Casablanca Jungle Music and Positive Youth Development in Morocco

Figure 1. Audience of L'Boulevard 2018 (i.e. music festival in Casablanca)

A master thesis in International Development Written by Maha Rhannam ID: 11598891

Under the supervision of Dr. Oliver Seibt Second reader: Dr. Olga Nieuwenhuijs Graduate School of Social Sciences University of Amsterdam 2

Abstract

This thesis will be discussing the impact of music engagement on urban youth in Morocco, and more particularly the ways in which music contributes to the empowerment of this population. It will also explore its implications on development strategies in the country. Multiple studies have discussed the evolution of hip-hop in Morocco, however they have failed to encompass the impact of this genre (and other genres as well) on the urban youth of the country. For these purposes, this research aims at uncovering the imprints of music in this day and age on the Moroccan urban youth, both musicians and music aficionados, in the current political and social climates of Morocco. This research is based on an ethnographic study of music-related events (concerts, workshops and open mics) in Casablanca. In order to understand this population segment, qualitative interviews were conducted; all of which demonstrate to some extent the ways in which music empowered, individually or collectively, the aforementioned participants. It seems that music acts more as a “bandaid” for the Moroccan urban youth, as shall be presented throughout this research. Considering the inexistence of a functioning music industry in the country as well as a brittle educational system, this thesis calls for governmental strategies to re-evaluate the importance of arts within education, setting them at the forefront of development strategies in light of the development pathways this could open up for Morocco.

key words: music, urban youth, empowerment, development, Morocco

Acknowledgments

Attending this master program and conducting this particular thesis would not have been possible without the help of a particular person, my mother. I would thus like to thank her first and foremost for believing in me, believing in this particular research topic and all in all, allowing me to enroll in this master.

I would also want to thank all of the people who have helped me during my fieldwork. I want to extend my deepest gratitude to Soukaina Fadli and Omar Nadi for providing accommodation for me to stay in when in Casablanca. I would also like also thank Ali Bengelloun and Hamza Mdouari who acted as my research assistants during some of the events that I have attended.

Considering the difficulties and uncertainties attached to the thesis writing process, I have at numerous times asked for the advice of some of my social sciences graduate colleagues whom I wish to thank. My sincerest thanks to Myriam Ait Malk, Fatima Zohra Bensaid, Yasmine Morchadi, Anouk Strandstra and Sara Senouci for their continuous help and advices.

Finally, I would like to thank Dr. Oliver Seibt who has provided me with guidance through the thesis elaboration phase as well as during my writing process.

TABLE OF CONTENT

ABSTRACT ...... 2 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... 3 LIST OF FIGURES ...... 6 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...... 7 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 8 CHAPTER 2: HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL CONTEXT ...... 11

HISTORICAL AND SOCIO-POLITICAL CONTEXT OF MOROCCO ...... 11 a) Brief overview ...... 11 b) Political context and its connections to music ...... 11 c) Social and cultural context ...... 12 CASABLANCA: AN OVERVIEW ...... 15 (URBAN) YOUTH IN MOROCCO ...... 17 MUSIC IN MOROCCO ...... 18 a) Overview of music genres in the country ...... 18 b) Hip-hop in Morocco ...... 19 c) Electronic music in Morocco ...... 20 d) What now? ...... 22 CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...... 24 EMPOWERMENT ...... 24 i) Positive Youth Development ...... 26 ii) Individual Empowerment ...... 27 iii) Collective empowerment ...... 28 iv) Potential risky attitudes within the framework ...... 29 STUART HALL’S AUDIENCE RECEPTION THEORY ...... 30 OPERATIONALIZATION OF MAJOR CONCEPTS ...... 32 CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY ...... 34

EPISTEMOLOGY & RESEARCH DESIGN ...... 34 UNITS OF ANALYSIS ...... 34 DATA COLLECTION METHODS ...... 34 Interviews ...... 35 Participant Observation ...... 35 Document analysis ...... 36 SAMPLING ...... 36 DATA ANALYSIS ...... 36 Critical discourse analysis ...... 37 ETHICS AND LIMITATIONS ...... 37 METHODOLOGICAL REFLECTIONS ...... 38 CHAPTER 5: INDIVIDUAL EMPOWERMENT ...... 41 SELF ESTEEM ...... 41 a) Self-esteem of musicians ...... 41 b) Self-esteem of the music aficionados ...... 44 RESILIENCE ...... 46 a) Resilience of musicians ...... 46 b) Resilience of music aficionados ...... 48 GROWTH ...... 49 a) Growth of musicians ...... 49 b) Growth of music aficionados ...... 50 POTENTIAL RISKY ATTITUDES WITHIN INDIVIDUAL EMPOWERMENT ...... 52

CHAPTER 6: COLLECTIVE EMPOWERMENT ...... 54

SENSE OF BELONGING ...... 54 SOCIAL CHANGE ...... 57 POTENTIAL RISKY ATTITUDES WITHIN COLLECTIVE EMPOWERMENT ...... 61 CHAPTER 7: DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY WORK AND RESEARCH ...... 62 DISCUSSION OF MAIN FINDINGS ...... 62 LIMITS OF THIS STUDY ...... 64 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH ...... 64 POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 65 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 66 APPENDICES ...... 73

APPENDIX 1. GLOSSARY ...... 73 APPENDIX 2. MAP OF CULTURAL CENTERS AND LIVE PERFORMANCE VENUES IN CASABLANCA ...... 74 APPENDIX 3. TRANSPARENCY DOCUMENT ...... 75

List of Figures

Figure 1. Audience of L'Boulevard 2018 (i.e. music festival in Casablanca) ...... 1 Figure 2. Touristic map of Casablanca ...... 15 Figure 3. The slums of Anfa, the backdrop of Casablanca's most luxurious district ...... 16 Figure 4. Conceptual scheme of this study ...... 62

List of abbreviations

5C (or 6C) 5 (or 6) Competencies of Positive Youth Development 20FM 20th of February Movement L’Amme L’association Marocaine de Musique Electronique (i.e. Moroccan Association of Electronic Music) BMDA Bureau Marocain des Droits d’Auteur (i.e. Moroccan Copyrights Office) ICT Information and Communication Technologies MENA Middle East and North Africa PYD Positive Youth Development RSP Rabat Secret Parties TAZ Temporary Autonomous Zone UNDP United Nations Development Program UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

Chapter 1: Introduction

“Musical sounds are a powerful human resource, often at the heart of our most profound social occasions and experiences. People in societies around the world use music to create and express their emotional inner lives, to span the chasm between themselves and the divine, to woo lovers, to celebrate weddings, to sustain friendships and communities, to inspire mass political movements, and to help their babies fall asleep.1”

“Barakkaa... men lkhouf, hzou riouskoum ya li mghareba hrarou ou baraka men lkhouf.2” (Stop… being scared, keep your heads up, Moroccans, become stronger, strive for freedom and stop being scared.) These first sentences of Don Bigg’s song Al Khouf (Fear), released in 2006 and centered on the economic and socio-political issues that Morocco has been experiencing in the last decades have inspired me as a young 11-years old Moroccan to not only be conscious of the socio-economic issues that my country was facing but they also inspired me to become an agent of social change. I have for most of my life lived in a bubble. I was raised by a Berber activist veterinarian father and an Arab biologist mother. I spoke mostly French and Berber, studied in a French school, then did my bachelor in an American-inspired liberal arts university in Morocco. I am now studying at the University of Amsterdam. In this context, I was secluded from the reality of other Moroccans for a while, and it was not until Don Bigg’s Al Khouf that I was clearly made aware of that. The booming, diverse and rich Moroccan music that ensued has strengthened not only my socio-political consciousness, but also inspired me to further investigate its power for other Moroccans, and more particularly its impact on Moroccan youth.

Since 2006, the Moroccan music scene continued to stimulate and unite Moroccans on a national scale, either in football stadiums, spiritual sufi gatherings, political protests, festivals and other live performances. The music scene of the country has indeed grown, now including a myriad of different genres ranging from electronic music to rock, hip-hop and indie-pop, as well as rejuvenating its most traditional folkloric genres.

Despite the wide diversity of musical movements in Morocco, hip-hop was the only genre which has been apparent in academia (alongside historical accounts of folkloric genres such as aita). Social sciences research has noted its evolution today as a popular global medium through which the youth expressed critical messages, a role that was previously played by fusion groups such as Nass El Ghiwane in the mid-70s.3 Analysis of these new genres, and of the impact of music is in that sense essential, not only to investigate the cultural developments of one society, but also “to identify identity formation” as music is often a “public presentation of the deepest feelings and qualities that make a group unique.4”

Considering the post-Arab Spring Moroccan context, it is important to situate the echoes of the 20th of February Movement (revolutionary social movement in Morocco during the Arab

1 Thomas Turino, Music as Social Life the Politics of Participation (Chicago, IL: Univ. of Chicago Press, 2008), 1. 2 "Don Bigg – Al Khouf," Genius, January 01, 2006, accessed January 20, 2019, https://genius.com/Don-bigg-al- khouf-lyrics. 3 Brian Seilstad, "Hip Hop Culture in a Small Moroccan City," Journal of Hip Hop Studies 2, no. 1 (Summer 2015): 76. 4 Thomas Turino, Music as Social Life the Politics of Participation (Chicago, IL: Univ. of Chicago Press, 2008), 2.

Spring) in today’s Moroccan society. Although the movement has faded into memory and new political orders have appeared since 2011, this movement had spurred hope for social change in the imaginary of the urban youth in the country, and as argued by a number of scholars, “the current situation where people dare to raise their voice is (now) irreversible5”.

