SOCIALISM AND SOCIAL José Félix Tezanos

Socialism was not born in a vacuum. Nor has it farms of democracy ( common law states) and arisen from the social and economic conditions later social democracy (welfare states). We now resulting from the industrial revolution. Rather are reaching the most advanced stages of social socialism as an ideal of emancipation has a more equality and democratic participation. far-reaching historical perspective, through which Beyond the specific historical events and actual the civilised people of the world have worked to socialist political projects, there are many move­ organise their societies in accordance with the ments which farm part of this general line of principies of personal dignity, freedom and equal­ progress in history, each with its own momentary ity. breakdowns and setbacks. What can the people of our era do to contribute to this progress in history? Are the European countries at present HISTORICAL PROGRESS in a position to take another giant step in the advancement of civilisation? Despite sorne nega­ Toe history of Western civilisation is far the tive pronouncements, the truth is that never most part the history of a people intent on putting befare in the history of humanity has there been the democratic ideal into practice. Since the birth such a strong ethical awareness in the world, due of this concept in Greek civilisation to the devel­ precisely to the immediacy with which televised opment of the principies of law in classical Rome, infarmation reaches our homes. This ethical to the establishment of bases far democratic awareness increasingly acts as a brake and a representation in the French Revolution and the limitation on and oppression. subsequent upheavals caused by social revolu­ The European countries, especially, are show­ tions, it can be said that there exists a common ing signs of a certain maturity with regard to cause which has been advancing our societies advancing this civilised perspective. The exten­ within a humanistic project based on the relation sion of education on a scale never previously of freedom to equality. This meant overcoming known, the spread of certain levels of social basic inequalities in rights (slavery versus free­ welfare and economic prosperity, the consider­ dom) and in power (despotic and authoritarian able possibilities far economic and scientific domination versus political participation). lt first development opened up by the ongoing techno­ advanced the notion of personal dignity and logical revolution, as well as the growing demo­ equality befare the law, then the parliamentary cratic and egalitarian mentality, make Europe a

º SOCIALISM OF THE FUTURE VOL 1 N 1, 1992 67 José Félix Tezanos privileged area for the deepening of democracy. tive altemative model; it has not been a logical Thus, it can be said to sorne extent that current result of an exterior defeat or of an empirically conditions allow us to accept new challenges for demonstrated improvement over the model, as historical progress and social advancement. But we could have been led to expect from the paradoxically, these favourable conditions, concepts of scientific revolutionary theorists like despite the fact that they coincide with an effec­ Thomas Kuhn. Rather, for the most part, it has tive awareness that we are living in a period of been the result of an awarenes of the inadequa­ great change and opportunity, have yet to cies of both theoretical and practical experience. become an innovating force in the fieldof political The primary consequence of this crisis, as far as ideas. For the most part we remain anchored in it exists, is that it leaves - or could leave an debates that took place over a century ago, appreciable political vacuum and that it causes - resolving questions that were posed in societies or could cause - a significantgap in the theoretical considerably different from those of today. defences of socialism in the future (more import­ Those of us who are part of intellectual move­ ant than the possible irreversibility of various ments - like socialism - and who have the convic­ historical conquests). In this manner, an ideologi­ tion that these ideas change the world, are bound cal vacuum tends to be substituted at times by to feel perplexed at the climate of ideological short-sighted and commonplace pragmatisms, or withdrawal which has occurred in certain political - even worse - by a bastardised and mediocre and intellectual circles over the past years, and in exaltation of the established historical order: neo­ whose wake we still find ourselves. It is true that conservatism. if we contemplate the progress of civilisation with Nevertheless, we would be wrong to underesti­ sufficient historical perspective we must agree mate the grave risks for the future of socialism, that ideas, arising from certain conditions, can and for the possibilities of advancing the progress change the world. But in the same way we must of human history in the long term. Recently, recognise also that 'ideological' sanctification may sorne neo-conservative theorists have developed make of them a fetish, and enslave them. There­ a line of argument which, though weak, is able to fore any attempt to petrify and 'staunch the flow' convince sorne of those people who live comfort­ of ideas, inhibiting their free flow and expansion, ably in the prosperous societies of the Western ends up being an attack against history and world. Toe message transmitted to these citizens against the possibilities of social progress. Histor­ is in tended to be a message of security, based on ical experience shows, however, that ali strong the memory of the uprisings and confticts of the movements of ideas tend to become consecrated period between the wars, and the harmful, and and stagnant. This tendency is often found to be sometimes aberrant, consequences of fascism, in direct relation to the very strength of the Stalinism, and other revolutions which left viol­ original ideas ( dependent on its most important ence and human grief in their wake. By creating demands) and also to the success they gained ( at a negative echo which stirs the memory of these the level of hegemony and social impact). Thus it events and of the experiences of 'real socialism', can be said that, in a certain way, the success the neo-conservatives' argument 'wams' against (whether theoretical or practica! is another ques­ the risks and uncertainties of 'daring' social and tion) of the movement of ideas runs parellel to a economic experiments. In this way, democratic process of social inertia, which in turn tends to capitalism is presented as the 'most reasonable' make them lifeless. social model or even as the 'least bad' form This is probably the only way to understand the known in the history of humanity; the model - accelerating crisis Marxism has experienced in they say - that has avoided the 'big mistakes', recent years. lt is a result both of the erosion that has 'guaranteed' greater levels of freedom caused by the passing of time and more than a and political stability, and has permitted the few 'hard contrasts with the facts'. For the most highest level of collective prosperity ever known. part, beyond the practical failures, many intellec­ For this reason the neo-conservative theorists tuals and politicians have experíenced this crisis demand the uncompromising maintenance of a as a clear awareness of the limitations of the social system which - they say - 'has had good ideology that - in sorne form or another the objective results'. Therefore, it only seems majority of European leftists have believed in for necessary to 'redesign' small details. so many years. The peculiar thing about this In reality, this line of argument - which elicits ideological crisis is that it has not occurred as a a certain response in time of great social and consequence of the emergence of a more opera- technological change - is attempting to 'conse-

