endowment studies 1 (2017) 223-256
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“Acatholic” Foundations: The Emergence of Charitable Endowments in the Greek Orthodox and Protestant Communities of Vienna (18th Century)
Stefano Saracino University of Vienna, Department of Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, Postgasse 7/1/3, 1010 Vienna [email protected]
Abstract
This article aims at comparing the endowments founded during the 18th century by wealthy members of the Greek Orthodox and Protestant (Lutheran, Calvinist) com- munities in Vienna. Charitable endowments in fact offer a paramount example of the entanglement of economic, confessional and migration issues, which played an im- portant role in the non-Catholic communities in the Habsburg capital before and after the Proclamation of Toleration in 1781. The analysis of relevant sources gives the im- pression that these endowments had a massive (material as well as symbolic) impor- tance for these communities and shaped their relationship to a political regime that, even while performing enlightened reforms in the fields of culture and confession, was strengthening its control over the sector of charity.
Keywords confessionalization – interconfessionality – tolerance – Crypto-Protestantism – Josephinism
* For support and help during my research in the archives I would like to express my deep gratitude to Father Ioannis Nikolitsis from the Metropolitanate of Austria, to Dr. Hannelore Köhler from the archive of the Lutheran Community of Vienna, to Dr. Waltraud Stangl from the archive of the Evangelische Kirche in Österreich and to the former Superintendent of the Calvinist Church of Austria Mag. Peter Karner. Material for this article is based on joint research with Dr. Nathalie Soursos in the project “Social Commitment in the Greek Communities of Vienna (18th–20th century)” (fwf ap 2714021); project leader: Prof. Maria A. Stassinopoulou.
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In his testament from the year 1800, Emmerich Karl Heinrich von Calisch (1724–1801), a Protestant and former military officer, landowner in Hungary and benefactor of the Lutheran community of Vienna, devoted some thoughts to the rationale for founding charitable endowments. Whereas by bequeath- ing one’s property to relatives the testator performs a good deed a single time, by depositing capital for an endowment he will (potentially) practice charity forever.1 The possibility of dedicating a defined amount of capital, whose rev- enues are used for charitable ends but which itself is not at the disposal either of the administrators or of its beneficiaries, a sort of perpetuum mobile of char- ity, might be recommendable for economic, as well as for religious, confession- al and philanthropic reasons. Herein lies the appeal of endowments, which as a diachronic and universal phenomenon can be encountered in different cultures, religions, including Christian confessions, and historical epochs.2 Combining the macrohistorical research concerning the diachronic patterns of endowments and a microhistorical enquiry into the motivations and prac- tices of both founders and administrators of endowments seems most promis- ing for the research on issues concerning the cultural and confessional aspects of endowment history, which I am interested in in the present paper. This paper analyses and compares the charitable endowments, which were founded by members of the two Protestant communities of Vienna (the Lu- theran as well as the Calvinist) and of the two Greek Orthodox communities of Vienna (St. George, Holy Trinity). I will focus predominantly on the last two decades of the 18th century, after the Patent of Toleration (1781) decreed by Joseph ii had created a new legal basis for the religious life and organisa- tion of these non-Catholic confessional groups. One goal will be to explore the importance that the charitable endowments under examination had for these “acatholic” (this is the term used in the Patent of Toleration and in the govern- mental sources) communities in the first years of their existence (Section ii). Besides the institution of charitable endowments (“Stiftung”) in its strict tech- nical sense, with its features of providing a predetermined sum of capital to be invested in a stable form, whereof only the revenues are used for charitable ends, donations as well will be taken into consideration here, which were or- dered by testators in their last wills for charitable ends and were paid out by the testament executors only once (“Legat”).
1 aeg, A.B., Akt 136, p. 6. Pammer’s research on testaments from Upper Austria from the 18th century comes, however, to the conclusion that the testators’ altruism towards relatives, non- relatives, and charitable institutions did not cause any conflict (Pammer 2007: 84). Also in Calisch’s testament there is no such conflict. 2 Borgolte 1993; Borgolte 2000; Borgolte 2012; Borgolte 2016a; Borgolte 2016b.
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Comparing the ways in which endowments were founded and admin- istered by members of different Christian confessions is not a new theme.3 The present study puts the focus on endowments, whose founders belonged not only to different confessional minorities, but were at the same time and in the same place members of migrant groups. I hope therefore to come to conclusions that combine issues of endowment history and of migration his- tory. Furthermore, the primary interest of the following investigations is not only in the consequences the process of early modern confessionalization had for the culture of charity and the organization of endowments. Following new approaches which try to supplement the paradigm of “Konfessionalisierung”,4 as it has been developed by Heinz Schilling and Wolfgang Reinhard with the focus on processes of differentiation and separation between the three west- ern confessions in the Holy Roman Empire and Europe as a whole, I will look as well at phenomena of interconfessionality and transconfessionality. Besides looking at how endowments were used by their founders and administrators for the end of strengthening confessional identities I will also analyse how the endowments of the Protestants and the Greek Orthodox in Vienna were used for interconfessional scopes or how they exhibited transconfessional similari- ties (Section iii).
1 Comparing the “Acatholics” in Vienna: Some Remarks on the Development of the Protestant and the Greek Orthodox Communities in Vienna during the 18th Century
Until the end of the 18th century, the official policy of the Habsburgs towards the Greek Orthodox and the Protestants was in many ways different. After the Peace of Westphalia (1648) and despite its aim of establishing an equilibrated
3 Michael Borgolte and other scholars inspired by his work have studied endowments in the context of different medieval and early modern religions and confessions, see Borgolte 2016a. For the consequences of the Reformation, as well as Counter-Reformation and confessional- ization, on endowments and donations: Göttler 2000; Scheller 2004; Hahn 2007. 4 Whether an analogous process of confessionalization occurred, as it has been described by Schilling and Reinhard for the three Western confessions, in early modern Greek Orthodoxy as well is a matter of debate. The Greek Orthodox in the Ottoman Empire never experienced a confessionalization pushed forward by the political authorities, as was the case in the Habsburg Empire according to the principle of cuius regio, eius religio. Furthermore, written confessional texts did not have the same crucial importance for the development of confes- sional identity as they had in the Western confessions.
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5 Winkelbauer 2003: 182–184; Leeb, Scheutz and Weikl 2009. 6 Scheutz 2009a: 34–37; Pörtner 2005. 7 Mittenzwei 1998.
