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Researchonline@JCU
ResearchOnline@JCU This is the Published Version of a paper published in the journal Pacific Journalism Review: Forbes, Amy (2015) Courageous women in media: Marcos and censorship in the Philippines. Pacific Journalism Review, 21 (1). pp. 195-210. http://www.pjreview.info/articles/courageous-women- media-marcos-and-censorship-philippines-1026 POLITICAL JOURNALISM IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC PHILIPPINES 14. Courageous women in media Marcos and censorship in the Philippines Abstract: When Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos declared Martial Law in 1972, press freedom became the first casualty in the country that once boasted of being the ‘freest in Asia’. Printing presses, newspaper offices, television and radio stations were raided and padlocked. Marcos was especially fearful of the press and ordered the arrest of journalists whom he charged with conspiring with the ‘Left’. Pressured into lifting martial law after nearly 10 years, Marcos continued to censor the media, often de- manding publishers to sack journalists whose writing he disapproved of. Ironically, he used the same ‘subversive writings’ as proof to Western observers that freedom of the press was alive and well under his dictatorship. This article looks at the writings of three female journalists from the Bulletin Today. The author examines the work of Arlene Babst, Ninez Cacho-Olivares, and Melinda de Jesus and how they traversed the dictator’s fickle, sometimes volatile, reception of their writing. Interviewed is Ninez Cacho-Olivare, who used humour and fairy tales in her popular column to criticise Marcos, his wife, Imelda, and even the military that would occasionally ‘invite’ her for questioning. She explains an unwritten code of conduct between Marcos and female journalists that served to shield them from total political repression. -
Countdown to Martial Law: the U.S-Philippine Relationship, 1969
University of Massachusetts Boston ScholarWorks at UMass Boston Graduate Masters Theses Doctoral Dissertations and Masters Theses 8-31-2016 Countdown to Martial Law: The .SU -Philippine Relationship, 1969-1972 Joven G. Maranan University of Massachusetts Boston Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umb.edu/masters_theses Part of the Asian History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Maranan, Joven G., "Countdown to Martial Law: The .SU -Philippine Relationship, 1969-1972" (2016). Graduate Masters Theses. 401. https://scholarworks.umb.edu/masters_theses/401 This Open Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Doctoral Dissertations and Masters Theses at ScholarWorks at UMass Boston. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at UMass Boston. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COUNTDOWN TO MARTIAL LAW: THE U.S.-PHILIPPINE RELATIONSHIP, 1969-1972 A Thesis Presented by JOVEN G. MARANAN Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies, University of Massachusetts Boston, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS August 2016 History Program © 2016 by Joven G. Maranan All rights reserved COUNTDOWN TO MARTIAL LAW: THE U.S.-PHILIPPINE RELATIONSHIP 1969-1972 A Thesis Presented by JOVEN G. MARANAN Approved as to style and content by: ________________________________________________ Vincent Cannato, Associate Professor Chairperson of Committee ________________________________________________ David Hunt, Professor Member ________________________________________________ Christopher Capozzola, Associate Professor MIT Member _________________________________________ Vincent Cannato, Program Director History Graduate Program _________________________________________ Tim Hascsi, Chairperson History Department ABSTRACT COUNTDOWN TO MARTIAL LAW: THE U.S.-PHILIPPINE RELATIONSHIP, 1969-1972 August 2016 Joven G. -
Authoritarian Politics and the Outcome of Nonviolent Uprisings
