The Siege of Sarajevo
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Siege of Sarajevo Endangered Civilians
BALKAN January 8, 2004 Page 6 VIEW FROM THE HAGUE SIEGE OF SARAJEVO ENDANGERED CIVILIANS On 5 December this year, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia sentenced General Stanislav Gali ć to 20 years in prison for spreading terror among the civilian population during the siege of Sarajevo. The city of Sarajevo was under siege for about three and a half years. For almost two years of that time, from September 1992 to August 1994, General Gali ć was the commander of a branch of the Army of Republika Srpska (VRS), called the Sarajevo Romanija Corps, or SRK, which had virtually encircled Sarajevo. Parts of the city were controlled by the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Prosecution alleged that the SRK under General Gali ć's command conducted a campaign of sniping and shelling attacks on civilians in Sarajevo. Under international humanitarian law war as such is not considered unlawful. However, certain principles of warfare apply that military commanders must respect. One such principle obliges military commanders to distinguish between military objectives, on the one hand, and civilians, on the other, and not to attack civilians under any circumstances. And yet, the SRK's campaign resulted in a large number of deaths and injuries to civilians. The Tribunal Prosecution alleged that the SRK, under General Gali ć's command deliberately killed and injured civilians in order to terrorize them. Terrorising civilians Terrorising civilians during armed conflict is specifically prohibited by Article 51 of Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions of 1949. The former Yugoslavia ratified this protocol in 1978. -
Worlds Apart: Bosnian Lessons for Global Security
Worlds Apart Swanee Hunt Worlds Apart Bosnian Lessons for GLoBaL security Duke university Press Durham anD LonDon 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Designed by C. H. Westmoreland Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. To my partners c harLes ansBacher: “Of course you can.” and VaLerie GiLLen: “Of course we can.” and Mirsad JaceVic: “Of course you must.” Contents Author’s Note xi Map of Yugoslavia xii Prologue xiii Acknowledgments xix Context xxi Part i: War Section 1: Officialdom 3 1. insiDe: “Esteemed Mr. Carrington” 3 2. outsiDe: A Convenient Euphemism 4 3. insiDe: Angels and Animals 8 4. outsiDe: Carter and Conscience 10 5. insiDe: “If I Left, Everyone Would Flee” 12 6. outsiDe: None of Our Business 15 7. insiDe: Silajdžić 17 8. outsiDe: Unintended Consequences 18 9. insiDe: The Bread Factory 19 10. outsiDe: Elegant Tables 21 Section 2: Victims or Agents? 24 11. insiDe: The Unspeakable 24 12. outsiDe: The Politics of Rape 26 13. insiDe: An Unlikely Soldier 28 14. outsiDe: Happy Fourth of July 30 15. insiDe: Women on the Side 33 16. outsiDe: Contact Sport 35 Section 3: Deadly Stereotypes 37 17. insiDe: An Artificial War 37 18. outsiDe: Clashes 38 19. insiDe: Crossing the Fault Line 39 20. outsiDe: “The Truth about Goražde” 41 21. insiDe: Loyal 43 22. outsiDe: Pentagon Sympathies 46 23. insiDe: Family Friends 48 24. outsiDe: Extremists 50 Section 4: Fissures and Connections 55 25. -
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so. -
Bosnia to War, to Dayton, and to Its Slow Peace – European Council On
REPORT BOSNIA TO WAR, TO DAYTON, AND TO ITS SLOW PEACE Carl Bildt January 2021 SUMMARY The international community was gravely unprepared for the conflicts that followed the dissolution of Yugoslavia. In particular, it neglected the challenge of Bosnia. Europe alone was not enough to bring peace, and the United States went from disinterested to disruptive and finally to decisive for a credible peace process. Russia in those days was a constructive actor. The war in Bosnia lasted years longer than it should have more because of the divisions between outside powers than because of the divisions within the country and the region itself. The fundamentals of the Dayton Agreement in 1995 were not too dissimilar from what had been discussed, but not pursued, prior to the outbreak of the war. It is a solution that is closer to the reality of Belgium than to the reality of Cyprus. After the war, many political leaders in Bosnia saw peace as the continuation of the war by other means, which has seriously hampered economic and social progress. Ultimately, it will be difficult to sustain progress for Bosnia or the region without a credible and clear EU accession process. INTRODUCTION It was a quarter of a century ago that the most painful conflict on European soil since the second world war came to an end. Peace agreements are rare birds. Most conflicts end either with the victory of one of the sides or some sort of ceasefire that is rarely followed by a true peace agreement. The map of Europe shows a number of such ‘frozen conflicts’. -
