UC Berkeley California Journal of Politics and Policy
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UC Berkeley California Journal of Politics and Policy Title California Latino Politics: The Fight for Inclusion-Then and Now Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8fz7c5zw Journal California Journal of Politics and Policy, 1(1) Author Acevedo, Emily Publication Date 2009-09-02 DOI 10.5070/P2KW3D Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Acevedo: California Latino Politics THE CALIFORNIA Journal of Politics & Policy Commentary Volume 1, Issue 1, 2009 The Search for a Civic Voice: California Latino Politics, is the state of Latino politics today? Burt contends that the Kenneth C. Burt, Regina Books, 2007 origins of Latino political involvement date back much earlier than academics and activists generally acknowledge. He dates its origins from the evening of April 28, 1939, the first meeting of El Congreso or the First National Congress of Mexican and Spanish American People’s of the United California Latino Politics: The Fight States. for Inclusion—Then and Now Burt’s historical analysis traces the birth of the Latino movement to the early efforts of prominent individuals Emily Acevedo* such as Eduardo Quevedo, Luisa Moreno, Saul Alinsky, California State University, Los Angeles Fred Ross, and Edward R. Roybal. The groundswell of political activism coincides with the emergence of a broad coalition of diverse ethnic groups such as Jewish, Japanese, In The Search for a Civic Voice, Kenneth C. Burt and Mexican Americans and key actors such as labor presents his readers with a detailed accounting of Latino involvement in electoral politics. Burt addresses three key issues: what are the origins of modern Latino politics, what *Emily Acevedo is an assistant professor of political lessons can be drawn from these early pioneers, and what science at California State University, Los Angeles. Her research interests include Latin American politics, social movements, comparative and world politics, and terrorism www.bepress.com/cjpp and U.S. counter-terrorism. 1 California Journal of Politics and Policy, Vol. 1 [2009], Iss. 1, Art. 26 unions and the Catholic Church, who banded together to nationwide alliance to launch voter registration drives accomplish common goals. called the We Are America Alliance (WAAA). The WAAA The most telling things about these early political registered some 468,541 new voters. According to WAAA’s activists are the lessons extracted from their failures as voter registration goals,1 registration totals by state include well as their successes. These activists faced a daunting 87,554 new voters in California, 84,345 in Florida, 34,490 political climate that included police discrimination as in Pennsylvania, 25,173 in Texas, 27,026 in Illinois, 18,166 illustrated through cases such as the 1942 Sleepy Lagoon in Arizona, 16,640 in New York, 33,573 in Colorado, trial, the 1943 Zoot Suit Riots, and the 1951 Bloody 51,782 in Nevada, 80,477 in New Mexico, 8,000 in Maine, Christmas Beating. Edward R. Roybal, who lost the Los 680 in New Hampshire, and 635 in Virginia. Angeles Council race in 1947, formed the Community The political significance of the increase in the number Service Organization (CSO) with the aid of community of Latinos registered to vote was evident in battleground organizers Fred Ross and Saul Alinsky. The CSO aided states, such as Florida, Colorado, and Virginia. According in voter registration drives that contributed to Roybal’s to a press release from the League of United Latin American electoral victory in 1949 and his subsequent re-election, Citizens (LULAC): serving on the Los Angeles City Council until 1962. The grassroots organizations extended beyond elections as both Latino voters provided the margin of victory for César Chávez and Dolores Huerta, who previously trained Obama in key battleground states. In Florida under Fred Ross and helped with voter registration drives, where Obama won by just 198,303, Latinos cast eventually left CSO to form the National Farm Workers 14% of the ballots and supported Obama (57%) Association (NFWA) in 1962 to organize on behalf of over McCain (42%). In Colorado where Obama California farm workers. won by 138,521 votes, Latinos cast 17% of the Burt argues that voter drives were crucial to the success ballots and supported Obama (73%) over McCain of Latino political organization by the early community (27%). In Virginia where Obama won by 155,862 activists. The major role played by Latino voters in the votes, Latinos cast 5% of the ballots and supported 2008 presidential election is a tribute to their pioneering Obama (65%) over McCain (34%).2 efforts and signaled a seismic shift in California politics. On July 10, 2008, several civic organizations formed a DOI: 10.2202/1944-4370.1050 2 Acevedo: California Latino Politics Another key to Latino political gains has been has been together Mexican, Japanese, Negro, and Jewish the organization of an expanding web of political alliances. youth in a cooperative venture.” By the following Alliances were a critical component to the early