet, among whom 77 million are mobile Internet subscribers. On the other hand, as reported by the Iranian Students Polling Agency (ISPA) in February 2021, roughly 74% of Iranians over 18 use at least one social media platform. It is therefore possible to reach a substantial percentage of Iranians through the Internet and ask about their views. • The survey comprised 13 questions about religiosity and politics as well as 8 general and demographic questions (sex, age group, education level, province, urban/rural region, employment status, household income level, and voting behavior). • Respondents took part in the survey anonymously, feeling safer to express their real opinions than in telephone surveys or surveys conducted at respondents’ residence. • Approximately 92% of the respondents reported that they live in Iran. Multiple verification methods showed that around 1%, either intentionally or unintentionally, gave false information about being inside or outside Iran. • Iranians living inside Iran who responded to the survey were from all provinces, all socioeconomic strata, and from both urban and rural areas (see the Appendix for sample characteristics). 1.2. Preparing the refined sample • One survey question was designed to detect random responses and bot submissions. The forms with a wrong response to this question and forms with contradictory answers were excluded from the sample (for example, those who declared that they had not reached voting age in the 2017 presidential election but also chose their age as over 30, or those who declared that they live in Iran in one question but selected outside Iran in another question). 2 • Having taken into account the standard age groups as outlined in the 2016 Census report, the refined sample included only respondents above 19 years old who lived in Iran. • The refined sample size for respondents inside Iran was 68,271 respondents. All results in this report are extracted from this refined sample. • The target population consisted of literate Iranian residents above 19 years old (who were capable of using the Internet and reading the survey questions). As reported by the 2016 National Population and Housing Census, around 47 million Iranians are literate and above 19 years old. This accounts for 85% of the adult population of Iran. • In this report, the term “sample” refers exclusively to the refined sample, not the original raw sample. The term “population” refers only to the “target population,” not the overall population of Iran. • Samples obtained from online surveys generally do not properly overlap with the target population’s characteristics. Weighting is used to obtain a representative sample. This technique balances the sample in accordance with characteristics of the target population in question. The results were also verified through the sample matching method. The Appendix discusses the employed sample balancing, weighting methods, and reliability checks as well as the characteristics of the sample demography and the target population. 3 Section 2: Main findings All results and tables presented here are based on the “weighted sample” extracted from respondents inside Iran. The findings can be generalized to the whole population of literate Iranian residents above 19 years old, who account for 85% of the total adult population of Iran, with the respective credibility intervals and credibility level of 5% and 95% (which indicate this survey to be a non-probability survey and replace the margin of error and the confidence level). 2.1. Willingness to vote in the 2021 elections According to this study’s results, around 75% of the population will not vote in the upcoming presidential election (June 2021), while 18% will certainly vote, and 6% haven’t decided yet (Figure 1). Figure 1 4 Moreover, the willingness to vote in the City and Village Council elections resembles that of the presidential election (Figure 2). Figure 2 5 2.2. Reasons for abstention Respondents were also asked about their reason for abstention. Figure 3 shows that 71% of the non-voters chose “the unfree and ineffective nature of elections in the Islamic Republic” as their “main reason” for boycotting the election, while 7% gave as reason the Guardian Council’s “disqualification of my favorite candidate”. About 2% declared not to vote due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the “health risk of standing in the voting queue”. Also, 20% chose “other reason” for their abstention. Figure 3 6 2.3. Most popular candidate in the presidential election About 15% say they will vote for Ebrahim Raisi, 2% for Saeed Jalili, and less than 1% for any of the other candidates. Roughly 4% of the population haven’t made a decision regarding voting, while about 2% declared to cast a blank vote. Around 75% declared not to vote for any of the candidates (Figure 4). Figure 4 7 Of those who decided to vote, around 59% say they will vote for Ebrahim Raisi, 8% for Saeed Jalili, 3% for Abdolnaser Hemmati, 2.5% for Mohsen Rezaee, and less than 1% for Mehralizadeh, Ghazizadeh Hashemi, and Zakani (Figure 5). About 16% of these likely voters haven’t decided on a candidate, while 9% say they will cast a blank vote. Figure 5 8 2.4. Popularity of candidates in a free election Respondents were asked to imagine who they would vote for, if a completely free election were to be held in which representatives of diverse political orientations could participate. Respondents could choose from a list of political and social figures and had the option to write any other name that was not included in the list. It was possible to select multiple preferred candidates.