Authoritarian Politics and the Outcome of Nonviolent Uprisings Jonathan Sutton Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies/Te Ao o Rongomaraeroa University of Otago/Te Whare Wānanga o Otāgo July 2018 Abstract This thesis examines how the internal dynamics of authoritarian regimes influence the outcome of mass nonviolent uprisings. Although research on civil resistance has identified several factors explaining why campaigns succeed or fail in overthrowing autocratic rulers, to date these accounts have largely neglected the characteristics of the regimes themselves, thus limiting our ability to understand why some break down while others remain cohesive in the face of nonviolent protests. This thesis sets out to address this gap by exploring how power struggles between autocrats and their elite allies influence regime cohesion in the face of civil resistance. I argue that the degeneration of power-sharing at the elite level into personal autocracy, where the autocrat has consolidated individual control over the regime, increases the likelihood that the regime will break down in response to civil resistance, as dissatisfied members of the ruling elite become willing to support an alternative to the status quo. In contrast, under conditions of power-sharing, elites are better able to guarantee their interests, thus giving them a greater stake in regime survival and increasing regime cohesion in response to civil resistance. Due to the methodological challenges involved in studying authoritarian regimes, this thesis uses a mixed methods approach, drawing on both quantitative and qualitative data and methods to maximise the breadth of evidence that can be used, balance the weaknesses of using either approach in isolation, and gain a more complete understanding of the connection between authoritarian politics and nonviolent uprisings. -
Declaration of Martial Law
Declaration of Martial Law The anniversary of the declaration of martial law is on September 23 (not September 21) “FM Declares Martial Law”—the headline of the September 24, 1972 issue of the Sunday Express, which was the Sunday edition of Philippines Daily Express. The Daily Express was the only newspaper allowed to circulate upon the declaration of Martial Law President Ferdinand E. Marcos signed Proclamation No. 1081 on September 21, 1972, placing the Philippines under Martial Law. Some sources say that Marcos signed the proclamation on September 17 or on September 22—but, in either case, the document itself was dated September 21. Throughout the Martial Law period, Marcos built up the cult of September 21, proclaiming it as National Thanksgiving Day by virtue of Proclamation No. 1180 s. 1973 to memorialize the date as the foundation day of his New Society. The propaganda effort was so successful that up to the present, many Filipinos—particularly those who did not live through the events of September 23, 1972—labor under the misapprehension that martial law was proclaimed on September 21, 1972. It was not. The culmination of a long period of preparation The facts are clear. A week before the actual declaration of Martial Law, a number of people had already received information that Marcos had drawn up a plan to completely take over the government and gain absolute rule. Senator Benigno S. Aquino Jr., during a September 13, 1972 privilege speech, exposed what was known as “Oplan Sagittarius.” The Senator said he had received a top-secret military plan given by Marcos himself to place Metro Manila and outlying areas under the control of the Philippine Constabulary as a prelude to Martial Law. -
Narrating Human Rights in the Philippines: Collective Memories of the Filipino Youth on the Marcos Regime
7 Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights, Vol. 3 No. 1 June 2019 pp. 7-38 doi: 10.19184/jseahr.v3i1.8411 © University of Jember & Indonesian Consortium for Human Rights Lecturers Narrating Human Rights in the Philippines: Collective Memories of the Filipino Youth on the Marcos Regime Ma. Rhea Gretchen A. Abuso Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Xavier University Email: [email protected] Abstract The 2016 national elections in the Philippines have been regarded as the most revealing and consequential democratic practice to the human rights situation in the country for two reasons. First, the overwhelming election of Rodrigo Duterte to the presidency was because of his campaign promise to rid the country of drugs and criminality within “3 to 6 months” through bloody and violent means. Second, the son and namesake of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, whose authoritarian regime in the 1970’s was responsible for countless human rights violations, narrowly lost his vice-presidential bid by a mere 270,000 votes. These turns of events beg the question: how could Filipinos, who experienced a bloody and violent regime at the hands of a dictator, choose to elect national leaders widely associated with human rights violations? This paper addresses this question through the use of in-depth interviews with Filipino college students in key cities in the Philippines in order to describe the Marcos regime from the perspective of the generation that did not experience the period. The research aimed to understand how memories of past human rights violations are formed and shaped, how these memories are crucial to the improvement of the human rights situation in society, and how to ensure that mistakes of the past are not repeated. -