political year, the “Festival of Friendship” had grown activists, who focused their efforts on creating broad- to include a three-hour formal arts program, a based social, political, and economic ties. Roybal’s 1951 parade, food sales, and an art exhibit. More than electoral victory in Boyle Heights was a product of years of 12,000 people attended, with 1,500 participating work by activists to weld coalitions of diverse community in the parade alone. Later that year, a late autumn groups into an electoral majority by stressing issues that intercultural week included a Jewish-American cut across ethnic and racial divisions (p. 114). cultural night next to evenings dedicated to the In 2004, George Sánchez wrote about the multiracial cultural contributions of Japanese Americans, efforts by Jewish communities that were part of the Negro Americans, and Mexican Americans.3 broad-based alliances cited by Burt. Sánchez, relying on minutes of board meetings of the Soto-Michigan Jewish The final key to the initial success and the ongoing Community Center, wrote: impact of Latino political organizations has been their emphasis on maintaining and updating the links that bind The Soto-Michigan Jewish Community Center the alliances. Given the variable nature of alliances, activists began to distinguish itself through innovative had to remain diligent. Burt suggests that if Latinos are programming aimed at addressing the changing to sustain a prominent role in politics, alliances must not nature of the Boyle Heights community and only be preserved, they must be broadened to include labor the need for increased intercultural work in the unions, veterans organization, and business associations. neighborhood. Led by Mel Janapol, board member Burt offers a frank assessment of the grim realities in charge of “intercultural activities,” this effort that remain before California Latinos can convert their began by inviting non-Jewish youth from outside demographic numbers into serious political power. Burt the community to a model seder at the Jewish raises a number of critical issues yet to be explored, Center. At the same time, youth director Mark particularly the alarmingly low rates of registration and Keats organized the first Friendship Festival in turnout among Latinos voters and the plethora of social spring 1949 at the Fresno Playground, to “bring and economic issues they face. 3 California Journal of Politics and Policy, Vol. 1 [2009], Iss. 1, Art. 26 Why don’t Latinos vote, and to what extent do California The issue of “targeted mobilization,” used by both Latino politics reflect that of Latinos elsewhere in the Democratic and Republican parties, speaks to a larger United States? While Latinos are the largest minority group problem with low voter turnout among Latinos. Latino votes in California, they are themselves a diverse group rather a are often sought during tight races and as a result, political unified voting bloc. The experiences of a Cuban immigrant parties and organizations use “targeted mobilization” to may be in stark contrast with those of an immigrant reach out to Latino voters with broader themes, such as from El Salvador. While the two may share a common family values, which resonate in the Latino community. language and a broader affiliation to Latin America, that Latino electoral politics is not a top down affair but a may be all that they share. Scholars frequently use the bottom up process that relies on and requires an emphasis term “Latino” to speak about this large ethnic minority, on community level politics. Latino candidates need to but little comparative analysis has been done to draw out return to the community and engage citizens at the local the distinctions between these minorities and how their level, not simply appearing in the run-up to an election but experiences shape their understanding or involvement in seeing that they maintain a presence and that their voice is American politics. in off election years. What accounts for the fluctuations in Latino political In July 1999, the Los Angeles Times printed an interview engagement? Do Latinos turn out when a particular issue with Roybal after the electoral victories of Alex Padilla is of salience or is there a broader connection between and Nick Pacheco. Roybal acknowledged that Latinos the Latino community and Latino politicians to maintain have made great strides: “There were 30 times as many a steady level of engagement on a broad range of issues Latino lawmakers in California as when he first took office relevant to Latino communities? Burt says Latinos 50 years ago. Yet, despite these gains, numerous problems supported Ronald Reagan over incumbent Governor remain.”4 The problems persist, according to Roybal, Pat Brown in 1966 because Latino leaders were unable because politicians lack a community spirit. to deliver the Latino vote for Brown, and Republicans Burt’s findings hold significance for political activists appealed to dissatisfaction among older, more traditional and Latino candidates who seek to raise the level of Latino Mexican Americans who were dissatisfied with the involvement in politics.