Never Again: International Intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina1
Never again: 1 International intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina July 2017 David Harland2 1 This study is one of a series commissioned as part of an ongoing UK Government Stabilisation Unit project relating to elite bargains and political deals. The project is exploring how national and international interventions have and have not been effective in fostering and sustaining political deals and elite bargains; and whether or not these political deals and elite bargains have helped reduce violence, increased local, regional and national stability and contributed to the strengthening of the relevant political settlement. This is a 'working paper' and the views contained within do not necessarily represent those of HMG. 2 Dr David Harland is Executive Director of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. He served as a witness for the Prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the cases of The Prosecutor versus Slobodan Milošević, The Prosecutor versus Radovan Karadžić, The Prosecutor versus Ratko Mladić, and others. Executive summary The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was the most violent of the conflicts which accompanied the break- up of Yugoslavia, and this paper explores international engagement with that war, including the process that led to the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Sarajevo and Srebrenica remain iconic symbols of international failure to prevent and end violent conflict, even in a small country in Europe. They are seen as monuments to the "humiliation" of Europe and the UN and the -
The Art of War: the Protection of Cultural Property During the "Siege" of Sarajevo (1992-95)
DePaul Journal of Art, Technology & Intellectual Property Law Volume 14 Issue 1 Special Section: Art and War, 2004 Article 5 The Art of War: The Protection of Cultural Property during the "Siege" of Sarajevo (1992-95) Megan Kossiakoff Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/jatip Recommended Citation Megan Kossiakoff, The Art of War: The Protection of Cultural Property during the "Siege" of Sarajevo (1992-95), 14 DePaul J. Art, Tech. & Intell. Prop. L. 109 (2004) Available at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/jatip/vol14/iss1/5 This Case Notes and Comments is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Law at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in DePaul Journal of Art, Technology & Intellectual Property Law by an authorized editor of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Kossiakoff: The Art of War: TheCOMMENT Protection of Cultural Property during the "S THE ART OF WAR: THE PROTECTION OF CULTURAL PROPERTY DURING THE "SIEGE" OF SARAJEVO (1992-95) I. INTRODUCTION Throughout the night of August 25, 1992, shells from Serb gunners fell on the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Sarajevo. The attack set off a blaze fueled by a collection representing hundreds of years of Bosnian history and culture. Librarians and community members, risking sniper fire, formed a human chain to move books to safety.' Despite emergency efforts, ninety percent of the collection was ash by daybreak.2 Unfortunately, this incident was not unique. The destruction of cultural artifacts during the "Siege" of Sarajevo was a loss not only to Bosnia,3 but also to the heritage of the world which now suffers a gap that cannot be closed. -
Yugoslavia's History and Breakup Timeline
1 28-06-1914 Gavrilo Princip (1894 – 1918) was a Bosnian Serb member of Young Bosna, a movement seeking an end to Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia- Herzegovina. On 28 June 1914 he assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria and his wife Sophie in Sarajevo, continuing the chain of events that would lead to the outbreak of the First World War. During his trial, he stated: “I am a Yugoslav nationalist, aiming for the unification of all Yugoslavs, and I do not care what form of state, but it must be freed from Au s t r i a .” 2 1914 - 1918 The First World War, a global war originating in Europe, lasted for four years. In the end, four empires collapsed after the conclusion of WW1: the Ottoman Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the German Empire and the Russian Empire. 3 1914 - 1918 The First World War, a global war originating in Europe, lasted for four years. In the end, four empires collapsed after the conclusion of WW1: the Ottoman Empire, Austro-Hungarian Empire, German Empire and the Russian Empire. 4 1918 - 1941 The Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes is formed in the wake of the First World War through the merger of territories formerly part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire with the formerly independent Kingdom of Serbia. It changed its name to Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1929. It adopted the motto, ‘One Nation, One King, One State’. 5 06-04-1941 In April of 1941, Yugoslavia was occupied and partitioned by the Axis powers. The image shows the aftermath of the bombing of Belgrade on April 6, 1941. -