In line with the rhetoric presented, and considering the impact of music worldwide and the particular context of Morocco, in the 13th of March 2018, the UNESCO bureau in Rabat (Morocco) has set to implement a project entitled ‘Music as a driver of sustainable development in Morocco’. This project draws on the “immense potential of cultural industries” in the country, and that in terms of “growth, employment, inclusion, and trade in goods and services.6” Despite the fact that this plan tackles and promotes an important and essential part of the sustainable development projects for the country, it still fails to include in more substantial terms the agency of the Moroccan youth. Indeed, this project only unfolds the economic aspects/potential of music in the country, and approaches this form of cultural expression solely through capitalist lenses, overlooking in that sense other forms of empowerment (both collective and individual).

For these purposes, this research investigates the role of music as an agent of social change, and investigates more particularly its role as a tool through which empowerment of urban youth can be possible. Despite the extensive research produced on hip hop in Morocco, the latter has failed to present a comprehensive view of the impact of music on urban youth as it attempted to explore the impact of this genre solely through a state-centric approach and/or linguistic approach (Seilstad7, Salois8, Almeida9 and so forth). In an attempt to fill this research gap, this thesis will present a bottom-up analysis on the evolution of Moroccan hip hop and electronic music as to investigate the use of music as an empowerment tool for urban youth. In order to examine this topic, I have chosen to focus on Casablanca, the economic center of the country and city which inspired Malca’s hit Casablanca Jungle10.

“Trying to find another shelter A revolution of our chains in love It’s so close that I can almost taste it.11”

Casablanca is a jungle, a jungle in which one might be fearful, might experience joy and all in all, a jungle where there is a diversity of opinions and experiences. However, as Malca describes it in his song (i.e. Casablanca Jungle), the urban youth of the country is nevertheless “trying to find another shelter”, one that can be potentially found through music. In order to investigate

5 Leni Brouwer and Edien Bartels, "Arab Spring in Morocco: Social Media and the 20 February Movement," Afrika Focus 27, no. 2 (2014): 20. 6 "UNESCO Supports the Music Industry Sector in Morocco," Diversity of Cultural Expressions, March 14, 2018, accessed October 30, 2018, https://en.unesco.org/creativity/news/unesco-supports-music-industry-sector- morocco. 7 Brian Seilstad, "Hip Hop Culture in a Small Moroccan City," Journal of Hip Hop Studies 2, no. 1 (Summer 2015). 8 Kendra Salois, "Make Some Noise, Drari: Embodied Listening and Counterpublic Formations in Moroccan Hip Hop," Anthropological Quarterly 87, no. 4 (Fall 2014). 9 Cristina Moreno Almeida, "The Politics of Taqlidi Rap: Reimagining Moroccanness in the Era of Global Flows," The Journal of North African Studies 21, no. 1 (2015). 10 Malca is a Moroccan indie pop singer from Casablanca. 11 "Malca – Casablanca Jungle," Genius, October 27, 2017, accessed March 29, 2019, https://genius.com/Malca- casablanca-jungle-lyrics.

10 the music scene and the role of music as it is experienced by the Casaoui (i.e. person from Casablanca) youth, I have conducted qualitative fieldwork in Casablanca from January to March 2019. This fieldwork that consisted in following up musical events in the city that were advertised on social media12 suggested that this ‘shelter’ resided mostly in hip-hop and electro music as it will further be outlined in this study.

For these purposes, the central question guiding my study will be: what roles do Moroccan Hip- Hop and Moroccan ‘Electro’ play in the empowerment of urban youth in Casablanca?

In order to thoroughly respond to the question, the following sub-questions will also be addressed:

i) What roles do Moroccan Hip-Hop and Moroccan ‘Electro’ play in the individual empowerment of urban youth in Casablanca as defined by Travis and Deepak? ii) What roles do Moroccan Hip-Hop and Moroccan ‘Electro’ play in the collective empowerment urban youth in Casablanca as defined by Travis and Deepak? iii) To what extent do Moroccan Hip-Hop and Moroccan ‘Electro’ contribute to risky attitudes and behaviors of the urban youth in Casablanca?

This thesis is divided into seven chapters, namely: (i) introduction; (ii) historical and cultural context; (iii) theoretical framework; (iv) methodology; (v) individual empowerment; (vi) collective empowerment and (vii) conclusion. As such, the following chapter will present an overview of the historical and cultural context of the country, discussing its political history, the evolution of musical genres within the Cherifian kingdom and the specificities characterizing Moroccan hip-hop and electronic music as genres in Morocco. The third chapter will then present the theoretical framework which will be utilized in the analysis of the findings. This chapter will present an overview of the literature on empowerment and empowerment via music as to introduce Travis and Deepak’s framework on empowerment, as well as Stuart Hall’s encoding and decoding approach. Chapter 4 will then outline the methodology of this research project, therefore presenting the epistemological approach used, data collection methods, units of analysis and ethical concerns. The next two chapters will then dive into the data collected in order to comprehend the role of music in the individual and collective empowerment of urban youth in Casablanca. Finally, the last chapter will present the conclusions of my findings, its limits and recommendations for future research endeavors and policy practice.

12 It should be noted that I had access to no other source of advertisement of music events but social media.

Chapter 2: Historical and Cultural Context

Historical and socio-political context of Morocco

a) Brief overview

As previously mentioned, this research was conducted in Casablanca, the economic capital of Morocco. The latter is located in North Africa, a few kilometers south of the southern Spanish borders. Morocco counts now around 35 million individuals, with approximately 7 million of which live in Casablanca (2014)13. The country’s population is increasingly becoming urban, with an urbanization rate of 61.9%14. This parliamentary monarchy is headed by the King Mohammed VI, and is governed by the prime minister, Saâdeddine El Otmani, Secretary General of the PJD (Party of Justice and Development), a political party advocating for Islamism and an Islamic democracy. This party has become popular in the last few years, and more particularly after the Arab Spring movement, especially given the fact that the country is predominantly of Muslim faith (99%)15.

The human development index developed by the UNDP positioned Morocco at 123 out of the 189 countries surveyed.16 Despite the progresses shown by the country (increase of 45.5% from 1990 to 201717), this ranking puts into perspective the existing socio-economic disparities of the country which will further be explained throughout this chapter.

b) Political context and its connections to music

In order for one to understand the diversity of ethnicities, cultures, languages and mentalities of the country, it is important to examine the historical and political context in which they all emerged. For many centuries and under various dynasties, the territory of what constitutes today modern Morocco has been home to Arabs, Berbers and Sahrawi peoples of mostly polytheist, Muslim or Jewish confessions. Given its strategic geographical location, it has also represented a civilizations crossroads for Europeans and Africans alike. This history of diverse ethnic groups and religions living together and mixing has given rise to a rich and varied cultural and artistic life. Consequently, we can encounter Sephardic music and literature, derived by the Jewish people who have fled the Reconquista and sought home in Morocco, as well as Gnawa music, influenced by African folk, or again Berber folklore, drawing from pre-Islamic traditions.18

13 Anaïs Lefébure, "Casablanca, 5ème Ville La plus Densément Peuplée Du Monde," Al HuffPost Maghreb, May 29, 2017, accessed January 10, 2019, https://www.huffpostmaghreb.com/2017/05/29/casablanca-5e-ville-plus- densement-peuplee-monde_n_16865426.html. 14 Haut-Commissariat Au Plan, "Population Du Maroc Par Année Civile (en Milliers Et Au Milieu De L'année) Par Milieu De Résidence : 1960 - 2050," Indices Statistiques | Site Institutionnel Du Haut-Commissariat Au Plan Du Royaume Du Maroc, , accessed January 06, 2019, https://www.hcp.ma/Population-du-Maroc-par-annee-civile- en-milliers-et-au-milieu-de-l-annee-par-milieu-de-residence-1960-2050_a677.html. 15 "The World Factbook: Morocco," Central Intelligence Agency , accessed January 12, 2019, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/print_mo.html. 16 "Morocco," Human Development Reports, 2018, accessed August 12, 2019. 17 Ibid. 18 Susan Gilson Miller, A History of Modern Morocco (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2013).

In 1912, Morocco became a French protectorate which ipso facto altered the cultural life of the country. Indeed, cultural life became more politically engaged in the decolonization struggle and the fight for independence.19 Hence, we can find several accounts of poems and songs tackling this issue, such as the ‘Chants du Tassaout’ from Mririda N'aït Attik20. After its independence, Morocco entered a dark period of authoritarianism and repression under King Hassan II’s rule, known as the years of lead.21 During these years, freedom of speech was severely restricted and journalists and political activists alike were imprisoned. In that sense, culture reflected this reality as we can find literary and musical works that narrate and condemn the severe oppression that society was subjected too (Saida Mnebhi, Nas el Ghiwane, Jil Jilala, Tazmamart cellule 10).22

The death of Hassan II symbolized the beginning of a new regime in Morocco, led by his son Mohammed VI. This regime was marked by national development strategies, a new code of family and persons enhancing the situation of Moroccan women, and all in all a liberation from the authoritarian boundaries of his father. Despite these liberal policies, the striking disparities of the country further widened amounting to a revolution in 2011.23

In the winter and spring of 2011, a wave of protests started in the MENA region, prompted by the socio-political inequalities of the countries of the region. Uprisings began in Tunisia and Egypt, Morocco amongst other countries quickly followed. In the 20th of February 2011 (F20) began a wave of protests in Morocco. The protesters were not a homogenous group, with participants from different backgrounds sharing a common goal. They advocated for social justice, equality, democracy and dignity. The youth in particular demanded freedom of speech and claimed their right for “a voice in the public debate, not just in Morocco but all over the world.24”

This vision was facilitated by the use of social media, allowing Moroccans to unite and discuss their ideals and aspirations. Indeed, social media played a significant role in the dissemination of information during the Arab Spring, social networks were in that sense essential “to get a broader access to the public25”. In this context, Casablanca also had its own group of activists, mobilizing people from their networks through social media.26

c) Social and cultural context

In common parlance, Morocco is described as a schizo(phrenic) country, or as it is stated by Réda Alalli and Hassan Hamdani, blad schizo. This expression, coined by the aforementioned

19 Ibid, 88. 20 Mostafa Oumkhoun, "Les Chants De La Tassaout : Un Périple Poétique Dans Le Temps Et L'espace," Amazigh World, March 13, 2019, , accessed July 29, 2019, http://www.amazighworld.org/history/index_show.php?id=642636. 21 Susan Gilson Miller, A History of Modern Morocco, 162-207. 22 Ibid, 223. 23 Ahmed Benchemsi, "Mohammed VI et Le Très Inquiétant Recul Des Droits De L'Homme Au Maroc ," L'Obs, July 31, 2019, accessed August 18, 2019, https://www.nouvelobs.com/monde/20190731.OBS16626/tribune- mohammed-vi-et-le-tres-inquietant-recul-des-droits-de-l-homme-au-maroc.html. 24 Leni Brouwer and Edien Bartels, "Arab Spring in Morocco: Social Media and the 20 February Movement," Afrika Focus 27, no. 2 (2014): 19. 25 Ibid, 14. 26 Ibid, 17.