Recommended publications
  • Iran's Presidential Surprise
    18 2013 MARYAM RAHMANIAN/NEWSCOM/SIPAMARYAM Yes they could - Iran’s presidential surprise by Rouzbeh Parsi In case anyone had forgotten that Iranian presi- want to acknowledge that the revolution is over. dential elections have a propensity to surprise us, The splintered landscape on the right reflected a they were reminded over the weekend. Centrist- four-year long, acrimonious blame game among cum-reformist candidate Hassan Rouhani not only the ‘principlists’ that in effect begs the most funda- made a strong showing in the polls but managed mental of questions: what does principlism mean to obtain 50.7 per cent of the vote, thereby elimi- in today’s Iran? nating the need for a second round. The very high turnout, 72 per cent, has given him a clear man- The centrist/reformist part of the approved elector- date as well as confirming the vibrancy and neces- al spectrum proved to be not only more dynamic sity of the electoral process in Iranian politics. Four but also a much more in touch with the fatigue that years after Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s traumatic and many Iranians feel after eight years of protracted controversial re-election, Iranian politics is slowly conservative domination. Thus Mohammad Reza undergoing a course correction - back to allowing Aref, the bona fide reformist, and Hassan Rouhani, for a broader domestic political spectrum. a centrist at heart, quickly became the catalysts of the simmering discontent among the electorate. In fact they both led - and were driven by - a large The electoral dynamics section of society that craved change and acted - in line with the resilient dynamics of Iran politics - as After the selection of officially approved candi- conduits for the expectations and demands from dates, the real campaigning began - with the dif- below.
    [Show full text]
  • The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’S Revolutionary Guard
    The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’s Revolutionary Guard SAEID GOLKAR AUGUST 2021 KASRA AARABI Contents Executive Summary 4 The Raisi Administration, the IRGC and the Creation of a New Islamic Government 6 The IRGC as the Foundation of Raisi’s Islamic Government The Clergy and the Guard: An Inseparable Bond 16 No Coup in Sight Upholding Clerical Superiority and Preserving Religious Legitimacy The Importance of Understanding the Guard 21 Shortcomings of Existing Approaches to the IRGC A New Model for Understanding the IRGC’s Intra-elite Factionalism 25 The Economic Vertex The Political Vertex The Security-Intelligence Vertex Charting IRGC Commanders’ Positions on the New Model Shades of Islamism: The Ideological Spectrum in the IRGC Conclusion 32 About the Authors 33 Saeid Golkar Kasra Aarabi Endnotes 34 4 The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi Executive Summary “The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps [IRGC] has excelled in every field it has entered both internationally and domestically, including security, defence, service provision and construction,” declared Ayatollah Ebrahim Raisi, then chief justice of Iran, in a speech to IRGC commanders on 17 March 2021.1 Four months on, Raisi, who assumes Iran’s presidency on 5 August after the country’s June 2021 election, has set his eyes on further empowering the IRGC with key ministerial and bureaucratic positions likely to be awarded to guardsmen under his new government. There is a clear reason for this ambition. Expanding the power of the IRGC serves the interests of both Raisi and his 82-year-old mentor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic.