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8 In 1726 a decree of the “Hofkriegsrat” officially granted the exercitium religionis to the Greeks, who were Ottoman subjects, were organized as a brotherhood and gathered at the community of St. George, though this surely was not the first privilege they received, for the decree refers to older privileges (Hofkriegsrats-Bescheid, OeStA/ka, ZSt, hkr, hr, Bücher 581 exp. fol. 844; see Ransmayr 2016: 33–35; Plöchl 1983: 33). 9 For the economic-mercantilist reasons for the tolerance practiced by the Habsburgs towards the Greek Orthodox after the Peace Treaty of Passarowitz (1718), see Katsiardi- Hering and Mantouvalos 2014. 10 This document explicitly states that the Greek Orthodox do not represent a threat as the Protestants do: “Die nicht unirte Secte ist zwar von keiner solchen Gefahr der Verführung, wie den Protestanten begleitet, da jene strengere Pflichten, als die Catholische Religion zum Grunde hat. Indeßen muß man den [sic] Augenmerk dahin richten, womit die Union so viel möglich erleichteret werde” (OeStA/ava, Kultus, ak, Akatholisch, Griechisch Orthodox, Karton 9, Fasz. “Gottesdienst”, pp. 2–3). 11 Plöchl 1983: 133.
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ordered the leaders of the newly -founded Lutheran community to dismantle the bell towers of the church of the former Königinkloster, which had been assigned to them, at their own cost.12 The embassies of foreign powers played an important role in the forma- tion of both the Greek Orthodox and the Protestant communities of Vienna. To visit the chapels of the Swedish and Danish embassies (for the Lutherans) and the chapel of the Dutch embassy (for the Calvinists) had been almost the only option left to Protestants, if they wanted to attend religious services in town.13 In 1761 Johann Hieronymus Chemnitz gave a vivid description of the religious life at the chapel of the Danish embassy, where he had been minister. The chapel in the residence of the Danish embassy located at the “Gräflich Gundolaischen Haus” in the proximity to the Schottenkirche was furnished with a spacious hall and an organ. Several hundred persons attended services here.14 Before the Proclamation of Toleration it was due to the extraterritorial character of the embassies that a de facto toleration of Protestant religious ser- vices was possible in the capital of the Habsburg Empire. The first parsons of both the Lutheran community (founded in 1783) and the Calvinist community (founded in 1784), Johann Fock and Carl Wilhelm von Hilchenbach, had previ- ously been ministers at the embassies of Protestant powers in Vienna. The first records attesting Greek Orthodox liturgies in Vienna are also con- nected to the institution of diplomatic representation. Religious services were held in the house of Alexandros Mavrokordatos ex Aporriton (1641–1709), the envoy of the Ottoman Porte in Vienna for the negotiation of the Peace Treaty of Karlowitz (1699). After his departure from Vienna he left his confessor and liturgical instruments at the disposal of the Greeks in town.15 The community of St. George (founded before 1726), attended by Greeks that were Ottoman
12 Ransmayr 2016: 96–99. For the demolition of the bell towers of the church of the for- mer monastery assigned to the Lutherans: Preidel 1881: 15–16. The Calvinist community, founded in 1784, decided to build a new prayer house on the parcel assigned to them on the same ground of the secularized Königinkloster (Karner 1986a). 13 7 In the 1 th century it was prohibited even for the Protestant members of the Reichsho- frat to attend church services in the chapels of Protestant powers and they were only allowed them by crossing the border to Hungary and attending Protestant church services in Pressburg (Bratislava) or Ödenburg (Sopron), see Schnettger 2010: 606. 14 Chemnitz reports that service was attended by the Protestant members of the Reich- shofrat, by noble persons (“adeliche Personen”), wholesalers (“Niederläger”), craftsmen (“Handwerksburschen”), lackeys (“Laquayen”) and soldiers (“Soldaten”), s. Johann Chem- nitz, Nachrichten 10, 14–15. See for the chapels of the Dutch, the Danish and the Swedish embassies in Vienna Stubbe 1932; Kühnert 1953; Rippel 1986. 15 Evstratiadis 1912: 6–7; Papastathis 1983: 582; Ransmayr 2016: 27–28.
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16 Preidel 1881: 10–11; Karner 1986b; Scheutz 2009b; Schnettger 2010. 17 Seirinidou 2011: 32–34, 182–184. For the merchants from Thessaly, see Katsiardi-Hering 2003. 18 Peyfuss 1975; Stassinopoulou 2005.
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2 The Emergence of Charitable Foundations among the Greek Orthodox and Protestant Communities of Vienna
Research in the archives for this article has brought to light 15 persons from the two Greek Orthodox communities of Vienna and, respectively, 12 persons from the two Protestant communities who created endowments and/or made chari- table donations in their last wills and testaments during the 18th century. The persons in question, some very few earlier exceptions apart, made their wills in the last two decades of the 18th century. Bearing in mind that persons usually make their last will towards the end of their lives and taking into account the available information about the age reached by the 27 founders, in fact we can be certain that all of them had experienced the period before the Proclamation of Toleration in 1781. Comparing this number of founders with the total num- ber of coreligionists of the individual “acatholic” communities, the impression may arise that only a very small number of people passing away founded en- dowments or made other charitable provisions in their testaments. But this impression would be misleading. Many among the members of the commu- nity had the economic means to make such provisions. Bearing in mind the migratory background of many of its members during the first decades of the existence of the Greek Orthodox and Protestant communities of Vienna ana- lysed here, it seems to have been a common phenomenon that persons, who had spent part of their life and professional activity in Vienna, afterwards re- turned to their places of origin and died there. Among the persons belonging to either of the Greek Orthodox community who passed away in Vienna there was however a considerable number of founders and benefactors.21
19 Privileges for the community of St. George (1776) in ahg, G1, Fasz. 1, can be accessed in Plöchl 1983: 133–136; privileges for the community of the Holy Trinity (1787) in Francis ii, Privileges. 20 Stökl estimates that around 1783 there were ca. 3000 Lutherans and ca. 100 Calvinist fami- lies in Vienna. Ransmayr estimates that there were ca. 300–500 Greeks in the second half of the 18th century and in the heyday of their presence in the first decades of the 19th century ca. 1500 persons (Stökl 1953; Ransmayr 2016: 281). 21 For the demographic size of the four communities under examination see n. 20. The pro- portion of Greek Orthodox founders to community members who passed away in Vienna in the period under examination is ca. 7%. In the last decades of the 18th century around