13 authors, refers to the identity glitches experienced by the country’s population, “caught between modernity and tradition, pretenses and lies, feigned morality and poorly adopted religion. Moroccans seek their identity27”. The schizophrenia of Moroccans is further defined as “a destruction of personality, a painful illness marked by profound anxieties and delusions. (…) At the basis of the malaise is of course the question of identity28”. This social malaise is significantly based on the “culture of appearance”. As a majoritarian Muslim country confused what is deemed as being (im)moral behavior (i.e. alcohol consumption, not fasting during the month of Ramadan, and having sexual intercourse outside of wedlock) of its citizens, Morocco still fails to embrace the transforming mentalities of its inhabitants.

In order to fully understand the schizo(phrenic) character of the country, it is important to comprehend its immense diversity in terms of ethnicities, cultures and languages, which was demonstrated in the political context section. Taking only language as an example, Morocco was originally a Berber country, subject to the Arab conquests in the XIIth century and European colonization in the XXth century. This context has permitted a sociolinguistic and cultural diversity with Moroccan Arabic (or darija) and Berber (or Amazigh) covering “the domains of home and street”, whilst Standard Arabic and French are adopted side by side in “education, public administration, and the media”. In addition, French is also used in science, technology and the private sector. 29 Despite the latter being widely used in the aforementioned domains, Morocco attempted to safeguard its cultural heritage, and more particularly, its Arab heritage through Arabization campaigns in the education sector as postcolonial reaction to the French protectorate power “which considered Arabic as a foreign language and denied it any place in education30”. The choice of Standard Arabic was paramount in this context, and subsequently favored the “revival of Muslim values and cultural identity31”, Amazigh on the other hand was completely dismissed and was only introduced as an official language in 2012.32

Despite the multilinguistic character of the Moroccan society, it should be noted that not all Moroccans are polylingual. The existing individual language proficiency differences are in that sense bound to create “language tensions or conflict” as it will further be apparent in the following chapters.33 The history and cultural makeup of the country have allowed for the development of dichotomous discourses: the first and predominant discourse preaching traditional and conservative values, and the second advocating modernity and progressive values.34

Tensions between modernity and tradition in blad schizo are also apparent in other domains relative to the main themes of this thesis, namely media and freedom of speech. As the use of Information and Communication Technologies will be essential throughout this research, it is important to note that Moroccans are predominantly using Internet, with approximately 86% of

27 Réda Allali and Hassan Hamdani, "Société. Blad Schizo.," TelQuel (2006), in Katja Žvan-Elliot, Modernizing Patriarchy: The Politics of Womens Rights in Morocco (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2016), 54. 28 Ibid. 29 Muḥammad Al- Nājī, Multilingualism, Cultural Identity, and Education in Morocco (New York, NY: Springer, 2010), 185. 30 Ibid. 31 Ibid, 1. 32 Susan Gilson Miller, A History of Modern Morocco, xxi. 33 Muḥammad Al- Nājī, Multilingualism, Cultural Identity, and Education in Morocco, 2. 34 Ibid, 2.

14 the population using it on a daily basis.35 In the context of an authoritarian state, “media have become vitally important to young people”, with social media offering them “a virtual space to communicate and express their thoughts with like-minded people, and to have discussions without the control of their parents or the state.”36

Within the boundaries of an authoritarian state, censorship is also quite significant in the country, and freedom of expression is quite paradigmatic. Whilst the F20 protests have demonstrated that the youth could use social media to plan and organize a ‘revolution’, it is nevertheless prohibited to attack the “monarchy, religion and territorial integrity37”. A number of musicians have been indeed sentenced for their work and/or banned from mainstream media outlets, as they were criticizing rather controversial topics on either the monarchy, the government or societal matter. Mouad Belghouat (El Haqed, i.e the resentful) for instance was an active member of the F20 movement and was actively criticizing the inequalities and injustices in the country, all of which led him to be imprisoned for a number of months until his release in January 2012.38

35 Zakaria Oudrhiri, "Report Finds 19 Million Moroccans Go Online Everyday," Morocco World News, February 05, 2019, accessed August 1, 2019, https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2019/02/265099/report-moroccans- internet-morocco/. 36 Leni Brouwer and Edien Bartels, "Arab Spring in Morocco: Social Media and the 20 February Movement," Afrika Focus 27, no. 2 (2014): 19. 37 Freedom of Expression in the Online Media in Morocco," International Institute for Nonviolent Action, , accessed July 29, 2019, https://novact.org/2017/09/llibertat-dexpressio-als-mitjans-online-a-marroc/?lang=en. 38 "Mouad Belghouat, Le Rappeur Marocain Qui a Choisi L'exil Pour éviter Le Suicide," Slate.fr, February 24, 2016, , accessed January 10, 2019, http://www.slate.fr/story/114445/mouad-belghouat-rappeur-marocain-exil.

Casablanca: an overview

Figure 2. Touristic map of Casablanca39

Casablanca (or Al-Dar-al-Bayda, i.e. white house) is a Moroccan metropolitan city located in the Central-West part of the country. The city gained popularity in the 20th century at the time of the protectorate as it became the principal port of Morocco. Casablanca was for this purpose subject to development projects throughout the century, becoming not only important for the French but also for the Moroccan independence movement as it soon became a center of resistance40. Since the independence of the country, the city further developed and established itself as the economic capital of the country, accounting for “more than half of the bank transactions and industrial production of the country41”.

Casablanca, the Moroccan metropolis, perfectly embodies the schizo(phrenic) character of the country. The socio-spatial transformations that the city has been undergoing through the last decades have created significant challenges for its inhabitants through a significant urban sprawl, contributing to the expansion of the city beyond its original boundaries. The

39 "Carte De Casablanca : Plan Touristique Casablanca," Cityzeum, , accessed July 31, 2019, https://www.cityzeum.com/carte/casablanca. 40 Editors of Encyclopaedia Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, "Casablanca," Encyclopædia Britannica, accessed July 21, 2019, https://www.britannica.com/place/Casablanca-Morocco. 41 Ibid.

16 development of new neighborhoods (El Oulfa, Sidi Maarouf, Ben Msik, Hay Mohammadi, Ain Sebaa, Sidi Bernoussi and Sidi Moumen) has in that sense contributed to the gentrification of the center (Maarif, Ain Diab, Anfa, Derb Omar, Gironde, Abdelmoumen and Racine) as one can see in appendix 2.

These transformations have also led to high population density, persistence of slums, heightened reliance on the ‘street economy’, impoverishment of public facilities, inadequate transport networks and so forth. 42 The increasingly socio-economic gap between the inhabitants of the city is visible to the naked eye, with the juxtaposition of villa areas and neighborhood of slums in Anfa, a luxurious neighborhood in Casablanca (see figure 3.) 43. A report issued in December 2017 further highlights these disparities, stating that close to 150,000 inhabitants were indigent and 450,000 citizens living in the city were living in precarious situations.44

Figure 3. The slums of Anfa, the backdrop of Casablanca's most luxurious district This “urban jungle” transforms itself into a city of despair and violence for the most vulnerable communities, becoming in that sense ‘Casanegra’ (i.e. black house) as it has been “renamed by its large underclass and disenfranchised middle class45”. The exponential inequalities coupled with the increasingly high levels of violence, social exclusion and spatial segregation have turned Casablanca into a socially and spatially divided metropolis46.

42 Marie-Pierre Anglade, "Casablanca, « une Ville à L’envers ». Urbanités Métropolitaines Au Prisme De La Marginalité Sociale Au Maroc," Les Cahiers D’EMAM, no. 28 (2016). 43 Iman Trari, "Les Bidonvilles D'Anfa, L'envers Du Décor De L'arrondissement Le plus Luxueux De Casablanca," Lavieeco, March 30, 2016, , accessed July 29, 2019, https://www.lavieeco.com/economie/les-bidonvilles-danfa- lenvers-du-decor-de-larrondissement-le-plus-luxueux-de-casablanca/. 44 Mohamed Younsi, "Inégalité Des Chances, Pauvreté, Chômage: Casablanca étouffe," Le360, December 12, 2017, , accessed July 29, 2019, http://fr.le360.ma/politique/inegalite-des-chances-pauvrete-chomage- casablanca-etouffe-147793. 45 Jamal Bahmad, "From Casablanca to Casanegra: Neoliberal Globalization and Disaffected Youth in Moroccan Urban Cinema," Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 6, no. 1 (2013): 16. 46 Ibid.

These lingering socio-economic disparities combined with the apparent and discursive dichotomy between modernity and traditions, further heightened by the metropolitan character of the city, have made it an intricate mess.

