Income Transfers, Taxes, and the Poor

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Income Transfers, Taxes, and the Poor grams include Social Security, unemploy- ment insurance, government employees' Susan Bentley pensions, and veterans' pensions and compensation. These programs are not targeted specifically at the low-income population, but at the general population Income Transfers, Taxes, or particular groups of workers. Benefit and the Poor levels are based partly on work history. The second set of programs, called cash public assistance, includes Aid to Fami- lies with Dependent Children (AFDC), While government income transfer pro- dependents against lost earnings by the Supplemental Security Income, and grams reduced or eliminated poverty for retirement, death, or disability of a bread- general assistance. These programs are some benefit recipients, 10 percent of the winner or by temporary unemployment. targeted to the low-income population U.S. population remained in poverty after Others are designed to protect people and do not require work experience to be all transfers were made in 1983. In non- against unpredictable expenditures like eligible for benefits. To obtain benefits, metro America, the 1983 poverty rate medical care or to provide essentials like one must have income and assets below was 12.8 percent. Moreover, many of adequate housing and food. specified levels. And the benefits are these poor were working poor, and taxes usually reduced or withdrawn when the reduced their earnings. The nonmetro person gets a job or earns more money. Three types of programs make up today's working poor will benefit from recent tax U.S. income transfer system: cash social reform that lessens their teix burden. insurance, cash public assistance, and in- The final group, in-kind transfers, is tied kind programs. Cash social insurance pro- to a specific need for a good or service. Most people are aware that the poor often receive public assistance (wel- fare) from the government. But other Fed- eral, State, and local government income transfer programs (like Social Security and unemployment insurance) also affect the well-being of the poor and may actually have a bigger impact on poverty than wel- fare. But while government income transfers can help many poor people increase their incomes, taxes on a poor person's earn- ings can amount to a significant portion of income. The tax bite has tended to be bigger for the nonmetro poor, who are more likely to rely on earnings and con- sequently to pay taxes than the metro poor. The tax reform law passed last year will reduce the tax burden on the work- ing poor. In this article, 1 examine the effects of income transfers and taxes on the measurement of poverty in America and the overall effects of these transfers and taxes on the income of the poor liv- ing in nonmetro areas. Income Transfer Programs Help Provide a Minimal Standard of Living Most income transfer programs are intended to protect workers and their Susan Bentley is a sociologist in the Agricul- Food stamps are one of the most significant transfer payments for the poor. Though ture and Rural Economics Division, ERS. such benefits are not taxed, inflation has caused the working poor to pay higher taxes. ^nß- February Í987/Rural Development Perspectives These benefits are in-kind in tiiat the number of recipients increased and as When cash public assistance payments, actual good or service is directly provided medical costs soared. By 1984, the like Aid to Families with Dependent Chil- or obtained with a voucher for that good Medicaid program provided over $34 bil- dren and general assistance, are also or service. They include health care lion in medical assistance. Likewise, the added to income, the poverty rate drops benefits through Medicare and Medicaid, real value of Medicare benefits expanded to just over 15 percent. food benefits from the Food Stamp and from $19 billion in 1970 to $65 billion National School Lunch programs, and in 1984. The government computes the official housing benefits from public or subsidized poverty rate by estimating the number of rental housing programs. Except for Medi- persons whose money income (including care and a portion of the school lunch Transfers Significantly Reduce wages and salaries, self-employment benefits, the in-kind transfer programs are Poverty income, cash government transfers, also targeted to the low-income popula- property income, and private transfers) is tion. To determine the effects of transfers on below a certain threshold, which depends poverty, we need to determine the inci- on family size and composition. In 1983, the official poverty thresholds ranged Poor persons can receive benefits from all dence of poverty before including govern- ment transfers as income. Pretransfer from $4,775 for a single person over 65 three types of transfer programs, so that years of age to $20,310 for a family of a program