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The oldest examples of endowments (before 1781) can be found in the Lu- theran community of Vienna. They were administered jointly by the chapels of the Danish and of the Swedish embassy. The earliest was an endowment with capital worth 1,000 fl. for the benefit of the Lutheran community by the judge of the Reichshofrat Johann Heinrich Berger, who held office from 1711/1712 to 1728 and was a jurist from Saxony, and his widow Maria Sophia Berger.22 The next is an endowment (with capital amounting to 15,000 fl.), whose revenues had to be distributed yearly on the name day of the founder to the poor of the Lutheran community, issued by Elisabeth Renata von Palm (†1759), the widow of the “Niederleger” Franz Gottlieb von Palm (1691–1749).23 In 1771 the court agent Balthasar Spiersch from Silesia, being still alive, created an endowment for the poor of the Lutheran community with a sum of capital worth 7,500 fl. For unknown reasons, probably because the founder himself had wished to remain anonymous, this capital was invested at the Wiener Stadtbank un- der the pseudonym “Benedictus Stifter”.24 It is an open question whether Spi- ersch may be identified with the anonymous benefactor of the Lutherans in the Danish chapel mentioned in 1761 by Chemnitz (“die Mildtätigkeit eines Hrn. Hofraths […] dessen Bescheidenheit aber erlaubet es nicht, daß ich seinen Namen nennen dürfte”).25 Finally the “Niederleger” Georg Christoph
200 persons are registered in the books of the dead of the community of St. George (from 1777 to 1800) and of the Holy Trinity (from 1790 to 1800), see ahg, Matriken, 1777–1843, Tod and ahd, Matriken, 1790–1857, Tod. 22 The capital had been invested by the widow as a bond at the Wiener Stadtbank in 1733; see the “cession” of the merchant Christian Heinrich Pape to the Lutheran community, 26th February 1788, aeg, ab, Akt 136. For this endowment: Johann Chemnitz, Nachrichten 31. For Berger’s function at the Reichshofrat: Schnettger 2010: 612, 623. 23 See n. 49 below. For the noble family Palm from Württemberg and its business in Vienna: Kollmer 2001. 24 See the memorandum written by the minister of the Swedish embassy Christoph Gerhard Suke concerning Spiersch’s endowment, 7th January 1774, aeg, ab, Akt 136, p. 1. Here de- tails about Spiersch’s life are also included: “Herr Balthasar von Spiersch war ein Schlesier, und soviel ich in Erfahrung bringen können, zu Nimpsch [Niemcza] unweit Breslau den 21. November 1706 gebohren. Er diente dem Hause Oesterreich über 42 Jahre, und leistete demselben in Cameralsachen so wichtige Dienste, daß er, seiner protestantischen Reli- gion ungeachtet, nach und nach zu der Würde eines Kayserl. Königl. Direktorial Hofraths und Geheimen Referendarii gelangte, und bis an sein Ende bei der Kayserin Königin Ma- ria Theresia in besonderen Gnaden stand. Er starb nach einer dreytägigen Krankheit den 7. May 1773 und nahm den Ruhm eines rechtschaffenen Mannes, eines teuren Patrioten und eines thätigen Christen mit sich in sein Grab” (ibid., p. 2). 25 Johann Chemnitz, Nachrichten 31.
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Table 1 Founders, endowments, donations administered by the two Protestant communities of Vienna
Name of founder Date of Endowment Place of destination Beneficiaries death capital of yearly revenues of endowments or of donations
Berger, Johann Heinrich/ †1733 1,000 fl. Vienna Poor of the Lutheran Berger, Maria Sophia community of Vienna Palm, Elisabeth Renata †1759 15,000 fl. Vienna Poor of the Lutheran von (née von Mayern) community of Vienna Spiersch, Balthasar †1773 7,500 fl. Vienna Poor of the Lutheran community of Vienna Müller, Georg Christoph †1776 1,700 fl. Vienna, Ödenburg/ Donations for the Lutheran Sopron poor of the Danish and Swedish embassy and for the Lutheran church in Ödenburg/Sopron Gullmann, Dorothea †1784 3,000 fl. Vienna Poor of the Lutheran Katharina von community of Vienna Fries, Johann Graf von †1785 2,000 fl. Vienna Donation for the Calvinist community of Vienna Müller, Anna Elisabeth †1791 9,500 fl. Vienna, Ödenburg/ Poor of the Lutheran (née Thalin) Sopron community of Vienna and poor students in Ödenburg/Sopron Himly, Abraham Isaac †1791 3,700 fl. Vienna Calvinist community of Vienna; school of both Protestant communities of Vienna Wöllfeld, Johann †1799 The whole Vienna Lutheran community of Vienna estate Geiger, Johann Andrä †1800 350 fl. Vienna Donations for the Lutheran community and the school of both Protestant communities Emerich Karl Heinrich †1800 Several sums Vienna, Mittenbach, For schools, poor, aged pastors, von Calisch und of endowed Szulgo, Taab, Prague, pastors’ widows of the Lutheran Kissbiröcz capital Teschen communities in those places
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Table 2 Founders, endowments, donations administered by the two Greek Orthodox communities of Vienna
Name of founder Date of Endowment Place of Beneficiaries death † or of capital destination of establishment yearly revenues of the of enowments endowment [] or of donations
Sava, Demeter / †1784 20,000 fl. Ioannina Poor and schools; manumission of Σάββας, Δημήτριος slaves Christoph, †1780 4,000 fl. Argyrokastro/ School Constantin / Gjirokastra Kωνσταντίνου, Χριστόφορος Pano, Zotto [1785] 44,500 fl. Promidi/Përmet School; dowry for a poor girl Argyri Vreto, Jo- [1792] 22,500 fl. Ioannina Dowries for poor girls; poor Greek hann & Anastas / Orthodox prisoners; hospital; sub- Aργύρη Bρετού, vention for the poor for the payment Iωάννης & of the haraç Aναστάσιος Pauli, Demeter / †1793 45,500 fl. Ioannina Subvention for the poor for the pay- Παυ-λής Παύλου, ment of the haraç; dowries for poor Δημήτριος girls and widows; for the teachers of the Balani school Petru, Demeter / [1794] 15,000 fl. Brașov, Bukarest School (Brașov), poor and prisoners Πέτρου, Δημήτριος (Bukarest) Szekeres, Athanas †1794 170 fl. Vienna Dowries for poor girls alternating of Greek Orthodox, Catholic, Calvinist and Lutheran confession Nicola, Georg †1794 7,820 fl. Meleniko/ School Haggi / Nικολάου, Melnik Γεώργιος Χατζή Economus, Martha / †1795 725 fl. Vienna, Pest Donations for churches and priests Oικονόμου, Mάρθα of the Holy Trinity (Vienna) and St. George (Vienna), Greek church in Pest, Allgemeines Krankenhaus (Vienna), hospital in the Leopold- stadt (Vienna)
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Table 2 Founders, endowments, donations administered by the two Greek Orthodox communities of Vienna (cont.)
Name of founder Date of Endowment Place of Beneficiaries death † or of capital destination of establishment yearly revenues of the of enowments endowment [] or of donations
Nico, Panajotti †1796 30,500 fl. Ioannina, Poor in Ioannina and Brașov, school Haggi/Χατζηνίκος, Brașov of Brașov Παναγιώτης Emanuel, Johann / †1798 20,000 fl. Kastoria School Iωάννου, Eμμανουήλ Curtovic, Maximo/ †1799 3,750 fl. Vienna, Holy Trinity (Vienna) and St. George Kουρτοβίκης Trebinje/ Herze- (Vienna), Greek churches in Triest Mάξιμο gowina, Triest, and Trebinje, Normalschulfond, Jerusalem, Armeninstitut, Allgemeines Athos Krankenhaus in Vienna, monasteries in Jerusalem and on Mount Athos Christo, Kyriak †1799 600 fl. Vienna For a sickbed in the Allgemeines Aformo/Χρήστου, Krankenhaus Kυριάκος Nako, Christoph/ †1800 Several sums Vienna, Karlow- Greek school in Vienna, schools Nάκος, Χριστόφο- of endowed- itz, Hungary, on his Hungarian estates, at the ρος (de Nagy Szent ment capital Dogrian/ metropolitanate of Karlowitz and in Miklos) Dorjani, Pest his place of origin Dogrian/Dorjani, for the hospital in Pest
Müller bequeathed in his last will and testament from 1774 the poor relief fund (“Armenkassa”) of the Danish and the Swedish embassy with 200 fl.26 As far as the Greek Orthodox are concerned, there exist only a few testa- ments drafted before 1781. This is the case for the will of the wholesaler and entrepreneur from Ioannina in Epirus Demeter Sava, who drafted his will in 1769 and died in 1784, as well as for the will of a further Epirote, Christoph Con- stantin, whose testament was opened in 1780. In 1755 Sava had been active as