º 68 VOL 1 N 1, 1992 SOCIALISM OF THE FUTURE Socialism and social progress crate' in practice a type of 'grey ending of his­ hypothesis which hardly deserves to be refuted. tory'. lt assumes a politícal and moral 'paralysis' Real historical experience shows how enormously and generates fear in the face of the uncertainties difficult it is to contain and control the dynamic and risks involved in taking innovative action for possibilities of change implicit in ali human organ­ the future. The oversimplified arguments of isation; although there have been cases in the Fukuyama have attempted to lay the foundations past where it has been possible to slow them for an alleged end of history, interpreting the down considerably. current crisis in communist countries as a 'knock­ Socialism, like ali socially transforming initia­ out' victory for 'liberalism'. This will thus become tives, has contributed effectively to the progress consecrated as the 'perfect political and economic of forms of social organisation. With an overall arder', without an alternative ideology or an perspective of developing and deepening democ­ organised system capable of presenting alterna­ racy, through the recognition of social fissures, tives. In this way, sorne prophets of the end of contradictions and the unfulfilled possibilities history lock themselves into a provincial perspec­ existing in society, it has brought about the intro­ tive which confuses the end of contrasting ideas duction of social, political and economic organis­ with the crisis of their Cold War opponents. They ational methods based on freedom, equality, confuse the end of the Cold War in practice with justice, solidarity, harmonious development, etc. the disappearance of any variety in the way in In this sense, the neo-conservative attempt to which differentsocial systems are organised. staunch the flow of historical progress is pro­ From a more general perspective, such pictur­ foundly wrong. This is irrespective of how long a esque ways of presenting the question of the end model for a particular political system is able to of history may influence sorne people in countries exist and be successful in certain countries which have already reached a certain level of (including taking into account the cost of margin­ material prosperity and social welfare. Their neg­ alising significant social and national sectors). ative effect is a dampening of the abílity - and the From an overall viewpoint, it seems evident that enthusiasm - to support the development of poli­ the risks of social readjustment have not come to cíes for innovation and change. This cooling in an end. We are a long way from resolving the political and ideological interest is reinforced by problem of deficiencies and ignorance suffered by a growing awareness of the political and economic the better part of the planet's inhabitants, nor failure of the countries of 'real socialism', and by have we been able to consolidate a civilisation signs of ideological exhaustion exhibited by the free of personal and collective risks. Many battles traditional approaches of social democracy. How­ remain to be won in ali the corners of the world: ever, what this approach ignores are the possi­ battles to overcome the conditions of misery, bilities that the communist countries' capacity for ignorance and personal unhappiness in which self-reform, and the social democratic parties' millions of human beings live, to achieve a greater capacity to bring about successfully their renova­ personal and collective quality of life, to reach tion and ideological revitalisation, will end up open, participative and stable political systems, operating as significant counter-devices for these and above ali to guarantee an adequate ecological negative and sterilising tendencies, based pre­ and environmental balance. cisely on their ability tcf'ihtroduce a more realistic Thus, the tasks of socialism are in large part framework, which is more open to the possi­ unfinished. They can only be successfully under­ bilities of the future. taken after adequately renovating and updating The move towards a meaningful reform of the theoretical ideas and political policies. Con­ traditional communism, and the accumulation of sequently, we can say that the need for theoretical governing experience among the European social reflection is now just as important as it was at the democratic parties - together with their formula­ beginning of socialism when, like all intellectual tion of specific social policies - are factors that, in movements, it arose out of intense and lively the medium term, will work in favour of gaining debate, and at a time in the history of humanity a more attractive public image for socialist when faith in the possibilities of reason and options in general, thus increasing its ability to human progress was at its peak. lt is in this sense operate as an alternative ideology to that of that we can say that socialism inherited the spirit liberal capitalism. In reality, if it were not for the of the Enlightenment, and that the spirit of extraordinary publicity it has gained, the neo­ freedom gave rise to the spirit of socialism. conservatives' pretensions to proclaim the end of The history of socialism has been punctuated history should be considered as a barely plausible by periods of deep reflection and theoretical