can help alleviate poverty even income considers only income from earn- ings, property income (dividends, interest, nine or more. The threshold for a family if it is directed toward the general popu- of four was $10,178. lation rather than just the poor. The best and rent), and private transfers, like pen- example of a program directed toward the sions and alimony. In 1983, the official U.S. poverty rate was general population which helps alleviate 15.2 percent. When poverty rates for or prevent poverty is Social Security; it is The pretransfer incidence of poverty nonmetro and metro residents are com- also the Nation's single largest transfer increased from 18 percent in 1969 to 24 puted separately, however, the 1983 program. percent in 1983 (fig. 1), but when cash nonmetro poverty rate was 18.3 percent, social insurance payments like Social compared to a metro poverty rate of 13.8 In-Kind Transfers Are Fastest Security, government retirement, and percent. unemployment insurance are added to Growing income the incidence of poverty in 1983 The official poverty definition excludes in- diminished to about 16 percent. kind benefits, and consequently calcula- The real value of total income transfers increased substantially from 1969-84. Figure 1 For example, the market value (the pur- U.S. poverty rates 1969-1983 chase price of the good or service) of cash social insurance transfers was about $ 125 Percent of billion (in 1984 constant dollars) in 1969, total population compared with a market value of $271 25 r- billion in 1984. Social Security benefits provided much of this increase. The mar- ket value of Social Security benefits was $74 billion in 1969, compared with $173 billion in 1984. 20 - Cash public assistance transfers, while growing from a market value of $ 18 bil- lion (in 1984 constant dollars) in 1969 to $27 billion in 1984, have declined in value since their peak in the late seven- ties. Aid to the poor has become concen- 10 - Poverty rate after cash public assistance trated in such in-kind programs as food and health care, which are directed to specific needs of the poor. Poverty rate after in-kind transfer In-kind transfers are the fastest growing component of the income transfer sys- tem. The national Food Stamp program, for example, provided a market value of J I L J 1 I l__L J I L $7 billion of food in 1974, its first year, 1967 69 71 73 75 77 79 81 83 compared with almost $ 11 billion in Source: Sheldon Danziger, Robert Haveman, and Robert Plotnick, "Antipoverty Policy: Effects on the Poor and Nonpoor," paper presented at "Poverty and Policy: Retrospect and Prospects" conference of 1984. The in-kind Medicaid program, the Institute for Research on Poverty, Williamsburg, VA, 1984. begun in 1965, expanded rapidly as the February 79S7/Rural Development Perspectives 31 lions using this definition understate 1978. In particular, the effectiveness of tax income below it. Based on before-tax income and thus overstate the estimates cash public assistance transfers was income, the official poverty statistics fail of poverty. Although government outlays reduced by the Omnibus Budget Recon- to account for such families. for in-kind benefits grew rapidly in the ciliation Act of 1981, which modified the 1970's, the official poverty rate did not AFDC program by targeting benefits to The two major Federal taxes affecting change much. If in-kind benefits were the "truly needy," or those unable to individuals are the income tax and the valued at the purchase price of the good work. Because AFDC income eligibility payroll tax (largely Social Security). Fed- or service and included as income, the limits were lowered and certain allowable eral tax policy is particulariy important in national poverty rate would have dropped deductions from income, such as child nonmetro areas, where most poor fami- to about 10 percent in 1983. care and work expenses, were eliminated, lies contain a worker whose earnings are many working poor were removed from subject to the payroll tax. In 1983, over Even after we account for all income the program in 1983. 68 percent of nonmetro poor households transfers, the poverty rate remains higher had at least one worker, and 29 percent in nonmetro areas than in metro areas. In Taxes Another Problem for had two or more. In contrast, only 54 per- 1983, after including in-kind transfers as Working Poor cent of metro poor households had at income, the nonmetro poverty rate was least one worker, and only 15 percent had 12.8 percent, compared with the 9.1- two or more. percent metro rate. Differences in pro- The official poverty definition is based on gram participation rates partially explain after-tax income, but poverty estimates During the early 1970's, Federal income the higher nonmetro poverty rate, since over the years have been computed from the nonmetro poor are less likely to par- before-tax income data.
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