26 Testament Georg Christoph Müller, 1774, WStLA, A2, F2, Verlassenschaftsabhandlungen, 1217/1791, pp. 1–2.
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1. Endowments for beneficiaries abroad: For persons and institutions in the places of origin of the founders, located e.g. in southern Germany, Silesia or in the Ottoman Empire. 2. Endowments for the non-Catholic communities of Vienna or the welfare in- stitutions administered by them (churches, schools, poor relief fund). 3. Endowments supporting the Viennese public welfare system.
Endowments and donations belonging to all three types can be identified in the Lutheran, in the Calvinist, as well as in both Greek Orthodox communities, though there are substantial differences concerning the importance or priority given to either of these three types (at least until 1800). (1) As far as their quantity and amount of capital are concerned, the preva- lent type of endowments founded in this early period by the Greek benefactors
27 See Katsiardi-Hering 2003: 277–279. 28 Imperial deed of foundation, 1793, ahd, G40, Fasz. 3; ahg, Matriken 1777–1839, Tod, p. 189; testament, nöla, Landesfürstl. Verwaltung, Selekte, Geistl. StiftbSlg, Karton 94. 29 Testament Sava, 1769, Etaireia Ipirotikon Meleton, 7. Iερά Mητρόπολις Iωαννίνων, no. 31: Σπαράγματα Kώδικα Mητρόπολης Iωαννίνων 210–211; deed of foundation, 1785, ahg, G32 Fasz. 23. 30 Early examples are the following: The Greek Orthodox Kyriak Poliso in 1811 bequeathed his house (Haus Nr. 794, Bäckerstraße) to the Greek school, s. testament Kyriak Poliso, 1811, ahd, G30, Fasz. 8. The Lutheran Johann Georg Engel bequeathed his house (Haus Nr. 32, Gumpendorf) to the Protestant school, s. testament, 1804, aeg, ab, Akt 136, §12.
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31 The conscription from 1766/1767 was edited by Enepekidis (cf. Enepekidis 1959). Cf. Reg- ister der Namen Aller hier befindlichen Griechen, welche Türkische Unterthanen sind, 1808, ahg, G7, Fasz. 18. For a critical reassessment of these two sources and for the numbers cited above, see Ransmayr 2016: 245–251. 32 See Testaments of Famous Founders from Ioannina 1–3; imperial deed of foundation, 18th October 1792, ahd, G40, Fasz. 3.
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Haggi Nico in 1792 invested capital worth 10,500 fl. for the poor in Ioannina at the Wiener Stadtbank. All three endowments were administered by the com- munity of the Holy Trinity.33 Last in this group is a further endowment for the poor in Ioannina (with capital worth 45,500 fl., making it the largest) by the Greek merchant and one of the elders of the community of St. George Deme- ter Pauli (†1793). The revenues had to be used partly to help “the weak old and poor young” in paying their haraç, partly as dowries for poor girls and widows and as grants for the teachers of the Balani school.34 Three founders benefited places and institutions in Ottoman Macedonia. A merchant named Georg Haggi Nicola (†1794), who was active in Vienna, be- longed to the community of St. George and originated from Meleniko (today Melnik, Bulgaria), created an endowment for the benefit of poor children and orphans at the school there (with capital worth 7,820 fl.).35 Johann Emanuel (†1798) from Kastoria, a further merchant, who also had supported the fun- draising for the newly-founded community of the Hl. Trinity in 1787 with 500 fl., created an endowment for the benefit of the school in Kastoria (with capi- tal worth 20,000 fl.).36 Christoph Nako de Nagy Szent Miklos (1749–1800), yet another merchant and landowner, in his testament provided several endow- ments and donations for the village of Dogrian/Dorjani in Macedonia. Nako’s commercial success had allowed him to acquire extensive estates in Szentmik- los and to be elevated to the Hungarian nobility. In Vienna he acquired the spacious building at Alter Fleischmarkt Nr. 695 located opposite of the church building of the Holy Trinity. He established inter alia an endowment for the school of Dogrian/Dorjani (with a yearly revenue of 150 piastres).37
33 Imperial deed of foundation, 1792, ahd, G40, Fasz. 3. The portrait and the inscription of Haggi Nico’s gravestone are preserved in the memoirs of Christophoros Ktenas, who was priest of the Holy Trinity in Brașov in the 1930s (Ktenas 1938: 25). 34 Evstratiadis 1912: 72; testament, 1793, ahd, G18, Fasz. 5, pp. 3–4, 12–14; imperial deed of foundation, 1795, ahd, G40, Fasz. 3. In 1786 the community of the Holy Trinity payed an analogous amount (45,000 fl.) for the purchase of the ground and the building at Alter Fleischmarkt Nr. 705 for its new church (Ransmayr 2016: 92). 35 ahg, Matriken, 1777–1839, Tod, p. 194; testament with codicil, 1794, ahg, G31, Fasz. 16; imperial deed of foundation, 1797, ahg, G31, Fasz. 16. 36 See for his donation from 1787 Kassabuch der Kirche, 1786–1799, ahd, G 55, pp. 1–3, printed in Ransmayr 2016: 396–399, at 399; imperial deed of foundation, 1801, ahd, G40, Fasz. 3. Though the family Emanuel/Eμμανουήλ originated from Moschopolis, in the records of death of the community of St. George Kastoria is noted as his place of origin, cf. ahg, Matriken, 1770–1839, Tod, p. 196. 37 Testament, 1799, nöla, Landesfürstl. Verwaltung, Selekte, Geistl.StiftbSlg, Karton 94, p. 2. For Nako see Peyfuss 2003: 77–78 and Haas 2011.