Geopolitical and Urban Changes in Sarajevo (1995 – 2015)
Geopolitical and urban changes in Sarajevo (1995 – 2015) Jordi Martín i Díaz Aquesta tesi doctoral està subjecta a la llicència Reconeixement- NoComercial – SenseObraDerivada 3.0. Espanya de Creative Commons. Esta tesis doctoral está sujeta a la licencia Reconocimiento - NoComercial – SinObraDerivada 3.0. España de Creative Commons. This doctoral thesis is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivs 3.0. Spain License. Facultat de Geografia i Història Departament de Geografia Programa de Doctorat “Geografia, planificació territorial i gestió ambiental” Tesi doctoral Geopolitical and urban changes in Sarajevo (1995 – 2015) del candidat a optar al Títol de Doctor en Geografia, Planificació Territorial i Gestió Ambiental Jordi Martín i Díaz Directors Dr. Carles Carreras i Verdaguer Dr. Nihad Čengi ć Tutor Dr. Carles Carreras i Verdaguer Barcelona, 2017 This dissertation has been funded by the Program Formación del Profesorado Universitario of the Spanish Ministry of Education, fellowship reference (AP2010- 3873). Als meus pares i al meu germà. Table of contents Aknowledgments Abstract About this project 1. Theoretical and conceptual approach 15 Socialist and post-socialist cities 19 The question of ethno-territorialities 26 Regarding international intervention in post-war contexts 30 Methodological approach 37 Information gathering and techniques 40 Structure of the dissertation 44 2. The destruction and division of Sarajevo 45 Sarajevo: common life and urban expansion until early 1990s 45 The urban expansion 48 The emergence of political pluralism 55 Towards the ethnic division of Sarajevo: SDS’s ethno-territorialisation campaign and the international partiality in the crisis 63 The Western policy towards Yugoslavia: paving the way for the violent ethnic division of Bosnia 73 The siege of Sarajevo 77 Deprivation, physical destruction and displacement 82 The international response to the siege 85 SDA performance 88 Sarajevo’s ethno-territorial division in the Dayton Peace Agreement 92 The DPA and the OHR’s mission 95 3. -
S/1994/674/Annex VI Page 152 II. CHRONOLOGY of the BATTLE
S/1994/674/Annex VI Page 152 II. CHRONOLOGY OF THE BATTLE AND SIEGE OF SARAJEVO A. April 1992 1. 5/4/92 (Sunday) (a) Military activity Combat and Shelling Activity: After thousands of protestors took to the streets, fierce shooting from heavy machineguns and automatic weapons were heard in all parts of the city, accompanied by explosions. Source(s): Reuters; United Press International. Targets Hit: Unidentified downtown buildings. Source(s): Reuters Press Report. Description of Damage: Bullet shattered windows in a number of unidentified downtown buildings. Source(s): Reuters Press Report. Sniping Activity: Shooting into crowds of demonstrators by unidentified gunmen. Source(s): United Press International. Casualties: A doctor at the Sarajevo hospital and police officials said at least seven people were killed Sunday (three in pre-dawn police station attacks) and 10 were injured. 60/ Source(s): United Press International. Narrative of Events: 54. Tensions escalated on the eve of a meeting by European Community Ministers who were expected to announce the recognition of BiH as an independent state. Fighting broke out after the expiration of a 2:00 p.m. deadline set by Serbian leaders for cancellation of a full mobilization of the Republic’s Territorial Defence and police reserve forces dominated by Croats and Muslims. The mobilization order was issued Saturday by President Alija Izetbegovi@. 61/ 55. After the deadline passed, thousands of people were reported to have taken to the streets in spontaneous peace marches as government-run Sarajevo television began issuing appeals for ethnic amity. The largest body of demonstrators headed towards the Republic's Assembly building, and hundreds began moving toward several buildings that had been seized by armed Serbs. -
War in the Balkans, 1991-2002
