SOCIALISM and SOCIAL PROGRESS José Félix Tezanos

SOCIALISM AND SOCIAL PROGRESS José Félix Tezanos Socialism was not born in a vacuum. Nor has it farms of democracy ( common law states) and arisen from the social and economic conditions later social democracy (welfare states). We now resulting from the industrial revolution. Rather are reaching the most advanced stages of social socialism as an ideal of emancipation has a more equality and democratic participation. far-reaching historical perspective, through which Beyond the specific historical events and actual the civilised people of the world have worked to socialist political projects, there are many move organise their societies in accordance with the ments which farm part of this general line of principies of personal dignity, freedom and equal progress in history, each with its own momentary ity. breakdowns and setbacks. What can the people of our era do to contribute to this progress in history? Are the European countries at present HISTORICAL PROGRESS in a position to take another giant step in the advancement of civilisation? Despite sorne nega Toe history of Western civilisation is far the tive pronouncements, the truth is that never most part the history of a people intent on putting befare in the history of humanity has there been the democratic ideal into practice. Since the birth such a strong ethical awareness in the world, due of this concept in Greek civilisation to the devel precisely to the immediacy with which televised opment of the principies of law in classical Rome, infarmation reaches our homes. This ethical to the establishment of bases far democratic awareness increasingly acts as a brake and a representation in the French Revolution and the limitation on violence and oppression. subsequent upheavals caused by social revolu The European countries, especially, are show tions, it can be said that there exists a common ing signs of a certain maturity with regard to cause which has been advancing our societies advancing this civilised perspective. The exten within a humanistic project based on the relation sion of education on a scale never previously of freedom to equality. This meant overcoming known, the spread of certain levels of social basic inequalities in rights (slavery versus free welfare and economic prosperity, the consider dom) and in power (despotic and authoritarian able possibilities far economic and scientific domination versus political participation). lt first development opened up by the ongoing techno advanced the notion of personal dignity and logical revolution, as well as the growing demo equality befare the law, then the parliamentary cratic and egalitarian mentality, make Europe a º SOCIALISM OF THE FUTURE VOL 1 N 1, 1992 67 José Félix Tezanos privileged area for the deepening of democracy. tive altemative model; it has not been a logical Thus, it can be said to sorne extent that current result of an exterior defeat or of an empirically conditions allow us to accept new challenges for demonstrated improvement over the model, as historical progress and social advancement. But we could have been led to expect from the paradoxically, these favourable conditions, concepts of scientific revolutionary theorists like despite the fact that they coincide with an effec Thomas Kuhn. Rather, for the most part, it has tive awareness that we are living in a period of been the result of an awarenes of the inadequa great change and opportunity, have yet to cies of both theoretical and practical experience. become an innovating force in the fieldof political The primary consequence of this crisis, as far as ideas. For the most part we remain anchored in it exists, is that it leaves - or could leave an debates that took place over a century ago, appreciable political vacuum and that it causes - resolving questions that were posed in societies or could cause - a significantgap in the theoretical considerably different from those of today. defences of socialism in the future (more import Those of us who are part of intellectual move ant than the possible irreversibility of various ments - like socialism - and who have the convic historical conquests). In this manner, an ideologi tion that these ideas change the world, are bound cal vacuum tends to be substituted at times by to feel perplexed at the climate of ideological short-sighted and commonplace pragmatisms, or withdrawal which has occurred in certain political - even worse - by a bastardised and mediocre and intellectual circles over the past years, and in exaltation of the established historical order: neo whose wake we still find ourselves. It is true that conservatism. if we contemplate the progress of civilisation with Nevertheless, we would be wrong to underesti sufficient historical perspective we must agree mate the grave risks for the future of socialism, that ideas, arising from certain conditions, can and for the possibilities of advancing the progress change the world. But in the same way we must of human history in the long term. Recently, recognise also that 'ideological' sanctification may sorne neo-conservative theorists have developed make of them a fetish, and enslave them. There a line of argument which, though weak, is able to fore any attempt to petrify and 'staunch the flow' convince sorne of those people who live comfort of ideas, inhibiting their free flow and expansion, ably in the prosperous societies of the Western ends up being an attack against history and world. Toe message transmitted to these citizens against the possibilities of social progress. Histor is in tended to be a message of security, based on ical experience shows, however, that ali strong the memory of the uprisings and confticts of the movements of ideas tend to become consecrated period between the wars, and the harmful, and and stagnant. This tendency is often found to be sometimes aberrant, consequences of fascism, in direct relation to the very strength of the Stalinism, and other revolutions which left viol original ideas ( dependent on its most important ence and human grief in their wake. By creating demands) and also to the success they gained ( at a negative echo which stirs the memory of these the level of hegemony and social impact). Thus it events and of the experiences of 'real socialism', can be said that, in a certain way, the success the neo-conservatives' argument 'wams' against (whether theoretical or practica! is another ques the risks and uncertainties of 'daring' social and tion) of the movement of ideas runs parellel to a economic experiments. In this way, democratic process of social inertia, which in turn tends to capitalism is presented as the 'most reasonable' make them lifeless. social model or even as the 'least bad' form This is probably the only way to understand the known in the history of humanity; the model - accelerating crisis Marxism has experienced in they say - that has avoided the 'big mistakes', recent years. lt is a result both of the erosion that has 'guaranteed' greater levels of freedom caused by the passing of time and more than a and political stability, and has permitted the few 'hard contrasts with the facts'. For the most highest level of collective prosperity ever known. part, beyond the practical failures, many intellec For this reason the neo-conservative theorists tuals and politicians have experíenced this crisis demand the uncompromising maintenance of a as a clear awareness of the limitations of the social system which - they say - 'has had good ideology that - in sorne form or another the objective results'. Therefore, it only seems majority of European leftists have believed in for necessary to 'redesign' small details. so many years. The peculiar thing about this In reality, this line of argument - which elicits ideological crisis is that it has not occurred as a a certain response in time of great social and consequence of the emergence of a more opera- technological change - is attempting to 'conse- º 68 VOL 1 N 1, 1992 SOCIALISM OF THE FUTURE Socialism and social progress crate' in practice a type of 'grey ending of his hypothesis which hardly deserves to be refuted. tory'. lt assumes a politícal and moral 'paralysis' Real historical experience shows how enormously and generates fear in the face of the uncertainties difficult it is to contain and control the dynamic and risks involved in taking innovative action for possibilities of change implicit in ali human organ the future. The oversimplified arguments of isation; although there have been cases in the Fukuyama have attempted to lay the foundations past where it has been possible to slow them for an alleged end of history, interpreting the down considerably. current crisis in communist countries as a 'knock Socialism, like ali socially transforming initia out' victory for 'liberalism'. This will thus become tives, has contributed effectively to the progress consecrated as the 'perfect political and economic of forms of social organisation. With an overall arder', without an alternative ideology or an perspective of developing and deepening democ organised system capable of presenting alterna racy, through the recognition of social fissures, tives. In this way, sorne prophets of the end of contradictions and the unfulfilled possibilities history lock themselves into a provincial perspec existing in society, it has brought about the intro tive which confuses the end of contrasting ideas duction of social, political and economic organis with the crisis of their Cold War opponents. They ational

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