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Although the founders belonging to either of the Protestant communities of Vienna had also in most cases migratory backgrounds, only a few created en- dowments which benefited their places of origin or other remote places during the period examined here. To this type belongs the endowment issued by Elisa- beth Renata von Palm for a school in Nuremberg, though it is uncertain if she originated from there;38 furthermore, the donation of 1,000 fl. for the benefit of poor students from the Lutheran church of Ödenburg (Hungary) by the widow Anna Elisabeth Müller (†1791), the place of origin of her deceased husband Georg Christoph Müller, who himself left 1,500 fl. for the poor in Ödenburg.39 In the case of the Hungarian nobleman and former military officer Calisch, who was resident in Vienna, it was the ideal of supporting Lutheran Protestant- ism all over the Habsburg Monarchy with endowments administered by the Lutheran Community in the Habsburg capital that induced him to establish, beside several similar endowments in Hungary and Lower Austria, also endow- ments for Lutheran institutions in more remote places like Bohemia (Prague) and Silesia (Teschen).40 They rather resemble the endowments administered by the Greek Orthodox communities of Vienna for the benefit of Greek Ortho- dox institutions in the more remote places of the Habsburg Monarchy, like the foundations by Panagioti Haggi Nico and Demeter Petru for the Greek Ortho- dox church and its school in Brașov or by Christoph Nako for Greek Orthodox churches and schools on his Hungarian estates in the Banat and for the benefit of the school at the Metropolitan see in Karlowitz.41 (2) Concerning the support for the non-Catholic communities of Vienna through the charitable deeds of founders and donors two patterns can be distinguished. On the one hand, it was common for wealthy members to pre- scribe in their wills individual bequests (“Legate”) for the benefit of the com- munity they belonged to or even to both Greek Orthodox or both Protestant communities. On the other hand, many Protestant founders and only a few Greek Orthodox founders (before 1800) decided to dedicate substantial parts
38 An endowment founded by Palm for the “Wirthische Schule für arme Kinder” in Nurem- berg (with capital worth 60,000 fl. invested at the Wiener Stadtbank) is documented in the compendium of Johann Nepomuk Savageri (s. Johann Nepomuk Edler von Savage- ri, Sammlung 115). Savageri cites the deed of foundation drafted on 3rd January 1761 in Nuremberg. 39 Testament Anna Elisabeth Müller, 1788, WStLA, Zivilgericht, A2, F2, Verlassenschaftsabh. 1217/1791, p. 3. 40 Testament Calisch, 1800, aeg, ab, Akt 136, pp. 1, 3–4. 41 Testament Nako, p. 9. For the endowments ordered by Nako concerning his estates in Hungary, see below.
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42 Testament Sava, 1769, p. 210. From 1762 to 1772 the Greeks had abandoned the chapel of St. George located at the Steyrerhof because of conflicts with the Serbian clergy, who temporarily took over the control of the church affairs from the Greeks, cf. Ransmayr 2016: 39–40; Papastathis 1983. 43 Testament, Economus, 1794, nöla, Landesfürstl. Verwaltung, Selekte, Geistl StiftbSlg, Karton 94. Martha’s brother Dimitrios is known also because he denounced the political agitator Rigas Velestinlis in 1798 to the Habsburg authorities (Katsiardi-Hering 1999). For the foundation of the Greek church in Pest: Hering 1975. 44 Testament (1799), Codicil (1800), deed of foundation (1834), all in: nöla, Landesfürstl. Ver- waltung, Selekte, Geistl. StiftbSlg, Karton 94, Griechische Schule. According to the deed of foundation the yearly revenue for the Greek school, which belonged to the community of the Holy Trinity, amounted to 847 fl. When Nako made his will, the Greek school was still
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Among the Protestant benefactors, the lion’s share was occupied by endow- ments supporting church services, poor relief or school education in the two Protestant communities of Vienna. Beside the older endowments (before 1781), these are, in chronological order:
• the endowment issued by Dorothea Katharina von Gullmann (†1784), wid- ow of Johann Philipp Gullmann, who was a lower-level functionary in the Reichshofrat, for the benefit of the poor of the Lutheran community (with capital worth 3,000 fl.); • the donation of 2,000 fl. in 1785 for the Calvinist community by the banker and industrial entrepreneur Johann Graf von Fries (1719–1785); • the endowment for the poor of the Lutheran community by Anna Elisabeth Müller (†1791), widow of the “Niederleger” Georg Christoph Müller, with capital worth 5,000 fl., as well as her donations for the Lutheran community (3,000 fl.) and its ministers (500 fl.); her husband had donated 100 fl. each to the Danish and Swedish chapels in Vienna. • the endowment made by the merchant of wine and textiles Abraham Isaac Himly (†1791) for a Protestant school still to be founded (with capital worth 2,000 fl.), as well as his donations for the Calvinist community (1,000 fl.), its poor (400 fl.) and ministers (300 fl.); • the endowment issued by the wholesaler Johann Wöllfeld (†1799), who probably came from Regensburg, for the poor of the Lutheran community, as well as his donation for the Protestant school (500 fl.) and for the minis- ters of the Lutheran church (225 fl.) • Johann Andrä Geiger’s (†1800) donations for the Protestant school (200 fl.) and the Lutheran church (150 fl.); • the endowments issued by Emmerich von Calisch (†1801) in his testament for the Protestant school (500 fl.), the poor of the Lutheran community (2,000 fl.) and for a pension fund for former ministers of the Lutheran su- perintendenture and their widows (2,000 fl.).45
That the Viennese Protestants had a stronger inclination to found endowments of this type may be explained in part by the fact that Protestantism had deeper roots (in view of the chronology) and had (demographically and economical- ly) a stronger presence in Vienna at that time. A very similar pattern of found- ing charitable endowments was also followed by many Greek benefactors in
in the planning stage. With imperial permission it was founded in 1804 (Stassinopulou 2011; Ransmayr 2016: 121–123). 45 For these foundations and donations see table 1.
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Vienna later on during the 19th century, when the two Greek communities and the welfare practiced by them had attained a more sophisticated organization- al structure and their members lived permanently in Vienna. It should also be noted that in the case of the aforementioned endowments for the support of charitable institutions of the Protestant communities the founders under examination often were the first of their sort and that the capital bequeathed by them formed the financial basis for recently-founded institutions or even institutions still to be established.46 Shortly before his death, the ambitious founder Calisch composed a memorandum to the Lutheran superintendenture concerning the future of the endowment funds of the Lutheran community in Vienna. Here he exhorts other noble-minded benefactors (“edelmüthige Beför- derer”) to follow his example and to support the charitable institutions of the young Protestant community, for otherwise it would need many years if not a whole century (“daß viele Jahre erforderlich sind, vielleicht ein Jahrhundert”) until there would exist adequate provision for the persons in need belonging to the community.47 Similar exhortations to wealthy members to make dona- tions for the benefit of the young and still poor Protestant communities were also launched by their leaderships in circular letters.48 In these documents the impression is given that the economic challenges of the newly-founded com- munities could be overcome only with the support of charitable endowments and donations. (3) Almost all founders and testators of all communities under examination ordered donations either for the benefit of the fund for elementary schools (Normalschulfond), which was created under Maria Theresa, or the Armenin- stitut or the Allgemeines Krankenhaus, which both were created under Joseph ii, either for some or for all of them. These donations vary from 2 fl. up to 1,000 fl. In some of the earlier testaments support is given to the “Armenspital”/
46 E.g. Himly’s foundation from 1791 for the Protestant school of Vienna, which was founded only in 1794 and administered together by the Lutheran and the Calvinist community (Käppel and Pilecka 1894). Though in 1801 Calisch attested the existence of a fund for aged parsons and their widows in the Lutheran community, he also noted that he was one of the first to contribute to it, see his letter, 24th June 1801, aeg, ab, Akt 136. 47 Ibid., p. 2. Calisch emphasized that it was a Christian duty of wealthy persons to support such purposes. Calisch’s endowment for the pastors of the Lutheran superintendenture and their widows existed until 1923, cf. letter form 20th January 1923, Archiv Oberkirchen- rat, Akt 205: Freiherr von Calisch’sche Stiftung, 1891–1911. 48 Circulare an die Gemeine, 4th February 1785, aeg, ab, Akt 86; Denckbuch sämtlicher wohlthätigen Beyträge zur Schulung und Erhaltung der kirchlichen Anstalten bey der evan- gelischen Gemeinde helvetischer Confession in Wien, 1804, Fotokopie, Privatarchiv Superin- tendent Mag. Peter Karner.