(Urban) Youth in Morocco

In Morocco, the youth aged between 15 and 34 years47 represents close to one third of the population (11 million out of 35 million – i.e. Moroccan population), and yet it appears that this significant segment of the population has been neglected in terms of education, employment and cultural instances. Indeed, “school dropouts affect two out of three young Moroccans, unemployment rate is around 20%, half of those who work are in low-wage jobs and 75% have no social security coverage in a country driven by favorable growth48”. These challenges, coupled with the lack of structures supporting and promoting civic participation of the Moroccan youth, all contribute to sentiments of isolation and frustration. Subsequently, these sentiments highly increase the exposition rate of this population segment to “delinquency, crime, extremism, to which is added a growing desire to leave the country in search of new opportunities abroad49”. The marginalization of this youth is also apparent in their feeble social participation, with close to 82% of this group neither practicing a physical nor cultural activity.50

Although only 60% of this age segment lives in cities, it appears that the rural vs. urban divide does not highly affect the living experiences of this group as these challenges are apparent in both rural or urban environments. This is not to say that Morocco has not contributed to the development of its youth, but rather that advances have been scarce. Initiatives however continue to be launched to reform both the educational system or the industries in order to promote employment.51 Nevertheless, the demands raised during the 20FM appear to not have been met despite the efforts of the government and civil society.

The dichotomous discourses of blad schizo are also prominently affecting the youth who are struggling to fit in between the traditions imposed by the older generations, society, and religion, and between the modern discourses inspired by the conjuncture of globalization allowing for the discovery of the other.

47 This age range was used to describe the youth of the country as the official national statistics consider Moroccans aged between 15 and 34 as part of the youth of the country. 48 "La Jeunesse, Grande Oubliée De La Croissance Marocaine," Le Monde, August 10, 2018, , accessed July 2, 2019, https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2018/08/10/la-jeunesse-grande-oubliee-de-la-croissance- marocaine_5341269_3212.html. 49 Morocco, Conseil Economique, Social Et Environnemental, Une Nouvelle Initiative Nationale Intégrée Pour La Jeunesse Marocaine, 2018, , accessed July 3, 2019, http://www.ces.ma/Documents/PDF/Saisines/2018/S32- 2018-Strategie-integree-des-jeunes/Rp-S23-vf.pdf. 50 La Jeunesse, Grande Oubliée De La Croissance Marocaine," Le Monde, August 10, 2018, , accessed July 2, 2019, https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2018/08/10/la-jeunesse-grande-oubliee-de-la-croissance- marocaine_5341269_3212.html. 51 Souhail Nhaili, "Jeunesse Marocaine: Diagnostic Alarmant, Une Nouvelle Initiative Nationale Proposée Par Le Conseil économique Et Social," Medias24, August 09, 2018, accessed August 18, 2019, https://www.medias24.com/MAROC/SOCIETE/185130-Jeunesse-marocaine-Diagnostic-alarmant-Une- nouvelle-Initiative-nationale-proposee-par-le-Conseil-economique-et-social.html.

Music in Morocco

a) Overview of music genres in the country

Music has always been an important art form in Moroccan culture. For the purpose of this study, this section will focus on the evolution of contemporary popular music in the country. After the independence of Morocco in 1956, the country promoted songs which targeted specific symbols of the monarchy, namely Islam, Arabism and nationalism/patriotism. This repertoire was mainly inspired by folkloric Moroccan music traditions such as andalusi music, chaabi music and so forth. It is only starting from the 1970s that new musical genres emerged such as Moroccan fusion, inspired by the wide variety of international genres that were popular at the time (jazz, rock, blues, etc.). This new genre attempted to “creatively broaden and reimagine the boundaries of national Moroccan popular music52”, with artists such as Nass El Ghiwane, which are to this day considered as pillars of Moroccan contemporary culture. The music produced by artists such as Nass El Ghiwane was modern, as they were performing in darija and also basing “their repertoire on the musical instruments (i.e darbouka, ala and so forth) and music genres of a diversity of regions in the country.53”

Later, the start of the 21st century further marked the musical landscape of Morocco. The emergence of new genres like rap and metal revolutionized the youth of the country; these artistic changes that occurred at that time were labeled Nayda (i.e. ‘wake up’ or ‘stand up’). This cultural movement, often compared to the Spanish movida, was accompanied by reforms in the audio-visual sector with new private radios such as Hit Radio allowing for the visibility of the urban music scene, and new TV shows (e.g. Ajyal, Korsa, 100% Chabab – i.e. 100% youth) broadcasting hip-hop, rock and fusion artists. The latter also gained momentum during this period with new opportunities being launched through festivals to encourage music production. In that sense, festivals like l’Boulevard or Mawazine introduced contests for young artists to gain visibility and showcase their talents in these festivals.54 Moreover, with the development of ICTs, access to music was facilitated and thus widened through radios and online platforms such as YouTube, SoundCloud and Spotify55.

Despite the fact that music and musical expression has grown considerably in contemporary Morocco, the schizo(phrenic) character of the country and the dichotomous discourses of traditions and modernity still affect the musical landscape of the country. In 2003 for instance, a group of “14 Moroccan heavy metal singers were condemned to jail sentences for playing ‘satanic’ music56”. Other instances limiting the free expression of musicians (e.g. imprisonment of singer Silya Ziyani for participating in Rif protests57; arrest of Moroccan rapper Al

52 Cristina Moreno Almeida, "The Politics of Taqlidi Rap: Reimagining Moroccanness in the Era of Global Flows," The Journal of North African Studies 21, no. 1 (2015): 118. 53 Ibid, 118. 54 Dominique Caubet and Catherine Miller, "Du Rock Au Maroc Quelle Place Dans La Nouvelle Scène Urbaine Casablancaise?" in Jeunesses Arabes. Du Maroc Au Yémen: Loisirs, Culture Et Politique, La Découverte (Paris: La Découverte, 2013), 331-332. 55 Abir El Adnani, "Spotify Arrive Au Maroc," H24info, November 14, 2018, , accessed July 29, 2019, https://www.h24info.ma/culture/spotify-arrive-au-maroc/. 56 Merouan Mekouar, “Nayda: Morocco’s Musical Revolution,” Foreign Policy (Foreign Policy, August 27, 2010), https://foreignpolicy.com/2010/08/27/nayda-moroccos-musical-revolution/. 57 "Morocco: Imprisoned Singer Released," Freemuse, September 29, 2017, , accessed July 29, 2019, https://freemuse.org/news/morocco-imprisoned-singer-released/.

Mountaqim accused of incitation to violence and drug use58) still occur, although more sporadically. The practice of street music as another example is still regarded in some instances as provocative. In November 2018, two street musicians who were performing in the UN Square in Casablanca (a lively square in the center of the city) were arrested, risking up to five years in prison as they “were caught off guard when the wali (governor) of Casablanca, Abdelkebir Zahoud, decided to ban street art performances in the area.59”

The music industry is despite the increasingly important musical production, quasi-inexistent. Evidence of it can be found in the lack of available literature and media articles on the topic. It has been described as an industry immersed in the informal sector, “plunged into a lethargy contrasting with the extraordinary wealth of local creation60”. Indeed, the private sector of the country has yet to create record labels and production companies to accommodate its artists who heavily rely on auto-production. Additionally, the pervasive piracy present in the audiovisual industries in Morocco (which also represented the only way for the majority of Moroccans to access music) has been detrimental for record labels in the country (e.g. Platinium). Streaming platforms and live performances have become the only viable way for artists to earn a living. Indeed, whilst most artists around the world benefit from royalties for their music productions, Moroccan artists do not. The Moroccan Copyrights Office or Bureau Marocain des Droits d’Auteur (i.e. BMDA) has failed to accommodate its artists by not providing royalties for the registered musicians and singers, and not informing them on the necessary procedures to register within the BMDA.61

b) Hip-hop in Morocco

The arrival of the new millennium and the period of renouveau (i.e. revival in French) marked by the reign of Mohammed VI sparked a new beginning in the music sector for the youth of the country. Indeed, a “new generation of young and assertive performers was able to create a new space for musical expression62”. As music is highly interlinked in global currents, musical trends were soon to arrive and hip hop made its first appearance in Morocco in the late 1990s.

The tradition of hip-hop that followed started mixing “traditional Moroccan composition techniques or forms and hip-hop beats” in what Cristina Moreno Almeida defines as taqlidi rap (i.e. traditional rap)63. Taqlidi rap appealed to the youth as it attempted to modernize Moroccan music. Groups such as Fnaïre and H-Kayne were in that sense working on remodeling Moroccan music, echoing the “hegemonic narratives of change and ‘modernity’” whilst bolstering Moroccan traditional narratives64. The aesthetics of this sub-genre suggest that the

58 "Morocco: Prosecuted Rapper Cleared of All Charges," Freemuse, December 15, 2015, accessed July 29, 2019, https://freemuse.org/news/morocco-prosecuted-rapper-cleared-of-all-charges/. 59 "Moroccans Denounce Casablanca Ban on Street Performance at UN Square," Morocco World News, November 19, 2018, accessed January 14, 2019, https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2018/11/258132/moroccans-casablanca-ban-street-performance/. 60 "La Scène Rap Marocaine N'a Jamais été Aussi Bouillonnante," Konbini, September 4, 2018, , accessed July 29, 2019, https://www.konbini.com/fr/musique/rap-marocain/ 61 Ibid. 62 Merouan Mekouar, “Nayda: Morocco’s Musical Revolution,” Foreign Policy (Foreign Policy, August 27, 2010), https://foreignpolicy.com/2010/08/27/nayda-moroccos-musical-revolution/. 63 Cristina Moreno Almeida, "The Politics of Taqlidi Rap: Reimagining Moroccanness in the Era of Global Flows," The Journal of North African Studies 21, no. 1 (2015): 116. 64 Ibid,119.

20 postcolonial identity of the country continues to put the nation as its core and central constituent whilst shedding “light on the ongoing struggle to define contemporary Moroccanness65”.

Other sub-genres of hip hop culture and rap have, as their precursors in the U.S., also strongly denounced the inequalities and injustices of the country with rappers like Muslim and Don Bigg. Muslim has for instance been calling for Moroccans to reclaim their country, “to have a voice and stop the aimless plundering of the country66”.