WAR IN THE BALKANS, 1991-2002 R. Craig Nation August 2003 ***** The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. This report is cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited. ***** Comments pertaining to this report are invited and should be forwarded to: Director, Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 122 Forbes Ave., Carlisle, PA 17013-5244. Copies of this report may be obtained from the Publications Office by calling (717) 245-4133, FAX (717) 245-3820, or be e-mail at [email protected] ***** Most 1993, 1994, and all later Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) monographs are available on the SSI Homepage for electronic dissemination. SSI’s Homepage address is: http://www.carlisle.army.mil/ssi/ ***** The Strategic Studies Institute publishes a monthly e-mail newsletter to update the national security community on the research of our analysts, recent and forthcoming publications, and upcoming conferences sponsored by the Institute. Each newsletter also provides a strategic commentary by one of our research analysts. If you are interested in receiving this newsletter, please let us know by e-mail at [email protected] or by calling (717) 245-3133. ISBN 1-58487-134-2 ii CONTENTS Foreword . v Preface . vii Map of the Balkan Region. viii 1. The Balkan Region in World Politics . 1 2. The Balkans in the Short 20th Century . 43 3. The State of War: Slovenia and Croatia, 1991-92. -
Indication of Provisional Measures of Protection That Was Also Is As F Ollm
Annex 1 to GEN 93/16 80PltrLMSmARY SOBlSISSIOLB Z19 SVOPO8T O? TZU APBLZCA'PZOH OF TBR Rwtlgtrc OF SOSHZA WD H~~UBGOVII~A IXSTI~IUGWQAL PROCttDIftOS A8ALXST YWQOSWfA (SERBIA AHD LaO#TrCIETIULLO) OH THO MIX8 Oh PBE 1988 O%EOCIL)B COmlmrOl AVD I10 THI: SOPrnRT OP STS BSQO~ST ma aw rmxcMrow OP PBOVISZ~~AL~CJULS~IC OP PILMSCIIOW. TO 111s Excellency, the President, to the Judges of tbe Intematicmal Court of Justice, the undersigned being duly authorized by the mlfcof Wsnia and Herzegovina: 5: have the hanor to refer r,o the Applicatiun Iostitutiag Proceedings tbat was go1;anitted t;o the Court fry the Republic of Bosnia and Henegovina cm 20 March 1993 against Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) on the basis of Article IX of the Genocide Convmtion of 9 December 1948 and the a- Request for the Indication of Provisional Measures of Protection that was also submitted to the Court on that date. In Section N of that Application IaIV. Judgment Regl~ested")Bosllia and Herzegovina reee- ite "...right to teNista, -1-t or amend this Application." Since the Appliazcian was filed, additianal evidence bas canre to the att8nt:Lon of the Agent for Bosnia an8 Herzeghna that he would like l:o dmw to the attention of the Court and hereby mxbit in ~narptrrtof our Application anti Ragzmst for Prawlsicmal Measures of metxion. This aclditional evidence is as f ollm below. 1. The folAawing events are categorize8 chranalogical~y. All cites refer to the same day edition of the &bxs-Y unless othEnwise noted. 2 March 11992 : Bosnia and Henegavfna held a refere&m approving i-epeazdence and sovereignty an kQirch 1. -
University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
THE CINEMA OF ATROCITIES: TORTURE AND STATE VIOLENCE ON FILM By ALLISON M. RITTMAYER A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2013 1 © 2013 Allison M. Rittmayer 2 To my mother, my saja and Caleb 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to start by thanking my chair, Maureen Turim for her mentorship and friendship during my four years at the University of Florida. Since the seminar I took with her during my first semester through my job search and the completion of this project, she has offered her advice and support in all of my endeavors. I thank my committee members Barbara Mennel, Scott Nygren, and Martin Sorbille for their encouragement and insight throughout this process. I have truly enjoyed the productive discussions we engaged in during our meetings. I am especially grateful to Barbara for her extensive meticulous feedback on my writing. I thank the faculty and staff of the Department of English for their support during my graduate studies at UF, and for ensuring that all official business proceeded smoothly. I am also indebted to my friends near and far, without whom I would not have survived graduate school. I thank Beth Dixon, Tamar Ditzian and Marina Hassapopoulou for their encouragement (and commiseration); Georg Koszulinski for being an eternal optimist; Janelle Flanagan and Val Shulman for being my champions; and Harriet Pollack, John Westbrook, and Molly Clay for being my cheering section in Lewisburg. Most importantly, and with the deepest gratitude I thank my family for supporting all of my intellectual endeavors.