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“Bürgerspital”, the institutional precursor of the Armeninstitut, which was founded under Joseph ii in 1783 and according, to the plans of the emperor, was to become the core institution for public poor relief in Vienna and guar- antee the control of the state over this sector.49 In the last decades of the 18th century the Viennese system of charity (e.g. poor relief and healthcare) experi- enced great changes. Following the ambitious plans of Joseph ii it was restruc- tured in order to strengthen the control of the state and make it more efficient. Further institutions, which were provided with donations in the testaments under examination, are the Catholic orders of the Barmherzige Brüder and the Elisabethinerinnen as well as the Invalideninstitut. These donations, however, may just partly reflect a commitment of the donors to the public welfare sys- tem in Vienna. For it was a duty prescribed by the state for testators to bequeath in proportion to the size of their estate certain sums to the aforementioned institutions.50 Of a different quality and in a certain sense precursor of many similar endowments founded by Greeks in Vienna in the time to come is the endowment of Kyriak Christo Aformo. This Greek merchant, whose origin is unknown, drafted his testament in the Italian language and was a member of the community of the Holy Trinity, died on the 17th of March in 1799 at the age of 68 years. He wished that the revenues from capital worth 600 fl. should be dedicated for a sickbed in the Allgemeines Krankenhaus (founded in 1784) to be offered for poor sick of the Greek Orthodox confession (“un letto gratis per un ammalato povero della Nazione greca non unita”).51
49 In her testament Elisabeth Renata von Palm (†1759) had issued an endowment for the benefit of poor Catholics in the poorhouse (“hiesigen Armenhause”) (with capital worth 12,000 fl.), see Johann Nepomuk Edler von Savageri, Sammlung 114. In 1769 Demeter Sava ordered in his will that 150 fl. should be donated to the “hospital of the poor” (testament Sava, p. 210); in 1774 Georg Christoph Müller donated 36 fl. for the „Bürgerspital“ (testa- ment Georg C. Müller, p. 1); for the reform of poor relief and health care under Joseph ii: Scheutz and Weiß 2015: 31–65. 50 A contribution to the Normalschulfond was obligatory for the members of the “Ritter- und Handelsstand”; for the Allgemeines Krankenhaus and for the “Wohltätigkeitsfond” or the Armeninstitut for everybody in proportion to the size of the estate of the testator, cf. J.F. Miller, Universal-Briefsteller 315–316; Pammer 2004: 498. 51 ahd, Matriken, 1790–1857, Tod, p. 173; testament, 1799, WStLA, Zivilgericht, A10, Testa- mente, 305/1799, p. 1; deed of foundation, 1894, nöla, Allgemeine Stiftbriefsammlung. For this and other similar endowments from the 19th century, which subsidized sickbeds in the Allgemeines Krankenhaus and the hospital of the Barmherzige Brüder, see Soursos 2017. For the endowment of Constantin Panadi (†1852), who bequeathed his house to the Wiener Blindeninstitut, see Stassinopoulou 2016.
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Under Maria Theresa and Joseph ii the state was resolved to bring pious and charitable endowments and donations under greater control.52 Irrespec- tive of their confession, the members of the Greek Orthodox and Protestant communities in Vienna became subject to this invigorated state surveillance. As administrators of endowments they had to meticulously give accounts to governmental institutions. It was due to successful lobbying that the Protes- tants as well as the Greek Orthodox succeeded in promoting their interests in competition or even against the interests of the state. Extensive correspon- dences are preserved, for example, between the leaders of the Lutheran com- munity and governmental authorities concerning the endowment of Elisabeth Renata von Palm for poor Lutherans (founded in 1759 with capital worth 15,000 fl.). The state had objected, however, that this endowment should be incor- porated into the newly-founded Armeninstitut. The authorities had argued that the new Armeninstitut would be more efficient in identifying and sup- porting the worthy poor of the Protestant confession all over the city, but the leaders of the Lutheran community had replied with several arguments that their community was the best-qualified agent for this task.53 A further example of the negotiating skills of the members of the non-Catholic communities in Vienna is the correspondence with governmental authorities related to the foundation of charitable endowments that benefited places in the Ottoman Empire. Only a few years after the Peace Treaty of Sistovo (1791) which ended the last Ottoman-Habsburg war, Andreas Pauli, the brother and executor of the testament of Demeter Pauli, made the motion that the state should guar- antee that revenues would be sent to the Ottoman Empire even in the case of a new war with the Porte. Although Pauli in the end was successful with his petition, the internal correspondences of the authorities prove that there were significant objections to it, for with such a guarantee the state would deprive itself of an important retaliatory measure.54 But the safety of the capital or
52 Schneider 2010 and Schneider 2017; for the reform of the procedure of inheritance (Verlas- senschaftsabhandlung) Pammer 2004. 53 Letter from the government of Lower Autria, 19th April 1784, aeg, ab, Akt 136; see the letter by the leaders of the Lutheran community to the president of the “Stiftungsober- direktion” Graf Buquoy, 16th January 1784, ibid., and a further letter by the leaders of the Lutheran community, 21st May 1784, ibid. Cf. for Palm’s endowment Johann Chemnitz, Nachrichten 30–31. 54 Government of Lower Austria to court, 28th January 1795, nöla Landesfürstl. Verwaltung, Selekte, Geistl. Stiftbr. Sammlung, Karton 95, pp. 1–2. The guarantee that revenues would be sent to the places of destination also in the case of a new war with the Ottoman Empire was included in the imperial deed of foundation of the endowments of Demeter Sava (1785), Zotto Pano (1792), Brothers Vreto (1792), Panagioti Haggi Nico (1792), Christoph
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3 Did Confession Matter? The Endowments of the “Acatholics” between Confessionalization, Interconfessionality and Transconfessionality
So far I have mainly discussed the charitable purposes of the endowments founded or administered by members of the Protestant and the Greek Or- thodox communities of Vienna as well as the context and chronology of their emergence and their importance for these recently-founded communities. This section looks at religious, or more precisely confessional purposes and features of the endowments and of the testamentary dispositions of their founders. A methodological issue at stake here is, however, if and to what extent sources like testaments, deeds of foundation and other written documents declaring the intentions of benefactors are appropriate for the reconstruction of the religious mentalities and convictions of benefactors. Testaments usually pro- vide only a sort of snap-shot of the testator’s motivations and practices shortly
Constantin (1793), Demeter Pauli (1795), Georg Haggi Nicola (1797) and Johann Emanuel (1801). 55 E.g. the testament of Calisch: “Damit diese Baron Calische Stiftung immer fortwähren möge, wenn nun die Evangelischen zu Wien jetzt habender Religions-Freyheit durch Intoleranz beraubet würden, welches Gott verhüten wolle ! werden die königlichen H: Legations-Prediger, zuerst der von Dänemark und, so er will, der von Schweden beli- eben, dies Almosen auszutheilen” (testament, first version from 1796, p. 2). In 1784, when the chapel of the Danish embassy was closed, it was stipulated that the endowment capi- tal as well as the liturgical instruments and the library, which had been transferred from it to the newly-founded Lutheran community, would be put again under the protection of the Danish embassy if toleration should be revoked, see Revers an die dänische Ge- sandtschaft, über die von ihr in Empfang genommene Capelle, undated, aeg, ab, Akt 85. A similar provision was also stipulated with the Swedish embassy in 1787, when it closed its chapel, see Revers an den K. Schwedischen Gesandten Freyherrn von Celsing, aeg, ab, Akt 86.