Despite being a generally frowned upon genre, hip hop culture and rap music in particular have in time been slowly integrated and accepted to some extent in Moroccan mainstream culture. In this day and age, as it will further be demonstrated in the following chapters, rap was either seen as “examples of co-option and commercialization on the one hand, or as part of the rebellious underground on the other67”. The artist which best exemplifies this dichotomy is Don Bigg or Al Khasser (i.e. the one who uses a crude language). As previously mentioned in the introduction, this rapper’s first album ‘Mgharba Tal Mout’ (Moroccans until Death) clearly denounced the “corruption, poverty, Islamism, ‘the years of lead’ in Morocco” which made him an underground success. Despite this fact, during the protests of the 20FM, he released the song ‘Ma Bghitch’ (I don’t want) which was critical of the protests. He (subsequently) received the royal ouissam, a military decoration bestowed by King Mohammed VI two years later in 201368. The archaic nature of the music industry in Morocco has made it such that the support of the makhzen and monarchy can significantly improve an artist’s visibility and recognition in this sector. 69The fear of co-option in this context is in that sense very present, especially as these two political powers are considered to be “patrons” supporting young rappers, whilst still absorbing counter-hegemonic discourses70.

c) Electronic music in Morocco

Interest for electronic music in Morocco sparked in the early 2000s, but it was not until the second decade of the century that a real electronic scene emerged in the country. The early days of this scene were marked by an interest for psy-trance and techno music which was brought in by either Moroccans living abroad or tourists throwing rave parties in the country. Electronic music was in that sense “very much underground71” with almost no clubs affiliated (only the Pacha in Skhirat, a beach village close to Rabat) with the genre nationwide. It was not until

65 Ibid, 116. 66 Cristina Moreno Almeida, "Unravelling Distinct Voices in Moroccan Rap: Evading Control, Weaving Solidarities, and Building New Spaces for Self-expression," Journal of African Cultural Studies 25, no. 3 (2013): 326. 67 Ibid, 319. 68 Hadji Mamadou Gueye, "Décorations Royales Pour Le Rap Marocain : Ouissam Pour Bigg, H-Kayne, Fnaïre, Komy," Français, August 22, 2013, , accessed July 18, 2019, https://www.yabiladi.com/articles/details/19110/decorations-royales-pour-marocain-ouissam.html. 69 A more striking evidence of it can be found in the international and national recognition that Saad Lamjarred, Moroccan pop star, has gained in the last few years. This singer has despite multiple rape allegations made against him in both the U.S. and France been able to walk freely thanks to Mohammed VI’s team of lawyers. His cooption by the system was in that sense favorable to him and his career both in Morocco and elsewhere, despite his criminal record. 70 Cristina Moreno Almeida, "Unravelling Distinct Voices in Moroccan Rap: Evading Control,” 327. 71 Sourdoreille, Electro Morocco - Explosion D'une Scène électronique Au Maroc (Oasis Festival 2016), October 03, 2016, accessed July 1, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uq7GpMSl240.

Amine Akesbi (known as Amine K), the founder of Moroko Loko, launched in 2009 (alongside Unes and Mar1) his aforementioned project of underground parties celebrating electronic music and electronic music culture that this scene gained momentum in the country and started diversifying in other sub-genres (i.e. tech-house, house, minimalist and so forth).72

Moroko Loko was a counter-culture project, rejecting the predominant night-life codes of the country which was largely based on showing wealth and opulence through lavish and ostentatious possessions. The night-life of the country was, and still is, characterized by a ‘table- culture’ and a particular dress-code. In most clubs, it is customary not to stand on the dancefloor for the night, but to rather pay for a table with drinks, the cost of which is usually close to or higher than 1,000 MAD (close to 93 euros). Through this project, more and more events were organized on a regular basis, inviting local DJs and later on international DJs. The ambitions of the collective which founded this project was to present an “eclectic program” in which no proper attire is required with a relaxed atmosphere where “party-goers (are) totally uninhibited73”. In the documentary ‘Maroc Electronique – A Look at the Moroccan Electronic Scene’, Amine K describes Morko Loko as “just a place of freedom74”.

Musically speaking, the electronic music scene in Morocco is not subgenre specific. In other terms, when speaking of ‘Moroccan electro’, one refers to a variety of sub-genres, including tech-house, house, minimalist and techno as all of these sub-genres can generally be played in one evening in the same party/event. Differences however do exist between the predominant and widespread Moroccan electronic scene and the underground one (although one may argue that the electronic music scene is all considered as underground in the country). Indeed, this more ‘underground’ aspect scene has safeguarded the adepts’ interest for psy-trance and techno in either underground parties or raves which are only accessible to niche communities. Moreover, it should also be noted that the substantial majority of DJs in the country are not producing music themselves, but are rather mixing different songs and sounds. In that sense, the ‘Moroccan electro’ scene is more of a cultural musical movement rather than a genre, celebrating counter-hegemonic values and freedom on the ‘modern’ spectrum of blad schizo.

This scene is however not made accessible for all Moroccans as it is still limited in terms of both entrance fee and bouncers’ decisions (which can be swayed by a corrupt hand in most cases). Indeed, most electro events falling under the same prism as the Moroko Loko events are quite expensive for the wider Moroccan youth with increasingly higher entrance fees depending on the city you are in (Marrakech being the most expensive, followed by Casablanca and Rabat), usually amounting to 200 MAD (close to 19 euros). In a context where the minimum wage is of 2,500 MAD (equivalent of 234 euros), entrance fees to these events is to be relativized75.

72 Ibid. 73 Meryem Saadi, "Phénomène. Soirées De Loko," TelQuel, December 05, 2012, , accessed July 21, 2019, https://telquel.ma/2012/12/05/Phenomene-Soirees-de-Loko_547_5357. 74 Maroc Electronique - A Look at the Moroccan Electronic Scene, dir. Nada Allouch, Maroc Electronique - A Look at the Moroccan Electronic Scene, December 17, 2017, accessed July 1, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S5iasYGBd8A. 75 NSE Maroc, "Logiciel De Paie Maroc : Valeur Du SMIG Au 01 Janvier 2019," Logiciel De Paie (SMIG 2019 ) Maroc, 2019, accessed August 18, 2019, https://www.nse-ma.com/fr/logiciel-de-paie-maroc-valeur-du-smig-au-01- janvier-2019/.

Another important feature of this scene is the significant number of collectives working within it. Although a number of Moroccan DJs work independently (e.g. Yasmean, Chryzalid, Guedra Guedra, Maou), most DJs work within a collective. Generally, they are composed by a number of friends who wish to contribute to the electronic scene of their country by organizing underground electronic music events and increasing access to this genre and festivities nationwide (Apéros Electro, Plug-In Souls, Rabat Secret Parties etc.)76.

The electronic music scene has now boomed in Morocco, with notarial international DJs playing in the country every weekend, more and more parties organized throughout the year, clubs associated with the genre/scene in Rabat, Casablanca and Marrakech, sponsored and internationally renowned electronic music festivals (Oasis, Atlas Electronic, Moga and so forth), Moroccan DJs who have now gained international recognition (Amine K, Polyswitch, Casa Voyager, Kosh), and labels opening up to produce local and international DJs (e.g. Astrofever Records). However, despite the fact that a number of newspaper articles and documentaries have been examining the evolution of this scene in Morocco, academia and social sciences studies have not yet investigated this genre and the way it has altered the Moroccan culture and impacted Moroccan youth; all of which will be explored throughout this study.

d) What now?

Despite these conditions, a number of music-related events take place throughout the year (live performances in cultural centers or bars, jazz festivals, hip hop festivals, rock festivals and so forth), and a number of young artists continuously release new songs/tracks online as well as on other mediums. It is for these reasons that I chose to conduct my research in Casablanca, a dynamic urban center highlighting the socio-political issues of the country whilst underlining its cultural potential.

Yves Gonzalez-Quijano argued in an article questioning the positioning of Moroccan rap in the literature that the latter has put too much emphasis on the revolutionary and mobilizing potential of this musical genre in Morocco77. Indeed, as previously mentioned in the introduction chapter, literature on rap has approached this topic solely through a political perspective, overlooking the personal vécu of the artists and individuals, and the ways through which music (as either a professional endeavor or as product consumed) has impacted individuals and communities.

This study will attempt through a thorough analysis of the different experiences of my respondents to investigate this impact whilst not approaching it solely through a state-centric perspective. Within the theoretical framework chosen for this research, it is also important to consider its linkages with the current Moroccan context. As argued by Yossef Ben-Meir, “more often it is precisely the lack of empowerment (…) that heightens political resistance, tension, and sectarian conflict and violence.78” For these purposes, Ben-Meir has called for national

76 Lucas Javelle, "Au Maroc, Les Jeunes Collectifs Et Labels Techno Bâtissent Une Nouvelle Culture De La Fête," Trax Magazine, October 06, 2017, , accessed July 21, 2019, http://fr.traxmag.com/article/43499-au-maroc-les- jeunes-collectifs-et-labels-techno-batissent-une-nouvelle-culture-de-la-fete. 77 Yves Gonzalez-Quijano, 2012. "Le Rap, Un Art De La Révolution Ou Une Révolution Dans L'art ?", Hal.Archives- Ouvertes.Fr, Accessed May 15 2019. https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01279231, p. 1. 78 Yossef Ben-Meir, "Human Development in the Arab Spring: Morocco’s Efforts to Shape Its Global Future," Mediterranean Quarterly 26, no. 3 (2015): 69.

23 governments to consider decentralization for development, as both a short and long-term strategy to meet the real needs of the citizens “while at the same time advancing social integration, national unity, and the development of grassroots political empowerment — all necessary conditions for governmental durability.79” Considering the monarch’s description of citizens as “the engine for and ultimate objective of all initiatives80”, this research aims at uncovering the means through which this engine can be started, and the role of music as a potential catalyst of this empowerment and change.

79 Ibid, 70. 80 King Mohammed VI, “Full text of the King’s Speech on the 10th Anniversary of Throne Day,” Maghreb Arab Press, 30 July 2009.

Chapter 3: Theoretical Framework

This chapter will outline the concepts which will be used throughout this research, namely: Travis and Deepak’s empowerment framework embedded in the positive youth developmental approach, and Stuart Hall’s audience reception theory.