    [Show full text]
  • Possible Succession Scenarios in Iran
    Possible Succession Scenarios In Iran by Erfan Fard BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 2,062, June 3, 2021 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: A presidential election will take place in Iran on June 18, and it is rumored that Ali Khamenei prefers one candidate above the others: Chief Justice Ebrahim Raisi. While Raisi has never belonged to the IRGC, his election would nevertheless represent a victory for the hardliners. Despite his lack of religious credentials, Raisi is also considered a serious contender to succeed Khamenei as Supreme Leader. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is the main economic, intelligence, and military power in Iran. While also very strong politically, the Corps has yet to assume full power in the political sphere. The upcoming presidential elections are highly portentous for both the IRGC and the house of Khamenei. Several IRCG commanders announced their desire to run for the presidency, but only one, Mohsen Rezaee—an individual with close ties to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei—was approved as a candidate and placed on the ballot. There are widespread rumors that Khamenei prefers the current Chief Justice, Ebrahim Raisi, over Rezaee for the presidency of the Islamic Republic. Rezaee was a presidential candidate in the 2017 elections but lost to the current incumbent, Hassan Rouhani. Should Raisi triumph in June, his ascent to the presidency over Rezaee would not represent a setback to the IRGC, as he too is closely linked to the Corps. It is highly likely that Raisi will indeed become the next president of Iran. The presidency is not, however, the only pressing internal matter in the country.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran: 2021 Presidential Election
    By Nigel Walker 5 July 2021 Iran: 2021 presidential election Summary 1 Background 2 2021 presidential election commonslibrary.parliament.uk Number CBP-9269 Iran: 2021 presidential election Image Credits Iran flag by OpenClipart – Vectors from Pixabay / image cropped. Licensed under Pixabay License. Free for commercial use. No attribution required. Disclaimer The Commons Library does not intend the information in our research publications and briefings to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. We have published it to support the work of MPs. You should not rely upon it as legal or professional advice, or as a substitute for it. We do not accept any liability whatsoever for any errors, omissions or misstatements contained herein. You should consult a suitably qualified professional if you require specific advice or information. Read our briefing ‘Legal help: where to go and how to pay’ for further information about sources of legal advice and help. This information is provided subject to the conditions of the Open Parliament Licence. Feedback Every effort is made to ensure that the information contained in these publicly available briefings is correct at the time of publication. Readers should be aware however that briefings are not necessarily updated to reflect subsequent changes. If you have any comments on our briefings please email [email protected]. Please note that authors are not always able to engage in discussions with members of the public who express opinions about the content of our research, although we will carefully consider and correct any factual errors. You can read our feedback and complaints policy and our editorial policy at commonslibrary.parliament.uk.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran Might Purge Its Intelligence and Counterintelligence Community
    Iran Might Purge Its Intelligence and Counterintelligence Community by Dr. Ardavan Khoshnood BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 2,025, May 13, 2021 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: Mohsen Rezaee, a high-ranking official of the Islamic Republic in Iran, has admitted that top-secret Iranian nuclear documents were stolen in a raid of a Tehran warehouse by Israeli operatives in 2018—a raid the regime had denied ever occurred. Rezaee is calling for a purge of the Iranian intelligence and counterintelligence community, which could result in Iranian intelligence operatives fleeing the country or dying in “accidents.” The history of intelligence and counterintelligence (I&C) is riddled with failures, some of which have had horrendous consequences. There is, however, a major difference between an I&C failure and a compromised I&C community. In the past year alone, the Islamic Republic in Iran has suffered multiple serious I&C failures: the July 2020 attack on the Natanz nuclear facility, the assassination on Iranian soil in August 2020 of al-Qaeda number two Abu Muhammad al-Masri, the November 2020 assassination near Tehran of Brig. Gen. Mohsen Fakhrizadeh, and, most recently, the April 2021 attack (once again) on the Natanz facility. One of the most damaging I&C failures to have ever occurred in Iran was connected to the country’s clandestine pursuit of nuclear weapons. In 2018, Israeli operatives managed to raid a closely protected warehouse in Tehran, stealing more than 100,000 documents, images, and videos related to Iranian nuclear plans. As I noted in an earlier Perspective, “This was a fiasco for Iranian counterintelligence.