º SOCIALISM OF THE FUTURE VOL 1 N 1, 1992 69 José Félix Tezanos

debate, not only because socialism is embedded recent decades, and all the processes of adapta­ in a strong intellectual tradition, which in itself tion and adjustment that arose from the Second has provided an ideological motivation, but also World War, the technological revolution now because its historical reality has been based on underway is altering many of the beliefs and the adjustment of the theory - of its main prin­ concepts of socialism in such a way as to underline cipies - to the concrete reality of each country the need to develop new approaches to socialist and each particular period. The works of Bern­ theory which can successfully fill the gaps left in stein, Kautsky, Luxemburg, Lenin, the Fabians, the theoretical structure formulated by the classi­ etc., are a result of the debates which took place cal masters of socialist thought over a century ago in certain countries during these particular by the criticisms of left intellectuals. moments, and are a result of the effort to apply Our current shortcomings and inadequacies the general principies of socialism to the practical require us to reformulate: reality. In the same way we can say that the • An alternative to existing models of highly theoretical debate, the effort to construct a theory imperfect societies ( socialism as ideology); that served as a guide for political action, has • A concept of the subject - or subjects - played a very significant role in socialist activities. capable of promoting socialism (socialism as In recent years, nevertheless, the impact of criti­ a social movement); cal revision on all areas of socialist political • The relevant actions for promoting socialist thought - which left intellectuals have actively progress ( strategies). participated in - has been impressive. The evaluations and ideas expressed in the To use a metaphor, this means, in short, the literature available to us today on the socialist rewriting (and updating) of the script, of thinking theorists of the past, present a tremendously of new performers, and of acting in accordance critical panorama: the forebears of socialism are with new dramatic methods and techniques. described as being somewhat utopian and pre­ Actually, the who, what, and how of socialism are scientific; the libertarians are considered nai've; not separable elements, but rather form part of Marx would be credited with a long list of mis­ the same entity. It was their divorce and separa­ takes; Kautsky, as we know, was called a 'ren­ tion which led to errors and mistakes in the past. egade', Bernstein a 'traitor' and an 'opportunist'; However, for analysing these core aspects it is Lenin has been criticised for his dictatorial inflec­ necessary to employ a method of segmentation. tion; Rosa Luxemburg is said to have been a slave to social illusion, and Trotsky was dogmatic. 'Real socialism' is defined, at best, as a sad WHAT SOCIALISM? RETHINKING parody of true socialism, while the social demo­ SOCIALISM cratic experience of the postwar period has been subjected to all kinds of criticisms and discredit. The changes in economic, social and political Y et socialism is still alive in the hopes and con­ circumstances affect socialism both as a social sciousness of millions of human beings, and is movement and as a 'body of ideas and hopes'. evident in the results of practical work which has The socialism of the twenty-first century can no undoubtedly made notable historical advances. longer be understood or explained in the same It is certainly the case, then, that when we take way as the socialism of the end of the nineteenth stock of our legacy, the socialists of our time do century. This is not only beca use of the impact of not arrive by any means empty-handed. Over the social changes, but also, significantly, because the last century historie socialism is written onto sorne level and type of aspirations, needs, demands and of the most important pages in the development possibilities are not the same in technologically and progress of humanity, and has contributed advanced societies as in those societies that were with its efforts to the correction of many perverse undergoing the transition from traditional agricul­ and degrading lines of social evolution. But after ture to capitalist industrialism. Over time it is not more than a century of effort, and from the only the nature and character of inequality and perspective of today, when we rigorously and needs that have been modified. Collective hopes honestly review what is still valid and useful and aims have changed, due in part to the upsurge among the theoretical baggage inherited from of new problems, and in part to the appearance socialism, one cannot help but feel a strong of new opportunities and demands brought into sensation of lack and insufficiency. After all the existence by past successes. All this implies a important changes that have occurred during more demanding and wide-ranging conception of