Npao News Clippings Dtd 21 August 2021
Today’s News 21 August 2021 (Saturday) A. NAVY NEWS/COVID NEWS/PHOTOS Title Writer Newspaper Page NIL NIL NIL NIL B. NATIONAL HEADLINES Title Writer Newspaper Page 1 All-time high: Pjl logs 17,231 new infections S Crisostomo P Star 1 Daily covid tally hits a new high as curbs are D Yap PDI A1 2 relaxed C. NATIONAL SECURITY Title Writer Newspaper Page DeL Rosario: Duterte chooses China over D Yap PDI A5 3 Filipinos D. INDO-PACIFIC Title Writer Newspaper Page NIL NIL NIL NIL E. AFP RELATED Title Writer Newspaper Page 4 All fatalities in C-130 plane crash identified P Star 8 All 50 soldiers who died in C-130 crash in PDI A6 5 Sulu indentified 6 Navy shows capability in SEACAT D Tribune 9 F. CPP-NPA-NDF-LCM Title Writer Newspaper Page 7 2 NPA rebels, soldier killed in Negros clash G Bayoran P Star 10 8 3 todas sa engkwentro sa Negros Occ D Franche Ngayon 9 9 2 pregnant NPA rebs among surrenderees D Tribune 3 Bicol cops to priorities rebel threats in P Tonight 1 10 Masbate A Dalizon 11 Reds condemned over banned landlines J Dela Torre P Journal 7 Rockie cop killed in clash with NPA rebels in M Martico Tempo 2 12 Samar G. MNLF/MILF/BIFF/ASG Title Writer Newspaper Page NIL NIL NIL NIL H. EDITORIAL-OPINION-COMMENTARY-SPECIAL Title Writer Newspaper Page NIL NIL NIL NIL I. ONLINE NEWS Title Link NATIONAL NEWS Miranda bombing: Beyond the scars https://businessmirror.com.ph/2021/08/21/mira 13 nda-bombing-beyond-the-scars/ Further warming could worsen extreme https://mb.com.ph/2021/08/20/further- 14 weather events in PH, warns Filipino warming-could-worsen-extreme-weather- -
The Miseducation of the People's Power Generation
THE MISEDUCATION OF THE PEOPLE’S POWER GENERATION Those who belong to the People’s Power generationi may still recall the popular article entitled “The Miseducation of the Filipino” by the late Renato Constantino. Although Constantino addressed his grievances against the American colonial government, I think his approach in analyzing the deep-seated problems of society remains valid until today. I do not necessarily agree with some of the assertions he made in his essay,ii but I do agree with his critical observations and emphasis on education. I agree with the letter and spirit of his statements that: 1. “Education is a vital weapon of a people striving for economic emancipation, political independence and cultural renaissance.” However, I would like to add that it is not only a “weapon” (that implies violence), but also a “tool” (that implies non-violence). 2. Nationalism is about the “correction of iniquitous relations,” pursuit of “economic emancipation,” and “appreciation for our own culture.” However, I would like to caution that nationalism is not necessarily anti-foreign, but only against “iniquitous relations.” Nationalism does not absolutely rule out alliances with foreign states, if such alliance supports the national interest. 3. “The most effective means of subjugating a people is to capture their minds. Military victory does not necessarily signify conquest. As long as feelings of resistance remain in the hearts of the vanquished, no conqueror is secure… The moulding of men’s minds is the best means of conquest. Education, therefore, serves as a weapon in wars of colonial conquest… The American military authorities had a job to do. -
Download the Case Study Report on Prevention in the Philippines Here