    [Show full text]
  • Full Issue File
    Biannual of Research Institute for Strategic Strategic for Institute Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs 31 Vol. 11. No.1. Winter&Spring2020 Advisory Board Mohsen Rezaee Mirghaed, Kamal Kharazi, Ali Akbar Velayati, Ahmad Vahidi, Saeed Jalili, Publisher Ali Shamkhanim, Hosein Amirabdolahian, Ali Bagheri Institute for Strategic Research Editorial Board Expediency Council Seyed Mohammad Kazem Sajjadpour Director Professor, School of International Relations Mohsen Rezaee Mirghaed Gulshan Dietl Associate Professor, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University Imam Hossein University Mohammad Marandi Professor, University of Tehran Jamshid Momtaz Editor-in-Chief Professor, University of Tehran Seyed Mohammad Kazem Mohammad Javad Zarif Sajjadpour Associate Professor, School of World Studies Professor of School of Mohiaddin Mesbahi International Relations Professor, Florida International University Hosein Salimi Professor, Allameh Tabatabii University Secretary of advisory board Seyed Jalal Dehghani Mohammad Nazari Professor, Allameh Tabatabii University Naser Hadian Director of Executive Affairs Assistant professor, University of Tehran Hadi Gholamnia Vitaly Naumkin Professor, Moscow State University Copyediting Hassan Hoseini Zeinab Ghasemi Tari Assistant Professor, University of Tehran Mohammad Ali Shirkhani Layout and Graphics Najmeh Ghaderi Professor, University of Tehran Foad Izadi Assistant Professor, University of Tehran Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs (IRFA) achieved the highest scientific ISSN: 2008-8221 grade from the Ministry of Science,
    [Show full text]
  • Oman Embarks on New Yemen Diplomacy
    WWW.TEHRANTIMES.COM I N T E R N A T I O N A L D A I L Y 8 Pages Price 50,000 Rials 1.00 EURO 4.00 AED 43rd year No.13960 Monday JUNE 7, 2021 Khordad 17, 1400 Shawwal 26, 1442 Qatar calls for dialogue I know Bahrain like Tehran, Seoul expected Iran’s “Statue” tops at between Iran and back of my hand: to resume trade within VAFI & RAFI animation Arab neighbors Page 3 Dragan Skocic Page 3 3 months Page 4 festival Page 8 Candidates face each other in first televised debate Oman embarks on new TEHRAN – The first televised debates Some analysts said the debates had no among seven presidential candidates were clear winner and that candidates mostly held on Saturday afternoon. trade accusations against each other rather The hot debates took place between five than elaborate on their plans. principlist candidates - especially Saeed Hemmati was claiming that most can- See page 3 Jalili, Alireza Zakani, and Mohsen Rezaei didates were making attacks against him - with Nasser Hemmati. which was not fair. Yemen diplomacy The main contention was over an ap- A presidential candidate, Nasser Imani, proval of FATF and skyrocketing prices, said the days left to the election day are which most candidates held the central important. bank responsible for. Continued on page 2 Iran, EAEU soon to begin talks over establishing free trade zone TEHRAN - Iran and the Eurasian Economic tee, on the sidelines of the St. Petersburg Union (EAEU) are set to begin negotiations International Economic Forum. on a full-fledged joint free trade zone in “The EAEU made the appropriate de- the near future, the press service of the cisions regarding the launch of the nego- Eurasian Economic Commission (EEC) tiations in December 2020.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran Election Update May 24, 2013
    Iran Election Update May 24, 2013 • Fars News released a comprehensive schedule of television campaigning air-time for all eight presidential candidates. The schedule of each candidate includes lists of the date, time, and television channels for the campaigning advertisements. Campaign ads for radio and direct radio campaigning by the candidates are also listed. • Popular news site Asre Iran conducted an online survey asking respondents “which candidate would they choose?” (The survey is on the left side of the homepage and the results are revealed once the user clicks on a candidate). As of noon May 24, 89,286 people responded. The poll revealed Hassan Rouhani as the current frontrunner, with 34.86% of the votes, followed by Mohammad Reza Aref with 20.82%, Qalibaf with 19.46% of the votes and Jalili with 9.25%. The rest of the candidates received 6% or less. Candidate Haddad-Adel was in last place with .74% of the votes. • During Friday prayers, the Supreme Leader’s representative at the University of Tehran, Hojatoleslam Hassan Abuturabi, said “it is important for the nation that the people be informed, participate in the election, and select the fittest individual.” • Fars News posted photos of presidential candidate Mohammed Bagher Qalibaf’s first official campaign stop in the symbolic city of Khorramshahr in the southern province of Khuzestan. He spoke in front to his supporters inside the Khorramshahr Mosque, which was a symbol of defense during the Iran-Iraq War. • Presidential candidate Saeed Jalili held a campaign rally today in Tehran's Shirudi stadium. Jalili’s Twitter account live-tweeted the campaign event, and during the rally, Iran's deputy nuclear negotiator Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • 13952 Wednesday MAY 26, 2021 Khordad 5, 1400 Shawwal 14, 1442