70 VOL 1 Nº 1 , 1992 SOCIALISM OF THE FUTURE Socialism and social progress socialism, less tied to the specific conditions of an open base of reference and be dialectically the societies which gave birth to the grand the­ adjustable. It cannot be a lexicon of a priori ories of socialism in the past. This also applies to 'ideas', but it must give specific social reference the objectives of socialism. Besides which, social­ for practica} 'confrontation' of inequality, domi­ ísm must be understood, in the broadest and most nation, dependency and alienation. Socialism open way possible, as one of the fundamental hopes to channel tension into emancipation. The elements of human progress and social dyna­ conquest of the 'enchanted castle' is nothing other mism. It is in this sense that we can define than childish daydreaming. socialism as a liberating ideal of a progressive Secondly, another important change for social­ extension and deepening of freedom and equal­ ist thought is the need to admit fully the complex­ ity. Socialism aims to change those social rela­ ity of reality. lf the historical development of tions and organisations which result in inequality, social organisation points to a clear tendency of unmet needs and social domination. It aims to set the simple evolving into the complex, then the up new forms of social organisation in which the truth now is that this tendency is undergoing an practica! possibilities for social life can be extraordinary acceleration and accentuation as a extended, based on the full development of result of the technological revolution. One has human potentialities, on creativity, innovation, only to look back a little to compare the diversity, brotherhood and cooperation. That is what heterogeneity and complexity of the societies of human progress is about. our day with the agricultura! societies of just a However, the problem consists not only of how century ago, or with the first forms of industrial we can understand or define socialism, but how organisation. Thus, it is unreal and narve to think we can affect the manner in which we think about of socialism in terms of simplistic solutions for socialism. In the first place, the socialism of the societies as a whole; still less for the societies of future cannot be understood as the mere process the future. In this sense, socialist theories have to of travelling cautiously along a meandering path traverse the path travelled by modero science and with no goal or precise objective, with an abandon any pretence of being able to think in unknown destination. But neither can we think terms of a single, grand theory, a macro-synthesis of socialism as a crystallised and concrete model of knowledge, a search for uní-causal expla­ detailing all the facets of an alternative society. nations, or of only one route to a single desti­ In truth, if we make a simplistic reduction of the nation, with one, and only one, reference model. metaphors that were used historically to explain The challenge faced by the new perspectives - the two main methods for achieving socialism, we once they are firmly installed in the complex find ourselves dealing with the substratum of a reality - is how to integrate the possible with certain elemental process frequently found in what is real. In other words, how can we give a infantile dreams. Because of this, it is not difficult clear meaning to the complex social elements to make either a Freudian interpretation of the which are the basis for initiating the changes social democratic ideal of socialism as a misty which will advance socialism. A socialist project path to be trodden cautiously, or an interpreta­ for the future which does not resort to self­ tion of the Leninist concept of socialism as the deception is destined to lose in simplicity and act of conquering a castle - a type of fairytale clarity what it will gain in reality and veracity. It castle in the clouds which sometimes ends up will also be necessary to draw up a socialist plan turning itself into a nightmarish castle full of of action that can be communicated in such a way dungeons. But the socialism needed today can as to give clear and intelligible messages, both neither be explained in terms of infantile dreams sociologically and politically. Undoubtedly, the nor as a fairytale. Neither the idea of misty paths problem is not easily solved, especially at a time nor castles in the clouds can now serve as illustra­ of intense social and technological change. There tive references for socialism in the coming dec­ is little to be gained from simply referring to the ades. explanatory models used by modern science in The model of future socialism, as far as being a order to uncover the principal lines of contradic­ reference model is concerned, must be a guide tion and domination that may aid the process of for action. But to qualify the earlier metaphor, it emancipation in this complex world. cannot aspire to provide a finished script ahead The accompanying diagram represents the of time, with rigid, detailed stage instructions principies of both contradiction and domination supposedly valid for all time and every situation. elements in a very provisional form, and gives The model of socialism that we need must provide no more than the beginnings of a provisional

SOCIALISM OF THE FUTURE VOL 1 Nº 1 , 1992 71 DIAGRAM OF THE CONTRADICTION-DOMINATION NETWORK IN INDUSTRIALISED SOCIETIES (Possible social bases far the motivating agents of future socialism)

CLASS INFRACLASSES SOCIAL-SECTORIAL Economy Power Srams Sex Age Nature Civic-Politica/ Culture Class domination/econo· Alienation as political Marginalisatíon of oppor· The Iogic of subordi­ Social estrangement as Contradiction between Confrontation between Type o/ míe exploitacion 'estrangement' tunities and of standard nation-dependence of segregation from the criteria for maxi­ emerging personal alti­ domínationl social mcans sexes in social relations labour market with m is i ng e conomic tudes and overall trans­ contradictíon infrapositioning of growth and the preser­ national tendencies power and devaluation vation of the environ­ of standard of living m en t and natural resources