Empowerment

a) Overview of the concept of empowerment in the literature

Empowerment is a broad concept and construct that has widely been discussed in social sciences, academia and development practice, making its way through different social sciences domains, ranging from “social action, education and international development81”. This concept is two-pronged, designating either an outcome (i.e. being empowered) or a process, which can be simultaneously or independently individual, collective, social and political. Despite the fact that the word emerged in the nineteenth century, it was not until the 1970s that the concept of empowerment started to be largely employed in academia and civil society circles. Over the decades in which it has been utilized, the concept changed and developed in different ways, with either an emphasis on social justice and human rights or rather on a more rationalized approach to economic opportunities.82

In an article discussing the evolution of the concept, Bacqué and Biewener present a typology of empowerment differentiating the different meanings allocated to the concept as threefold, namely: (i) the radical model; (ii) the (socio) liberal model and (iii) the neoliberal model. The radical model is based on a number of social change theories (e.g. Freire’s post-Marxist work in Pedagogy of the Oppressed advocating for education as a tool allowed the oppressed to be critical, empowered and liberated) in which empowerment recognizes the marginalization of certain groups and aims for their “individual and collective emancipation83”. Empowerment is in that sense understood as a way to restructure the system through a bottom-up approach advocating for social change, equity and conscientization of the bedrock of inequalities. The liberal model is on the other hand taking into consideration the political and socio-economic context and attempts to work within it to defend individual freedoms whilst safeguarding social cohesion. This model integrates notions of “equality, good governance, fight against poverty and capacité de choix (i.e. ability to choose)84”. Finally, the neoliberal model is described as a rational approach to empowerment disseminating the values of the market to social policy by putting forward the homo œconomicus. In other terms, this model preaches empowerment as the ability to “make rational decisions in a market context” and “having access to opportunities” whilst not questioning social inequalities.85

Multiple frameworks have in that sense been developed to address empowerment, with either a focus on the individual and/or the community86, a focus on economic capabilities and/or social

81 Marie-Hélène Bacqué and Carole Biewener, "Lempowerment, Un Nouveau Vocabulaire Pourparler De Participation ?" Idées économiques Et Sociales 3, no. 173 (2013): 25. 82 Ibid, 25. 83 Ibid, 28. 84 Ibid, 29. 85 Ibid, 29. 86 Grace Spencer, "Empowerment, Young People and Health" (Doctoral thesis, Institute of Education (University of London), 2011), 34.

25 transformations and equity and so forth. Taking into consideration the myriad of models and definitions attributed to this concept, as well as the fact that this research will be examining empowerment via artistic endeavors, and more particularly through music, it is important to assess literature on empowerment via music in particular. The following section will thus attempt to present an overview of the literature on empowerment through music.

b) Empowerment via music

Examining the linkages between popular music and youth empowerment in Nigeria, Sunday- Kanu (2016) has uncovered the power held by pop music in the country, as it “ has not only functioned as a dominant factor for youth economic empowerment and reduction of unemployment but, has massively contributed in the building of national economy, political stability and overall socio-cultural well-being of Nigerian societies.” The researcher further argues for its promotion as an agent for “sustainable development of the nation Nigeria and her citizens.87” These linkages made by Sunday-Kanu contribute to the understanding of music as a tool for empowerment in a country, a hypothesis that has yet to be proven for Morocco.

c) Travis and Deepak’s empowerment framework embedded in the positive youth developmental approach

For the purpose of this study, I will be focusing on the process of empowerment rather than analyze the outcome of empowerment itself; and that through what would be defined by Bacqué and Biewener as the radical model88. Considering the fact that I am interested in approaching this research through a bottom-up approach, one privileging the experiences of my interviewees as individuals and as a collective who suffer from political and socio-economic inequalities, I chose to use Travis and Deepak’s framework of empowerment which is embedded in the positive youth development approach which will be described in the next section.89 This framework fits within the radical model of empowerment as it is inscribed in a bottom-up approach advocating for social change, equity and conscientization of the bedrock of inequalities. In the final chapter of this thesis, I will explore whether empowerment is indeed an outcome or non-outcome of music engagement or not, and will further discuss this concept in regard to the findings of my research.

Using Travis and Deepak’s framework for individual and community empowerment, as relative to their research on the impact of rap music on youth’s empowerment, one can understand the latter on both individual and community levels: the individual one focusing more on esteem (“feeling better”), resilience (“doing better”) and growth (“being better”) and the community one focusing more on the sense of belonging (“community”) and “change for better conditions90”. Empowerment can in that sense be analyzed as a fulfillment of necessary conditions of individuals that will or could at least lead to social change by considering their impact and role in the broader social, political and economic systems. Travis links thus

87 Rita Adaobi Sunday-Kanu, "Exploring Pop Music in Nigeria for Sustainable Youth Empowerment and Development: Uniport R’tune Music Show in Perpective," International Journal of Arts and Humanities 5, no. 2 (2016): 138. 88 Marie-Hélène Bacqué and Carole Biewener, "L’Empowerment, Un Nouveau Vocabulaire Pour Parler De Participation ?" Idées économiques Et Sociales 3, no. 173 (2013): 28. 89 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal 30, no. 2 (2012): 144. 90 Ibid, 144.

26 empowerment with the development of a “sociopolitical awareness and social empathy at the individual level” that is believed to “pressure external systems that are blamed for unequal access to power and resources.91” Furthermore, Travis and Deepak also recognize the “risky functions of rap music engagement”, arguing that each dimension comprises “a small sample of potential risky music engagement” as it will be outlined in this chapter.92

Despite the fact that this framework was only developed to examine the impact of hip-hop culture on empowerment, Travis and Deepak’s understanding of empowerment can also fit other musical genres, including electronic music (e.g. techno, house, drum’n’bass etc.). Indeed, as hip-hop music and culture was chosen due to the value attached to it as a medium of expression and ‘validation’, the use of other genres is also possible as long as they fulfill these criteria as it is the case in the context of my case study. Travis argues that the empowerment dimensions used within this framework are “salient for those that engage music in a casual everyday use93” allowing flexibility in terms of genres to be examined through this framework. It should be noted however that given the fact that electronic music is in most general cases a non-lyrical genre, it will not be evaluated through the same lenses. Indeed, whilst rap transmits certain ideas and values through its lyrics, making it easier to analyze its transformative potential, electronic music in Morocco has more to do with the culture surrounding it, including counter-hegemonic values as it will further be demonstrated in the following chapters. This framework will also be evaluating two groups of individuals/collectives, the audience which attends events and listens to music, as well as the musicians (rappers and DJs) who produce the music and also consume it.

In order to conduct an in-depth analysis, the sections bellow will describe in a more thorough manner each of these dimensions of empowerment by giving a full description of the sub- dimensions of both individual and collective empowerment as previously outlined.

i) Positive Youth Development

Deepak and Travis have developed a framework enabling social workers to comprehend “competing messages within hip hop culture and how these messages may impact youths by promoting or inhibiting positive youth development94”. It is importance in that sense to investigate this concept in regard to what will be further discussed throughout this study.

This approach to youth development upholds that “development can be enhanced for all youth and that youths can be agents for improving their own development and society as whole in partnership with environmental assets95”. In today’s day and age, young people are facing development challenges relative to “growing up in increasing fluid and heterogenous societies96”. Indeed, modern times now require for young people to navigate through diverse lifeworlds, integrating the “cultural, religious, generational, digital – each with different codes,

91 Ibid, 144. 92 Ibid, 150. 93 Ibid, 162. 94 Raphael Travis and Anne Deepak, "Empowerment in Context: Lessons from Hip-Hop Culture for Social Work Practice," Journal of Ethnic And Cultural Diversity in Social Work 20, no. 3 (2011): 204. 95 Ibid, 204. 96 Reed W. Larson and Steve P. Tran, "Invited Commentary: Positive Youth Development and Human Complexity," Journal of Youth and Adolescence 43, no. 6 (2014): 1013.

27 assumptions, goals and meanings97”. This complex array of challenges has invited researchers to approach youth development in a different way, one which would integrate all challenges to the benefit of young people. In that sense, positive youth development suggests that development policies integrate strategies which allow for the development of abilities allowing young people to adapt to “contradictions and incongruities” whilst also adapting to the “specific contexts and experiences” of the targeted young population98. The development of abilities or skill sets are thus favored to finite variables. In other terms, positive youth development measures specific behavior instances known as the 5Cs of PYD, namely: “competence, character, caring/compassion, connection and confidence99” to which Travis and Deepak add “contribution” as a behavior tangent on scoring highly on the 5Cs as it requires commitment to an issue which “transcends the self100”.

ii) Individual Empowerment

a. Esteem: feeling better

Travis describe self-esteem as a “multi-dimensional concept” including both the way that one individual perceives him or herself and the way through which others perceive the said individual. In that sense, well-being is described as a sum of “positive emotion, engagement and accomplishment” amongst others.101 This competence or dimension of individual empowerment is considered as valuable in risk and resilience contexts. Indeed, studies have shown that in the aforementioned contexts, individuals with higher levels of self-esteem exhibit “healthier growth, clarity of thinking and ‘adaptative coping’102”.

According to Travis, themes relative to positive self-esteem are common in hip-hop, with “messages about self-image, experiences that reinforce positive moods, minimize pain and celebrate esteem enhancing strategies103”. In hip-hop, or more particularly in what is described by Travis and Deepak as “commercial and ‘non-conscious’ hip-hop, messages articulate around “relative approval of self and perceived competence in environments” in which one may continuously attack one’s understanding of self.104

b. Resilience: doing better

Resilience on the other hand refers to the positive adaptability of an individual in adverse contexts. Windle describes it as process in which negotiation, management and adaptation to

97 Ibid, 1014. 98 Ibid, 1013. 99 Raphael Travis and Anne Deepak, "Empowerment in Context: Lessons from Hip-Hop Culture for Social Work Practice," 204. 100 Richard M. Lerner, Elizabeth M. Dowling, and Pamela M. Anderson, "Positive Youth Development: Thriving as the Basis of Personhood and Civil Society," Applied Developmental Science 7, no. 3 (2003): 22, quoted in Raphael Travis and Anne Deepak, "Empowerment in Context: Lessons from Hip-Hop Culture for Social Work Practice," Journal of Ethnic And Cultural Diversity in Social Work 20, no. 3 (2011): 204. 101 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music,"144-145. 102 Ibid, 145. 103 Ibid, 147. 104 Raphael Travis and Anne Deepak, "Empowerment in Context: Lessons from Hip-Hop Culture for Social Work Practice," 210.