International Center for Transitional Justice Disrupting Cycles of Discontent TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND PREVENTION IN THE PHILIPPINES June 2021 Cover Image: Relatives and friends hold balloons during the funeral of three-year-old Kateleen Myca Ulpina on July 9, 2019, in Rodriguez, Rizal province, Philippines. Ul- pina was shot dead by police officers conducting a drug raid targeting her father. (Ezra Acayan/Getty Images) Disrupting Cycles of Discontent TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND PREVENTION IN THE PHILIPPINES Robert Francis B. Garcia JUNE 2021 International Center Disrupting Cycles of Discontent for Transitional Justice About the Research Project This publication is part of an ICTJ comparative research project examining the contributions of tran- sitional justice to prevention. The project includes country case studies on Colombia, Morocco, Peru, the Philippines, and Sierra Leone, as well as a summary report. All six publications are available on ICTJ’s website. About the Author Robert Francis B. Garcia is the founding chairperson of the human rights organization Peace Advocates for Truth, Healing, and Justice (PATH). He currently serves as a transitional justice consultant for the Philippines’ Commission on Human Rights (CHR) and manages Weaving Women’s Narratives, a research and memorialization project based at the Ateneo de Manila University. Bobby is author of the award-winning memoir To Suffer thy Comrades: How the Revolution Decimated its Own, which chronicles his experiences as a torture survivor. Acknowledgments It would be impossible to enumerate everyone who has directly or indirectly contributed to this study. Many are bound to be overlooked. That said, the author would like to mention a few names represent- ing various groups whose input has been invaluable to the completion of this work. -
Presidentialism, Parliamentarism, and Democracy Reconsidered
PRESIDENTIALISM, PARLIAMENTARISM, AND DEMOCRACY RECONSIDERED A Dissertation by YAO-YUAN YEH Submitted to the Office of Graduate and Professional Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Chair of Committee, Alexander C. Pacek Committee Members, Ahmer Tarar Michael T. Koch Harland Prechel Head of Department, Robert Harmel August 2014 Major Subject: Political Science Copyright 2014 Yao-Yuan Yeh ABSTRACT The purpose of this dissertation is to add to the understanding of democratic consolidation, and to address a debate within this topic: Is presidentialism harmful to democratic consolidation? I argue that presidentialism induces higher levels of political violence (attitudinally and behaviorally). Unlike parliamentary and semi- presidential systems, which offer mechanisms to alter the incumbent government through legislative responsibility, such as a vote of no confidence or a government reshuffle, when there exist mismatched policy expectations between the public and the government, or when the public dissatisfaction with the government is high, pres- idential systems do not have this mechanism to change the government composition and the president is empowered to govern until the next election. Even in the case that the public's discontent toward the president is high, there exist almost no mech- anisms except for her own resignation and an impeachment to remove her from her office. However, a voluntary resignation and an impeachment are rarely occurred in the history, and thus, the expectation of the public regarding whether their grievances can be resolved and addressed is more difficult to be fulfilled in presidential democ- racies. Therefore, using and considering violence as a mean to address their political and social problems becomes a more viable option in presidential democracies. -
The International and Transnational Construction of Authoritarian Rule in Island Southeast Asia, 1969-1977
THE INTERNATIONAL AND TRANSNATIONAL CONSTRUCTION OF AUTHORITARIAN RULE IN ISLAND SOUTHEAST ASIA, 1969-1977 A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Mattias Emerson Fibiger May 2018 © 2018 Mattias Emerson Fibiger THE INTERNATIONAL AND TRANSNATIONAL CONSTRUCTION OF AUTHORITARIAN RULE IN ISLAND SOUTHEAST ASIA, 1969-1977 Mattias Emerson Fibiger, Ph. D. Cornell University 2018 This dissertation examines the making of authoritarian rule in Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Singapore from 1969-1977. American President Richard Nixon and National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger funneled vast sums of U.S. military and economic aid to island Southeast Asia via the anticommunist policy of the Nixon Doctrine. Facing no meaningful communist threats, national leaders in the region then used American largesse to construct and consolidate newly authoritarian regimes. Indonesia played a leading role in this process, disseminating its authoritarian state-building doctrine of national resilience and encouraging a “New Orderization” of island Southeast Asia. The transformation of the region’s political systems then reverberated on both