Working classes (in their Unions and professional Shortage groups (low Socially subordinated and -The youngest and the Residents of deleriorated Sensitised population Subject entirety) and interest associa­ income. education, dependent women oldest zones sectors (pacifism) t i o ns (like formal etc.) and marginal Future generations Population in general ofthe groups) (bureaucra­ sectors domination cies) citizens without power

Tradít ional capitalist Lack or insufficiency lnsufficient development Cultural or institutional Segregation of youth Application of overall Risks from arms race relationships of owner­ of objective and sub­ of assistential and com­ subordination and eco­ from labour market economic production Risks from bipolarisation ship and appropriation jectíve spheres of con­ pensating policies due nomic. labour, legal (structural unemploy­ criteria and the deva­ Risks from alloting areas of surplus tradiction and of social to collecting limitations and political depen­ ment/labour restric­ stating use of natural of influence among and political power­ (translation in taxes dencies, etc. (neo­ tions) less job oppor­ resources, wi thout superpowers Causes and avail ability of patriarch, authorí­ tunities (roots of the sharing efficient self-control Risks from international domination) wealth) tarian hierarchy) Discrimination of retirees mechanisms that inequalities and im­ (do not improve stan­ guarantee ecological balances dard of living at the balance same pace and in the Devastating conception same way as those with of human labour (like stable jobs) subjugating domina­ tion of nature)

Formula for sharing in the Increase in participation Assure social minimums Equality of sexes in edu­ More job opportunities New economic rationale lnternational peace and ownership (or in the {vía coincidence of Operationally develop cation, labour. insti­ for youth (incorpora­ ('self-controlling') detente policies holding/management/ interna! política! welfare state policies tutional, and political tion into job market) New production orienta­ Evolution from bipolarity self-regulation) and in parties byagreement or opportunities. etc. More investment in tion (conservationist) to multipolarity the profits (individual mstrumentalisation, or Antidiscriminatory cul­ fostering jobs and Balance between the eco­ lntemational cooperation Goals of tural change emancipation salary increases or overall social agree­ quality of life nomic growth objec­ and solidarity policies (participation) overall improvement in ments with unlawful Greater participation and Social welfare and quality tives and environ­ the quality of life) holders of power micro and macro socio- of life policies for mental protection Institutionalisation of 1 ogi cal co-responsi­ retire es contradiction channels. bilities (Social Econo mic Council, etc.) More social symmetry Central theme More participation More social equity More solidarity More environmental and I More equality (equality) social protection Peace and solidarity I Political working class Unions and partía!, col­ Shortage and/or un­ 'Autonomous' feminist Yo uth groups and Groups revolving around Sector having a greater parties versus establi­ lective, sectorial, con­ assisted groups versus groups versus 'political' retirees' associations an awareness of eco­ awareness of the goals Formal shed economic powers s u mer, busines s groups that now parti­ feminist groups versus versus collective, non­ logical matters versus of the pacifist move­ implicated/ interest groups. etc.) cipate (or exert more discriminatory-segre­ solidary uníonising of national and inter­ ment and of peoples competitive versus representatives pressure in the 'cutting gating forces wage-earners national groups based under the domination groups elected by popular will. of the cake') on financia! interests of others versus large Unions and consumers powers and associated versus established eco­ mterest groups nomic powers more freedom a) Social and Social theory: Sociopolitical theory of overall social system dependency (far reaching historical perspective} more equality political effects { more particípatíon Política! theory: Política! strategy to bring together sectorial interests in line with the deepening of democracy more solidarity b) Worldwide more social and environmental balance