    WWW.TEHRANTIMES.COM I N T E R N A T I O N A L D A I L Y 8 Pages Price 50,000 Rials 1.00 EURO 4.00 AED 43rd year No.13952 Wednesday MAY 26, 2021 Khordad 5, 1400 Shawwal 14, 1442 EU welcomes extension Skocic names Iran 29 mining projects Iranian, Russian universities of surveillance deal squad for World Cup ready to go operational launch Iranistica between Iran, IAEA Page 3 qualifiers Page 3 across Iran Page 4 Encyclopedia project Page 8 Zarif holds high- level talks in Azerbaijan TEHRAN – Iranian Foreign Minister Iran presidential lineup Mohammad Javad Zarif has embarked See page 3 on a tour of the South Caucasus region amid soaring border tensions between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The chief Iranian diplomat began his tour with a visit to Baku where he met with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev on Tuesday. Continued on page 3 Water projects worth over $185m inaugurated TEHRAN – Iranian Energy Minister Reza Ardakanian on Tuesday inaugurated seven major water industry projects valued at 7.81 trillion rials (about $185.9 million) through video conference in three prov- inces, IRIB reported. Put into operation in the eighth week of the ministry’s A-B-Iran program in the current Iranian calendar year (started on March 21), the said projects were inaugurated in Hormozgan, Fars, and Kurdestan provinces. Continued on page 4 “Ambushing a Rose” published in eight languages TEHRAN – Eight translations of “Ambushing a Rose”, a biography of Lieutenant-General Ali Sayyad Shirazi who served as commander of Ground Forces during the Iran–Iraq war, have recently been published.
    [Show full text]
  • Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
    MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion.
    [Show full text]
  • The Unexpected Results of Presidential Election in Iran
    1 The Unexpected Results of Presidential Elections in Iran By Akbar E. Torbat Iranians voted in the presidential, city and rural council elections on June 14, 2013. The two elections were arranged to be on the same day to boost participations and show support for the Islamic Republic. The Guardian Council had handpicked eight candidates and rejected the rest of the applicants for presidency in violation of the Islamic Republic’s constitution.1 Despite 1.6 million first-time young voters, the turnout was 10% lower than the previous election. Some political factions had indicated that they would boycott the election. However, the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei encouraged Iranians to vote by saying “It is possible that some people, for whatever reason, do not want to support the Islamic Republic establishment but if they want to support Iran, they should come also to vote at the polls.” In reality, those who did not support the regime did not have anyone on the ballot to vote for. According to John R. Bird, Canada’s Foreign Minister, the election was “effectively meaningless” because only “regime-friendly” candidates were allowed in the race.2 President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had designated his former Chief of Staff Esfandiar Rahim Mashei as a nominee for president but the Guardian Council rejected him to be on the ballots. As Mashei was pushed aside, the election became a competition between the two wings of the clerical oligarchy; the conservatives (or principalists) and the moderates plus their reformist affiliates. Mashaei who had advocated secular policies and had nationalistic sentiments was considered a threat to the clerics, and therefore they decided to bar his candidacy.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Presidential Elections: Results and Implications
    Position Paper Iran’s Presidential Elections: Results and Implications 24 June. 2021 Contents Introduction ......................................................... 3 I- Iran’s Presidential Election and Crisis Dimensions .......................................................... 3 II- Iran’s Authoritarian “Engineered” Presidential Election and Priorities of Electoral Participation ........................................................ 5 III- The Results and Implications of the Election ............................................................... 7 IV- The Consequences of Electing Raisi ......... 10 Introduction: Under internal and external pressures, Iran’s political system held its presidential elections on June 18, 2021. The seemingly already determined result showed that “hardline” cleric Ebra- him Raisi won the election. This election was of particular im- portance due to the developments taking place inside and outside Iran. Therefore, its result will have an important impact on the overall situation whether on Iranians at home or on Iran’s foreign relations. This report will highlight the most important develop- ments regarding the election, its results and its implications inside and outside Iran. I- Iran’s Presidential Election and Crisis Dimensions The presidential election took place under critical internal condi- tions as the country continues to suffer from isolation and siege in the aftermath of US sanctions and the Rouhani government’s failure to fulfill its promises. These critical conditions have led to competition
    [Show full text]