“significant sources of stress or trauma105” take place. Resilience can in that sense be achieved by either: (i) achieving a “better-than-expected competence” after being at risk, (ii) “returning to optimal functioning after a decline due to a period of risk” or (iii) “maintaining functioning despite ongoing adversity”. Subsequently, it is important to bear in mind that resilience outcomes can differ by context and accordingly with an individual’s own coping mechanisms.106

Within the framework of Travis and Deepak, this dimension is particularly relevant to examine in hip-hop as both resilience and survival are considered as significant themes in hip-hop. Rappers usually express the hardships that they have experienced and the subsequent resilience acquired through the adverse contexts. Messages of resilience can either be descriptions of the adverse contexts in which individuals find themselves or rather celebrations appreciating “the ability to transcend challenging circumstances.107”

c. Growth: being better

The last sub-dimension of individual empowerment refers to “development-enhancing processes” which allow one to thrive, flourish and acquire “core competencies for positive youth development and risk prevention”. In that sense, growth is associated with the 6 competences of positive youth development, namely: “positive sense of self, pro-social connectedness, self-control, decision-making skills, and a moral system of belief.108”

Themes in hip-hop which respond to this dimension described by Travis and Deepak include “service, role-modeling, mentorship to peers or youths, encouraging others to make wise choices, further their education, avoid risky behaviors, increase responsibility, and avoid mistakes and pitfalls made by others.109”

iii) Collective empowerment

a. Sense of belonging

Travis argues that empowerment, or rather collective empowerment, “occurs via a heightened sense of belonging to an identified group” (e.g. family, workplace, gang, sexual identity, racial/ethnic identity and so forth) to which membership is both “functional and authentic”. Members of this identified group must thus value their involvement and feel secure through group membership.110 Empowerment is therefore measured through the cultural resilience

105 Gill Windle, Kate M. Bennett, and Jane Noyes, "A Methodological Review of Resilience Measurement Scales," Health and Quality of Life Outcomes 9, no. 8 (2011): 2, quoted in Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal 30, no. 2 (2012): 145. 106 Ibid, 145. 107 Raphael Travis and Anne Deepak, "Empowerment in Context: Lessons from Hip-Hop Culture for Social Work Practice," 213. 108 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 146. 109 Raphael Travis and Anne Deepak, "Empowerment in Context: Lessons from Hip-Hop Culture for Social Work Practice," 214. 110 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal 30, no. 2 (2012): 146-147.

29 capacity which is achieved through a sense of belonging. A heightened sense of belonging necessitates strengths in terms of identity and sense of security, which allow members to conquer adversity. Marginalized groups or groups perceiving themselves as marginalized on societal levels are empowered by “belonging to a shared history, pride in cultural accomplishments and cultural resilience111”.

Hip-hop culture and rap music in particular have emerged from marginalized communities, who still find their voice within this genre. In that sense, collective identities are still prominently portrayed within hip-hop and are often linked to “resilience themes by chronicling the adverse social realties112”. On the other hand, whilst electronic music does not clearly advocate and describe lived realities of certain communities (in most cases), its emergence as a cultural movement, and its linkages to current social nonmovements makes it highly relevant to this dimension of collective empowerment.

b. Collective action for social change

This sub-dimension refers to the ambition of members of a group or community to call for positive social change, or in other terms, call for “change for better conditions”. It should however be noted that both the type and degree of anticipated change is fully subjective113. In that sense, one can only evaluate whether a group is empowered as a collective to demand positive change, considering their own context and existing conditions but not the type and extent to which these demands fit the aforementioned existing conditions.

In Travis and Deepak’s framework, rap music is explored as an enabler of social change via community empowerment. Indeed, a significant volume of rap music converses around “increasing awareness (on) social problems, disparities and injustices114”. Although these themes have now ceased to significantly represent modern hip-hop and rap, conscious rap, as a distinct sub-genre still exists and is described as an “active articulation” of social issues. In that regard, rap music embraces the need for “greater awareness of the need for positive change and opportunities to engage in actions for change across a range of communities of interest”.

Expanding the understanding of this dimension to others genres is not as apparent as it is for rap music. Indeed, whilst the latter’s lyrical features significantly called for social change, other genres including electronic music were not as ‘vocal’ about it considering their musical features. However, the historical and cultural context of electronic music (as broad as this genre may seem) can still be examined in light of this sub-dimension of collective empowerment. The absence of lyrical imperatives demanding social change may undermine the capacity of genres such as techno or drum’n’bass to call for community-inspired social change. However, the counter-hegemonic features of electronic music culture could be examined through these lenses, especially considering the contexts in which this genre emerged – as previously mentioned in the above section.

iv) Potential risky attitudes within the framework

111 Ibid, 147. 112 Ibid, 149. 113 Ibid, 147. 114 Ibid, 149.

Considering the fact that hip-hop and rap music in particular sometimes engage with themes that can be described as “risky attitudes and behaviors” (i.e. misogyny, violence, drug-use and so forth), the framework developed by Travis and Deepak recognizes the risks of these themes within the different dimensions of empowerment previously discussed.

Indeed, within the dimensions of individual empowerment, self-esteem enhancing strategies can also be subject to risky behaviors, namely “violence, substance use, victimization of others”, and in broader terms strategies which can be problematic for one self or others. Resilience on the other hand also presents risky parameters as abilities that one may acquire to overcome adversity can include illicit activities and/or violence. Growth, instead is slightly less subject to risky attitudes but nevertheless presents manifests risks, namely: “exploitation of others for one’s benefit” as a “risk-embedded empowerment. 115

Despite the fact that community empowerment dimensions (i.e. sense of belonging and social change) do not suggest any ‘negative’ risky components in of themselves. However, risks can be found within the communities to which one identifies with (e.g. communities with “high exposure to risky attitudes and behavior, hostility towards, discrimination against or victimization of members of another community”). In that sense, risks within the change dimension can be the varied trajectories/strategies which will be used to change the status quo. All in all, as argued by Travis. “all empowering narratives are vulnerable to the level of risk inherent within them 116” .

Stuart Hall’s audience reception theory

As this research is investigating music, it is important to consider its nature as an independent variable with no agency per se, but that rather its interpretation and its production that are subject to change. For these purposes, I will be using the active audience paradigm of Stuart Hall to explore the impact of active listening on the population targeted which will be explained in this section.

In his book entitled Encoding and Decoding in the Television Discourse, Stuart Hall discusses audience reception through two lenses, the lenses of the producer of discourses (encoding) and the lenses of the reception (decoding). This research focuses more particularly on the decoding aspect of audience reception theory. The latter suggests that the message encoded might not be received as it is, meaning that the message is subject to evaluation. His model elaborates on that by suggesting three different forms of reading: dominant/hegemonic position, negotiated position and the oppositional position. 117

- The dominant reading/meaning does not involve any decoding, it is mostly taking the message at face value. The receptor does not make any changes or interpretations in that sense. It is important to note that this reading is not determined as it can always be re-

115 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 150. 116 Ibid, 151. 117 Stuart Hall, Encoding and Decoding in the Television Discourse (University of Birmingham, Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, 1973), 9.

ordered, and re-classified; it is rather dominant as it is mapped out within the “institutional/political/ideological order imprinted in them118”. - The negotiated reading/meaning contains both elements from a dominant and oppositional readings, and that by acknowledging the legitimacy of the ‘dominant/hegemonic’ position whilst still “reserving the right to make a more negotiated application to ‘local conditions’, to its own positions.119” - The oppositional reading/meaning on the other hand de-codes the message in a complete contrary way, by de-coding the message within an oppositional frame of reference.120

In that sense, it is important to consider the “meaningful de-coding” of a message prior to the definition of its effect or the evaluation of the ‘needs’ it satisfies, or even its ‘uses’. As put by the sociologist, “it is this set of de-coded meanings which 'have an effect', influence, entertain, instruct, or persuade, with very complex perceptual, cognitive, emotional, ideological or behavioral consequences.121” David Morley further expands on Hall’s de-coding framework by stating the importance of the socio-cultural context within which the reading takes place, arguing to understand this model as an understanding of the individual’s “varied, experience and response, as it exists in a particular social context, working with the cultural resources available in that context.122”

Active listening is recognized to spur emotions within different individuals or groups, “moving individuals - or more precisely, groups of individuals - into different emotional states in the right settings.123” In his research on counter public formations in Moroccan hip-hop, Kendra Salois draws on Charles Hirschkind’s work (2006) to demonstrate that “practicing the physical and audible responses expected in hip hop performances inculcates the potential alternative forms of public citizenship at the sensory and affective levels.124” In other words, by listening actively, one “promotes an environment in which individuals cultivate affective states with the potential for ethical and political consequences.125” Salois considers in that sense that hip hop music invites its audience “to educate themselves”, and that more particularly by promoting “values of critical citizenship and personal responsibility.126”

Various researches have been conducted on the evolution of hip hop in Morocco, and its impact of urban youth as previously described. However, no (semi) comprehensive study was conducted on the impact of this genre and other genres on urban youth’s empowerment. This research will thus attempt to fill this gap, by not limiting itself in terms of genres of music to be discussed to solely hip hop, and dive into other genres such as electronic music which has lacked meaningful insight in academia.