ideological analysis models Political Social movements Extensive socialist party and pluralistic in [ sectorial_isation : _N. M.S. ) of the dominated-alienated Parties transnat10nal act1V1ty Socialism and social progress analysis. It leaves out the fundamental question simplistic traditional image of socialism, as class of determining the power lines of social 'dramatis­ confrontation between different and clearly iden­ ation and symbolisation', from which it would be tified subjects, must be replaced by a far more possible to identify and aggregate individual flexible image, and above all by a clear under­ interests. Only then would it be feasible to identify standing that the reaction to conflictual situations the respective social forces and thus compensate is going to depend on a greater diversification for the centrifugal tendencies and the mutual of the variables and on more complex cross­ neutralisation of social pressures. Perhaps one alignments. In today's societies we are already should be gin by asking which groups may, in the witnessing secondary conflicts of interest which future, be interested in supporting a polítical significantly influence the social and political con­ project which would initiate socialist ideals in a flictswhich we consider to be of principal strategic practical way. This leads us - in view of everything value. My diagram, in this sense, may seem clear. discussed so far - to the central question of But it is not difficult to anticípate that various identifying the actors for the new script. conflicts of interest between groups occupying different social positions could, in due course, give rise to a very different outcome. WHICH ACTORS? Logically a socialist approach should lead us to search for ways of reconciling, rather than con­ For sorne time changes in the class structure fronting, the new individual or group interests, have given rise to uncertainty and theoretical many of which have yet to overcome the old imprecision, reminiscent of the famous works of forms of dependency and alienation. But present Pirandello, in which the characters (the plural experience demonstrates a tendency towards an working class) wandered from place to place in increase of potential contradictions, especially in search of an author. The difference today is that societies that are the most complex and hetero­ it is as if the author, faced with the difficulty of geneous. Certainly, we are far removed from finding convincing characters, has decided to do Marx's conception of the traditional working class without them altogether. Is a future socialist becoming the social majority. There are now project possible without specific social charac­ sufficient objective conditions for socialism to ters? Can socialism be understood as an autono­ reject the idea of a single revolutionary subject. mous idea which goes beyond the social network Thus we have reason to question the lack of real of given societies? Can the characters of socialism consistency in the theory of a single revolutionary in the twenty-first century be the same as those subject which many socialists and communists imagined by the great theorists of the nineteenth have believed in for many years. Despite the century? This is an essential question which we writings of Marx on specific class analyses and bis cannot simply ignore either in theory or in prac­ economic approach to it, we can now see that it tice. was nothing more than a political recourse. It was Toe transformation of the economy has evi­ based neither on the empirical data nor on the dently modified both the nature of inequality and logic of the economy, which was understood by the composition of the social groups which, objec­ Marx in a much more complex way. tively and subjectively, are the most interested in The theoretical weakness of the concept of a overcoming the new forros of inequality and revolutionary subject - and its sociological frailty social asymmetry existing toda y. This does not in practice - ended in sorne cases by postulating mean that the traditional classes, which are now an additional 'super-force' (the idea of a 'prole­ better integrated into society, have altered their tarian dictatorship', militarisation and bureaucra­ social allegiance. But the fact is that the complex­ tisation of the 'vanguard party', etc.). None of ity of the system of inequality ( the greater inter­ this would have been necessary if, in practice, nal stratification within the working class, the the working class had become as strong and as emergence of dual inequality systems, the appear­ homogenous a force in social, economic and ance of 'infra-classes', of new marginalised sec­ política) terms as the theory had assumed. The tors, etc.) gives rise to an increase in the solution was a forced response, which too often contradictions and potential divergence of led to aberrations. Many of the revolutions car­ interests between the older, more integrated, ried out in the name of socialism (in Russia, social groups and those new groups that suffer China, etc.) were made precisely in agricultura), most from the shortages and shortcomings of the rather than industrial, countries and relied very social imbalance of transforming societies. The little on industrial workers. Toe fact that the