sides of the Pacific. In the United States, diasporic communities and human rights groups lobbied against the provision of American aid to authoritarian regimes and contributed to a broad left-right coalition that undermined the Nixon and Ford administration’s core foreign policy projects. In island Southeast Asia, the narrowing of legitimate channels of political contestation produced an efflorescence of disloyal opposition movements, including communist, Islamist, and separatist insurgencies. The narrative emphasizes several themes, including the international and transnational construction of authoritarian rule, the importance of regional history, and the agency of American and Southeast Asian leaders and publics. -
Ferdinand Marcos: Apotheosis of the Philippine Historical Political Tradition
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Undergraduate Humanities Forum 2008-09: Penn Humanities Forum Undergraduate Change Research Fellows 4-2009 FERDINAND MARCOS: APOTHEOSIS OF THE PHILIPPINE HISTORICAL POLITICAL TRADITION Nicole Cu Unjieng niversity of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/uhf_2009 Part of the History Commons Unjieng, Nicole Cu, "FERDINAND MARCOS: APOTHEOSIS OF THE PHILIPPINE HISTORICAL POLITICAL TRADITION" (2009). Undergraduate Humanities Forum 2008-09: Change. 14. https://repository.upenn.edu/uhf_2009/14 2008-2009 Penn Humanities Forum on Change Undergraduate Mellon Research Fellows http://humanities.sas.upenn.edu/08-09/fellows_uhf.shtml This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/uhf_2009/14 For more information, please contact [email protected]. FERDINAND MARCOS: APOTHEOSIS OF THE PHILIPPINE HISTORICAL POLITICAL TRADITION Abstract Nicole E. CuUnjieng, College '09, History The Regime of Ferdinand Marcos and the Role of the Supreme Court of the Philippines My research centers on the Philippine political tradition and contextualizing President Ferdinand Marcos's 1972-1986 dictatorship within that perspective. I wish to intervene within the existing academic debate on the nature of this tradition. Challenging the established scholarship, which presents Marcos's regime as the anomaly of the Philippine patronage system, I instead argue that Marcos is the perverse apotheosis of the system. I wish to argue that Marcos embodies all the ills already present in Philippine politics and merely brings them to their extreme conclusion. More recent scholars have also championed this reading and I wish to further develop the argument by examining the legitimizing role that the judiciary played in this history. -
Evolution of the Armed Conflict on the Communist Front
EVOLUTION OF THE ARMED CONFLICT ON THE COMMUNIST FRONT By 1 SOLIMAN M. SANTOS, JR. A Background paper submitted to the Human Development Network Foundation, Inc. for the Philippine Human Development Report 2005 1 A.B. History (UP), Ll.B. (UNC), Ll.M. (Melb); Filipino human rights lawyer, peace advocate and legal scholar; Author, The Moro Islamic Challenge (UP Press, 2001) and Peace Advocate (DLSU Press, 2002); Peace Fellow, Gaston Z. Ortigas Peace Institute (GZOPI); Legislative Consultant and Legal Counsel, Anak Mindanao (AMIN) Party-List Group, House of Representatives, Republic of the Philippines. I. Introduction The armed conflict on the Communist front, i.e. between the Philippine government and the Communist rebel forces, mainly the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP)-New People’s Army (NPA)-National Democratic Front (NDF) but also its breakaway factions, has spanned more than 35 years counting from the CPP and NPA founding years of 1968 and 1969, respectively. It is contemporaneous with the armed conflict on the Moro front which reckons its struggle from the triggering event known as the Jabidah Massacre in 1968. There was no such corresponding triggering event on the Communist front. The closest to a signal event, not really a triggering event, was the First Quarter Storm (FQS) of 1970, a CPP- led series of big, mainly student demonstrations in the capital Manila against the Marcos administration which, partly due to police brutality against these demonstrations, drew public attention to the national- democratic movement and its issues. But this new beginning for the CPP-led movement was actually only the culmination of more than a decade of its gestation and the rekindling of a progressive mass movement since 1959, practically the whole decade of the 1960s which witnessed “student power” globally.