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before his death or at the end of his life. Persons could also have made provi- sions for charitable foundations independently of their testaments. Further- more, scholars have emphasized that pious foundations created or religious thoughts expressed in testaments of the 18th century often had a conventional and formulaic quality. They may tell us more about the intention of testators to accommodate prevailing conventions than about their inner feelings.56 How- ever, this objection may be answered by the fact that the primary interest of confessional historians lies in the reconstruction of (collective) confessional identities and practices as they were performed by members of confessional groups outwardly rather than in religious mentalities and feelings; or – to use a distinction familiar to early modern theology and philosophy – to look at practices and attitudes in foro externo, rather than at the beliefs in foro interno. Therefore, religious or confessional speech-acts performed in the textual sourc- es under examination matter even if they were intended only as lip service. Beside analysing the role that the practices of charity had in strengthening the confessional identity of the non-Catholic members of the communities (1.), I will look as well at phenomena of interconfessionality and transconfession- ality; at the ways endowments and donations were used for interconfessional purposes (2.) and how they presented transconfessional similarities (3.).57 (1) The economic survival of several monastic institutions of the Greek Or- thodox Church in the Ottoman Empire (e.g. the monasteries of Mount Athos, the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem or the Saint Catherine’s Monastery on Sinai), which had a great spiritual as well as symbolic importance for Eastern Chris- tianity, depended in the early modern period on the alms given by the mem- bers of the Greek Orthodox confession or by fundraising campaigns organized by them (also in foreign countries and faraway places).58 Several testators be- longing to the group of benefactors analysed here ordered donations for the benefit of these lieux de mémoire of Orthodoxy.59 Demeter Pauli, whose en- dowment for the poor and the schools of Ioannina has been mentioned above,
56 Pammer 2004: 506; Guzzetti 2007: 32–33. 57 I use the concepts of interconfessionality and transconfessionality according to the defini- tion of Thomas Kaufmann (see Kaufmann 2003: 14–15). 58 Chotzakoglou and Gastgeber 1998: 87–88; Stathi 1999: 130. 59 See the donations for the Holy Sepulcher by Demeter Sava (2,000 fl.), Demeter Pauli (500 piastres), Maximo Curtovic (200 fl.); for the monasteries on Mount Athos by Sava (1,300 fl.), Pauli (250 piastres) and Curtovic (500 fl.) and for the St. Catherine’s Monastery on Sinai by Sava (900 fl.), Pauli (500 piastres). For similar donations in the wills of Greek Orthodox merchants from the Ottoman Empire resident in Nischyn (Ukraine), see Karras 2010: 446–447.
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60 Testament, ahd, G18, Fasz. 5, pp. 6–7, 8–10. 61 The phrase of promoting the salvation or consolation of the testator’s soul is often used in the testaments under examination in the context of donations and the establishment of endowments: “zum Trost meiner Armen Seele” (testament Nako, 1800, p. 1); “für meine Seele” (testament Oikonomou, 1795, p. 1); “meine Seele nicht zu vernachlässigen” (testa- ment Pauli, 1793, p. 12); “δια μνημόσυνον της ψυχής μου” (testament Sava, 1769, p. 210); “in suffragio dell’anima mia” (testament Curtovic, 1799, p. 1). Amounts of money are provided for requiem masses (mnemosyna) by 6 of 15 persons under examination (Sava, Pauli, Cur- tovic, Oikonomou, Petru, Nako). It may be noted that in a further 5 of 15 cases of Greek Orthodox benefactors, no testaments could be found and therefore we have no evidence about similar provisions by these founders. For the theological background of endow- ments and the soteriological motivations of founders in the Byzantine Middle Ages: Chitwood 2016: 62–67. For the soteriological aspect of donations ordered by testators from Syros in the 19th century and the importance of the institution of mnemosyna there: Loukos 2000: 170, 216–220, 235–238. 62 In the draft for the statutes for the community of the Holy Trinity written by the poly- math scholar Demeter Darvar in 1801, we read that the priests should spur persons on the deathbed to make foundations for the benefit of the church and of the school in Vienna, while reassuring them that prayers and requiems would be performed for them in return: “Nα μνημονεύωσι πάντοτε εις την θείαν λειτουργίαν όλους εκείνους τους αδελφούς, όπου ήθελαν αφήσει μετά θάνατον εις την εκκλησίαν, η εις το σχολείον ενα λεγάτον από f. 1000 τουλάχιστον, των οποίων τα ονόματά των γεγραμμένα να γράφωνται εις τα Δίπτυχα της εκκλησίας, και να
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In Catholicism charity and almsgiving had been embedded in similar escha- tological practices and requiem masses had an important place in testamen- tary dispositions here as well. However, the Catholic concept of beneficiary practices underwent substantial changes during the second half of the 18th century in the Habsburg territories. Partly as an effect of the religious reforms during the “Josephinisches Jahrzehnt”, the practices of making provisions for pious foundations in general and for requiem masses in particular were in de- cline at the end of the century.63 Because of dogmatic reasons – the convic- tion, that redemption was possible only through faith and God’s grace and not through good works – for the Protestants this sort of beneficiary practices con- nected to soteriology was not possible (or desirable) at all. The fierce attack against the Catholic Church and the taboo imposed by the Protestant Refor- mation in the 16th century on the tradition of pious endowments connected with commemorations and prayers of the Old Church had as a consequence that Protestant charity had to be orientated on other purposes.64 Consequent- ly, in the testaments of Protestant benefactors a soteriological connotation of their charity is not only totally missing, there are even examples of testators explicitly referring to the precise Protestant dogma that impeded them from making provisions of this kind, i.e. the dogma of justification by faith alone through the sacrifice of Christ.65 A common feature of both Protestant and Greek Orthodox testaments which expresses the confessional identity of their authors was to emphasize
ευγάζωσι μερίδα δι’αυτούς ύπερ της συγχωρήσεως και αφέσεως των αμαρτιών των” (Kap. 6, § 16, in: Ransmayr 2016: 441). §17 states that for all donors giving at least 1,000 fl. would be requiem masses celebrated in their name; on the diptychs with the name of donors and benefactors see now Elias Petrou, Objects of Memory. Memorial Services and their manage- ment in the Greek Orthodox communities of Vienna, to appear on www.wienergriechen.at. 63 For the impact of Josephinism in the research on testaments from Brno in Moravia, see the contribution by Maly in this volume, and for testaments from Upper Austria in the 18th century, see Pammer 2011. 64 For the Protestant Reformation and its criticism of Catholic pious endowments and their soteriological purposes: Liermann 1963: 124–126; Scheller 2004; Hahn 2007. 65 Calisch noted that he entrusted himself solely to the merit of the Saviour he believed in, and not in his own merits as a Christian: “daher ich mich auf das vollgültige Verdienst des Weltheilands, daß [sic.] ich im Glauben ergreife, verlassen will” (testament Calisch, 1800, p. 1); see also testament Anna Elisabeth Müller, 1791, p. 1. By contrast, Demeter Pauli ex- pressed a point of view (which, however, could also have been valid from the perspective of Catholic dogma) emphasizing that the chalice of Christ was overflowing and would reward every person according to his merit (“daß der Kelch des Herren voll ist, und er jedem nach Verdienst lohnet” (testament, p. 16, emphasise mine).