º SOCIALISM OF THE FUTUAE VOL 1 N 1 , 1992 73 José Félix Tezanos relative weight of the working class in the popu­ changes vis-a-vis the question of the actors in the lation tended to diminish, rather than increase, script of socialism which we are considering. gave rise to new approaches in social democratic The introduction of robotics in the work pro­ parties. Sorne of these parties ended by diluting cess tends towards a reduction of human labour, their plans with more sociologically extensive and and of the time allotted for productive work. This inclusive concepts, such as, for example, the meaos a reduction of the hours of work in the 'inter-class party', which eventually converted the sphere of commodity production (and also in the weakness of the socialist theory of the revolution­ rendering of certain services), and also a growing ary subject into the socialist theory of the weak reduction in the number of traditional blue-collar or 'washed-out' subject. jobs, and a change in the nature of blue-collar Overall, it is paradoxical that one of the most labour. Secondly, it implies the elimination of important divisions arnong the left in recent one of the principal historical sources of aliena­ years, which reinforced the historical division of tion, exploitation and domination in the produc­ the socialist rnovernent into various factions (the tion of socially necessary goods and services. As idea of the 'vanguard party', the dictatorship of the industrial robots replace labour, they also the proletariat, the mass party, etc.), sternrned displace part of the alienation implicit in earlier from the need to find practica! solutions to prob­ employment relations, whether they were slave, lems which thernselves arase from wrong thinking serf, or wage labour. This does not mean that about social classes in the firstplace. This paradox robotics per se lead to social justice or a greater sheds light on the manner in which majar political symmetry in the social relations of production. organisations can spend years arguing over falla­ But what it does imply is that thousands of cies. Today there is a new evasive approach to millions of hours of exploitation and domination this question. Not unlike the resort to a 'weak are going to be eliminated, with all that this subject' interpretation, this now resorts to the entails in the practica! elimination of part of the concept of socialism without a subject at all, basic contradictions inherent in the wealth­ understanding socialisrn as a mere moral or generating process of production systems. But rational initiative that does not require a specific this also implies the reduction of an important social incarnation. By operating in this rnanner, factor for overcoming capitalism - the direct such a debate on socialisrn removes itself from action of labour. The enormous complexity of the new perspec­ the political field in arder to situate itself in the tives generated by the technological revolution field of ideas and philosophy. Such an ideal will undoubtedly provoke an ongoing debate of aspires to 'interpret the wor)d', but cannot motí­ the first importance. Toe agenda for such a vate the force to change it. debate rnust also address a range of new issues. Yet what characterises socialism is precisely its For instance, it is becoming cJear that there is no capacity to combine both the initiative of ideas single rnotivating force for socialism, neither and social mobilisation. Their mutual dynarnic is unrest, dependency, alienation, exploitation, nor crucial. Without it the ideas thernselves would . Rather, there is a range of causes which become sterile. lt is for this reason that the real reflect the different facets and dimensions within foundation and starting point for both socialist which specific occurs both at work theory and practice is to give priority to the data and in society as a whole, resulting from the way on social reality. From both current and future in which societies organise production and trade. perspectives it is crucial to be aware not only that In turn this means that the socialism of the future there is a new technological revolution, but also rnust abandon the 'labour-centred' and 'econom­ that its effects add extraordinarily irnportant corn­ istic' approaches of the past and base itself instead plex elernents to the existing reality. As Adarn on social concepts which are much more global Schaff has shown, this technological revolution is and cornprehensive. dissolving the on which socialisrn had In addition both the acceleration of change and based its hopes for emancipation. With the auto­ the ideological inertia and obsessions of the past rnation of the labour process the basic force which have divorced past theory from present reality. was long regarded as the central social motor of This gap is reflected on the one hand by the wide­ change, is itself changing. Without drarnatising ranging debate on the left concerning the future. the scenario ( or situating the analytical approach But it also affects the attitudes of capitalism, within too short a perspective) the technological whose ideologies consistently invoke the past. The revolution implies two very irnportant role lack of adequate answers to short-term problerns

74 VOL 1 Nº 1 , 1992 SOCIALISM OF THE FUTURE Socialism and social progress

- whether in social areas or the environment defending environmental policies. Socialism, illustrate the state of the divorce between theory therefore, must be capable of giving plausible and reality, and the ensuing risks of tension and responses to specific needs and real problems. lt disfunction, not least in the area of economic is true that 'ideas move the world', but it is no theory. Further, increased social complexity, and less true that they move it only when based on the heterogeneous nature of the source of social specific initiatives which can generate social sup­ inequality and conflict, which act as the motivating port. The role of socialism is to generate and elements of socialism, oblige us to think not in stimulate social (and environmental) policies, to terms of a single social actor in the context of develop moral and rational initiatives, and to socialism, but rather in terms of several actors and articulate a sufficient social force to mobilise players, including both new and traditional groups positive solutions to shortages, needs, conflicts which can jointly agree on sorne central objectives and the contradictions which exist in ali societies. of emancipation and social progress. The bringing Fifthly, the crisis of particular aspects of the together of these interests must constitute one of traditional socialist model affects not only sorne the main objectives of theory and practice. of its policies, but also the way in which they were based on the cultural and social conditions of a specific historical period. For the future, the SOME CONCLUSIONS reform of the model must be founded on new terms of reference which reflect the way socialism Accelerated change, and the ele ar evidence of is defined and understood, as well as the way in 'unexplored territory' within socialism, which which it is perceived. In order to plan for social­ inhibits the discovery of solutions for the chal­ ism in the future we must begin by making an lenge of the future, necessitate urgent changes effort to create a different awareness of both past not only in how socialism is defined, but also in and present. the way we understand and perceive the problems In sixth place, socialism must be understood as that must be resolved. First, socialism must not a process which motivates social progress and be perceived as a social or political phenomenon which operates on the basis of a value structure limited to classical industrial society and its which confronts those social relations which pro­ specific conditions and inherent cycles. Socialist duce inequalities and alienations. In a certain ideals, and the hopes and aspirations that moti­ way, therefore, socialism can be defined as being vate them, date from before the development of against ali that is inhuman. The rejection of industrial societies, and their future will outlive deprivation and exploitation, in this sense, pro­ one or another distinct form of social organis­ vides the ideal that motivates change and social ation. progress. Secondly, from a historical perspective both The socialism of the future therefore must be the theory and practice must be understood and based on ideals. It should not be subject to the evaluated as a positive stage in the process of risk either of hyper-pragmatism, or of dogma. deepening and spreading democracy. Nor can it be divorced from its social base. lt Thirdly, the current theoretical crisis of social­ must avoid abstract speculation, and be based on ism shows that sorne specific formulas and policies social reality. Thus, the key to a socialism of the have reached their practica} limits. The theoreti­ future lies in focusing all its efforts on ensuring cal debate on socialism needs much wider per­ that it continues to fulfil a social role, without spectives in order to break away from stereotyped becoming obsessed with the hows, and even the ideas and to shift the focus from questions which whys, of 'historie' socialism. lt is evident that were posed in societies quite different from our sorne historical formulas were simplistic. They own. Theoretical gaps represent not only an had very little to do with the reality of the interna} paradigm crisis, but also new oppor­ societies in their own time, and even less with tunities to develop new terms of reference and ours given its present, and increasing, complexity. new possibilities for the revitalisation of the The simplistic formulas of the past still exercise socialist project. too much constraint on socialist thought today. Fourthly, the link between the socialism of the The main erroneous formulas were the assump­ past and the socialism of the future needs to tion of 'social unrest' arising from alienation at guarantee that socialism continues to carry out its work, and - as a corollary - the theory of the basic role as the motivating force in social pro­ single revolutionary subject; the concept of the gress, extending freedom, promoting equality and proletariat as a universal social class, eternally

SOCIALISM OF THE FUTURE VOL 1 Nº 1 , 1992 75 José Félix Tezanos suffering universal hardship, is not the key to and objective explanations of the main power universal freedom. This analysis is based on a lines in social dynamics: this means identifying reductionist and simplistic view of social reality, basic elements of social conflict and unrest as viewing all social relations through productive both symbolised and dramatised by individuals relations. We are not dealing with a purely aca­ through social behaviour (including moral atti­ demic or scientific question of whether past sim­ tudes as well as physical conditions). Second, to plification was genuine, or whether it responded demonstrate our ability to translate these expla­ to reality. The key question for theory is whether nations - and alternatives - into a clear, under­ it explains social reality and can initiate change. standable and practica! political message. Third, Without a doubt, the best response, sociologically to design general strategies based on heterogene­ and politically, to these reductionist formulations ities and differences within the existing society. is to forget them. In summary, the 'new way of thinking' about In the complex societies in which we live there socialism will need to travel a path similar to that are many possible forms and causes of unrest, travelled long ago by modern science, while inequality and alienation, and diverse aspects of avoiding the illusion of totality. Thus, we need to change. Not ali of these are economic or social. change: This implies the existence of several factors with • from a uní-dimensional theory to a multi­ the potential to motivate change. Consequently, dimensional theoretical approach; it is difficult to think that one, and only one, • from the pretension of a grand, global and supposedly comprehensive theory of social unrest universal theory to a group of intermediate­ can encompass that complex social reality. To do range theories based on the nature of domi­ so would be no better than returning to the nation, on ecological balance, on the 'under­ 'magic' approach of the 'proto-sciences' which, class', on the democratisation of work, etc., before the development of modern science, were in such a way as to fill theoretical gaps and primarily aimed at gaining acceptance by resort­ map out 'unexplored territories' for specific ing to simple and elemental explanations. theoretical advance; The social initiatives for socialism in the future • from the concept of socialism in one country may stem from social unrest and the imbalance of to a plurality of socialist internationalism; resources. But the relevant social forces must • from the theory of the single revolutionary work through consensus among the key players. subject to the plurality of socialist actors; Marginalised groups which represent new social • from closed and absolutist conceptions about demands - including the 'underclass' - must be socialism to more open and plural ap­ added to the traditional teams. Social dynamics proaches. indica te that in future societies ( as in many socie­ Such changes will make it easier - and more ties at present) none of these groups by them­ feasible - to work together politically and to adopt selves have sufficient social and political potential joint action than it would be if we maintained to shape and mobilise real change. All these monolithic ideological positions. Experience has specific groups must start to work together. shown us that dogmatism and closed ideologies One of the key tasks of socialist theoretical have promoted divisions and confrontations work in the coming years is going to be the study among socialists. In the complex developed socie­ of the different and complex interests and issues, ties joint action is only possible from a dynamic both positive and negative, which motívate collec­ and diverse base. Only in this way will socialism tive behaviour under complex conditions. As we work effectively and be able to continue to moti­ gain a better knowledge of such social interac­ vate social progress from the long-term historical tions, the specialists will have to respond to a perspective of a deepening and spreading democ­ triple challenge. First, to provide both subjective racy.

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