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66 E.g. Anna Elisabeth Müller wished to be buried according to the “ChristEvangelischen Gebrauch” (testament, p. 1). This phrase emulates the wording common in Catholic tes- taments (“nach christkatholischem Gebrauche”), cf. J.F. Miller, Universal-Briefsteller 317. Curtovic ordered that his corpse should be buried “secondo il rito della Religione greca che professo” (testament, p. 1). Calisch ordered that on his tombstone it should be written that he had been a faithful servant of the Protestant confession (testament, p. 12). 67 „Die hiesigen Griechen machten zuerst eine Vorstellung dagegen, indem sie anzeigten, daß es gegen ihren Ritus sey“ (Johann Pezzel, Skizze 145).
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68 For Szekeres Chotzakoglou 1997: 68–69; Ransmayr 2016: 29–30, 42. 69 “Bei der Wahl dieser Mädchen soll ohne Unterschied der Nation hauptsächlich darauf gesehen werden, daß dieses Heiratsgut nach dem ersten Zeitraum von zwei Jahren ei- nem graeci ritus nicht unirten, nach dem zweiten einem latini ritus römisch katholisch- en, nach dem dritten einem, bald von Calvins, bald von Luthers Partey protestantisch- em, hernach aber widerrum einem graeci ritus nicht unirtem Mädchen u. s. f. zu Theil werde” (testament Szekeres, 1794, WStLA, Zivilgericht, A2, F2, Verlassenschaftsabhandl. 1236/1794, p. 5). The deed of foundation from 1819 informs us that Maria Szekeres died one year after her marriage, but that because of the small size of the inherited capital (170 fl.) the endowment could not be established according to the founder’s will. Instead its revenues had to be distributed as alms to the poor every two years, s. deed of foundation, 1819, nöla, Allgemeine Stiftbriefsammlung; s. the copy of the deed of foundation in aeg, ab, Akt 136. 70 “jeder katholischen, griechisch nicht unirten und protestantischen Kirche auf meinen Gütern insbesondere Einhundert Gulden” (testament, Nako, p. 1). 71 Testament, Calisch, 1800, p. 2. 72 Testament, Sava, 1769, p. 210; testament, Himly, 1791, p. 4; for Palm’s endowment see above.
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73 Requiem masses and other religious practices, which aimed at the salvation of the found- ers’ soul, are a feature in common with the Catholic concept of endowments. Though the Greek Orthodox Church never recognized the existence of purgatory, which was crucial for Catholic beliefs about the afterlife as well as for practices of charity, it acknowledged the influence of prayers for the salvation of the dead, s. Chitwood 2016: 61–63. A fierce critique against purgatory by an influential Greek Orthodox theologian of the time is ex- pressed in Evgenios Voulgaris’ open letter to the Serbs dwelling in the Habsburg Monar- chy (Evgenios Voulgaris, Eπιστολή παραινετική 63). 74 Concerning the fear of being unprepared at the hour of death see testament Pauli, 1793, p. 1; Oikonomou, 1794, p. 1; Calisch, 1800, p. 1 and Ariès 2005: 20–22. For the preconfessional or transconfessional culture of making testaments and ars moriendi: Ariès ibid.; Herzog and Hollberg 2007; Loukos 2000. For the (Muslim) conventions regarding endowments in the Ottoman Empire Barnes 1986 and the literature cited by Orbay in this volume. 75 Pammer 2004: 504.
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Primary Sources aeg = Archiv Evangelische Gemeinde, Vienna. ahd = Archiv Hl. Dreifaltigkeit, Vienna. ahg = Archiv Hl. Georg, Vienna. Evgenios Voulgaris, Eπιστολή παραινετική = “Eπιστολή παραινετική προς τους Σέρβους.” Ed. E. Argentis. Άνθος της ευσεβείας. Leipzig 1757: 53–89. Francis ii, Privileges = Franz ii. Von Seiner Majestät Kaiser Franz des Zweyten, huld- reichst verliehene Privilegien. Vienna 1822. J.F. Miller, Universal-Briefsteller = J.F. Miller. Neuer Universal-Briefsteller oder allge- meines Hand- und Hülfsbuch für alle Angelegenheiten des gemeinen Lebens in Kan- zelley- und Gerichts-, so wie in Handlungsgeschäften. Vienna 1824. Johann Chemnitz, Nachrichten = Johann Hieronymus Chemnitz. Vollständige Nachrich- ten von dem Zustande der Evangelischen und insonderheit von ihrem Gottesdienste bey der Königlich Dänischen Gesandtschafts Capelle in der Kayserlichen Haupt und Residenzstadt Wien. Sine loco 1761.
76 For cases of benefactors from the late 18th and early 19th century from Ioannina establish- ing endowments in Vienna in order to protect their property from the intervention of the regime of Ali Pasha: Saracino 2017. 77 Though in the Protestant cases the possibility of commemorating the founder in prayers and requiem masses was excluded, there existed other memorial strategies, e.g. founders could stipulate that the endowment revenues were to be distributed annually on the an- niversary of their death (e.g. Gullmann) or on their name-day (e.g. Palm, Spiersch).
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