118 Ibid, 13. 119 Ibid, 18. 120 Ibid, 18. 121 Ibid, 3. 122 David Morley, Television, Audiences and Cultural Studies (Taylor and Francis, 2003), 83. 123 Kendra Salois, "Make Some Noise, Drari: Embodied Listening and Counterpublic Formations in Moroccan Hip Hop," Anthropological Quarterly 87, no. 4 (Fall 2014): 1023. 124 Ibid, 1025-1026. 125 Ibid, 1040. 126 Ibid, 1043.

Operationalization of major concepts

In order to operationalize the concepts which will be used throughout this thesis, this study has relied on the indicators relayed by Travis in his article entitled ‘Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music’, and indicators developed by myself as to evaluate the encoding/decoding of readings as explained by Stuart Hall.

Sub- Concepts Dimensions Variables Indicators dimension • “Personal view of self and abilities 127” Self esteem • “Emotional regulation128” • “Esteem-enhancing strategies129”

• Strategies

Resilience developed to cope

with adversity

• Perspective about adversity and Independent coping mechanisms variable: • Competencies Empowerment Individual Empowerment Growth acquired for Music produced purpose of reaching potential Stakeholder • Enhanced groups and relationships, dependent healthier decision- variables: making, care and/or concern for others Casaoui citizens • “Individual level (audience and contribution: one- musicians) to-one mentorship and modeling, advice and guidance130”

127 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 156. 128 Ibid. 129 Ibid. 130 IBid.

• Particular group reality, “sense of Sense of belonging and belonging prioritized communities131” • Community pride • Critical thinking applied to valued Social communities change • Organization, Collective Empowerment planification and actions to mitigate or eliminate perceived challenges in valued communities • “Reaffirmed vision of new and improved status quo with new community experiences132” • Song’s message Dominant taken at face value

• Song’s message negotiated through an analytical process weighting in the Negotiated Reception legitimacy of theory different social paradigms

• Song’s message completely rejected, Oppositional and read according to another frame of reference

131 Ibid, 157. 132 Ibid.

Chapter 4: Methodology

Epistemology & Research Design

This research was conducted using a qualitative research design considering constructivism as its ontology and interpretivism as its epistemology. As outlined by Max Weber, sociology is a science which attempts through interpretative understandings of various social action to recognize the causal explanation of its process and effects.133 As this study has investigated through interpretative understandings of data gathered from interviews and participant observation the linkages between Moroccan music and youth’s empowerment, it has focused on the meanings and social phenomena perpetuated by social actors. In that sense, this research has come across different versions of social reality, more particularly through the adoption of audience reception theory, a theory that falls directly under the prism of constructivism.134

Units of Analysis

The units of analysis chosen for this study were varied as to attempt to form a comprehensive picture of the actors playing either a direct or indirect role in the empowerment (or lack thereof) of urban youth in Casablanca, as conceived and utilized by various stakeholder groups. For these purposes, this research uses two units of analysis. The main focus of this study being the Casaoui urban youth, this group will constitute the first unit of analysis as to explore the role of music engagement in youth empowerment. Also, considering that the music engagement of these individuals and groups is embedded in larger structures and institutions, this study will also examine the socio-cultural dynamics, and more particularly the strategies employed by the public and private sector in the music scene in Morocco.

Data collection methods

For the purposes of this research, I have used different data collection methods, including both primary and secondary sources. Given the qualitative nature of this research, I have chosen to use both in-depth semi-structured interviews and participant observations to investigate my research topic. These two methods were used in order to keep “an open mind about the contours135” of this research. In addition to that, I have also secondary sources such as legal documents, NGO reports, blog posts, mediatized interviews of Moroccan artists and so forth.

Prior to the beginning of my research, I have mapped out the cultural centers and live venues (bars, theatres, cafés etc.) in Casablanca as to narrow down the sample of people to be interviewed. This mapping has allowed me to locate a number of young people from different backgrounds as these centers appear to be scattered in different neighborhoods of the city (see appendix 2.)

133 Alan Bryman, Social Research Methods, 4th ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 29. 134 Ibid, 33. 135 Ibid, 12.

Interviews

Considering the fact that this study aims at understanding the impact of music engagement through a bottom-up approach, the emphasis in terms of data collection was on individual semi- structured in-depth interviews in order to understand my interviewees’ experiences. Interviews were carried out primarily with young people met in relevant places through the mapping of cultural centers and live venues in Casablanca. These interviews allowed me to gain insight on the music engagement of my respondents, and its impact on their individual and collective empowerment.

In addition to the latter, I have also carried out interviews with prominent actors of the music sector in Morocco, namely Younes Boumehdi, founder of Hit Radio (i.e. most popular private radio in Morocco, first radio to broadcast Moroccan rap); Brahim El Mazned, founding director of Visa for Music (i.e. international market of world music in the Middle East and Africa and festival of world music136); Karim Hendili, an UNESCO representative working on the aforementioned project relative to music and sustainable development (‘Music as a driver of sustainable development in Morocco’137) and Karim Mrabti and Ahmed Belkasmi two directors of Atlas Electronic (i.e. prominent electronic music festival in Morocco). Considering the important role of NGOs in the socio-cultural sphere in Morocco, I also interviewed members of the civil society (Mohammed Biyjeddiguene, co-founder of L’Amme, Association Marocaine de Musique Electronique, i.e. Moroccan association of electronic music and; Mouad Meziaty, a former intern of the recently dissolved cultural NGO, Racines).

Finally, in order to fully grasp the lived experiences of young musicians, I conducted in-depth interviews with a number of rappers, DJs and singers, all of which allowed me to gain insight on the challenges and opportunities available for musicians in the country. It should be noted that I differentiated between musicians and music aficionados in the way that each interviewee presented himself or herself. In that sense, I did not consider the musical hobbies of my respondents (when described as such) as an indicator of their ‘musician identity’.

I have carried out in total 27 interviews; information on all my interviewees can be found in Appendix 3.

Participant Observation

In addition to in-depth interviews, participant observation was also conducted for the purpose of this research. I have attended a number of music-related events in Casablanca (concerts, workshops, live performances and karaokes), all of which were accessible to a broad audience. This method was used in order to gain insights on the culture of the social groups examined138. Taking into consideration my positionality as a Moroccan who has shortly lived in Casablanca for four months, I wanted to be fully immersed in the social settings explored without having any biases from my previous experiences in these types of events.

136 "About Us – Visa For Music," , accessed July 30, 2019, https://visaformusic.com/about-us/. 137 UNESCO Supports the Music Industry Sector in Morocco," Diversity of Cultural Expressions, March 14, 2018, , accessed October 30, 2018, https://en.unesco.org/creativity/news/unesco-supports-music-industry-sector- morocco. 138 Alan Bryman, Social Research Methods, 383.

Document analysis

In order to fully grasp the messages shared by both rappers and DJs, as well as to understand the socio-cultural context that I am examining, I have also conducted content and document analysis of secondary data, which included: - Lyrics of Moroccan hip-hop/rap songs - Government policies and documents on the promotion of music in the country - Documentaries uncovering music in Casablanca (Casanayda; Rap Marocain, documentary produced by Al Jazeera; Maroc Electronique - A Look at the Moroccan Electronic Scene, directed by Nada Allouch) - Media sources

Sampling

Considering the high demographics of my thesis location and my ambition to interrogate the urban Casaoui youth, I chose to conduct purposive sampling, and continued by conducting theoretical sampling until reaching saturation. Purposive sampling in this case aimed at “sampling participants in a strategic way so that those sampled are relevant to the research questions that are being posed139”.

As previously mentioned, I have aimed at mapping out the cultural centers and live performances venues in Casablanca in order to find events in which I could interview and observe the behaviors and impact of music engagement of the urban youth. Taking into consideration the fact that Casablanca does not entertain a numerically high number of cultural events (bearing in mind its metropolitan character), purposive sampling appeared as the most strategic choice. It should be noted that this sampling strategy is a non-probability approach, findings based on the latter will not be generalized to the population examined. It is for these purposes that I have taken upon solely Moroccan hip-hop and Moroccan electro as genres examined considering the fact that my purposive sampling has yielded results only for these aforementioned genres. Theoretical sampling was then used in order to collect data generating insights for the theoretical framework used. The process of data collection was in that sense “controlled by the emerging theory140” which was found to fit electro enthusiasts as well.

Data analysis

As this research aims to be exploratory, I have taken on an inductive approach to analyze the data collected, aspiring in that sense to generate additional concepts whilst still bearing in mind the dimensions of individual and collective empowerment examined.

I have transcribed the interviews conducted throughout the fieldwork in order to analyze them manually, using an open coding methodology. This latter allowed me to identify key patterns from the interviewees, which later informed the main issues to be considered in this study. I have also taken notes of my observations during the events that I have attended in order to analyze them later on and avoid any biases in my analysis. The transcriptions and notes of my

139 Ibid, 418. 140 Alan Bryman, Social Research Methods, 419.

37 observations, in addition to my secondary sources, were then examined using discourse analysis. I subsequently gathered the observed codes from both the interviews and the songs and attempted to make sense of this data through both axial and selective coding as to make connections between the different categories.

Critical discourse analysis

Considering the fact that this study employs a constructivist approach, the data collected ought to be examined through the critical discourse analysis approach. This approach “emphasizes the role of language as a power resource related to ideology and socio-cultural change141”. Bearing in mind the importance of language in the socio-cultural context of this study, it was important to “trace how discourses (were) constructed and maintained in relation to certain phenomena142”, namely empathy, socio-political consciousness, social change, globalization amongst others that are essential to both the theoretical framework and cultural context of this study.

As this study will also be using Stuart’s Hall encoding and decoding model, I have also conducted a critical discourse analysis of the lyrics of some of the songs which were recognized as important by the interviewees, as well as by secondary sources (documentaries for instance and mediatized interviews of Casaoui rappers and DJs that I); all of which have been subject to open coding.

Ethics and limitations

As a Moroccan researcher, born in Rabat and who worked and lived in Casablanca, I came with certain biases. For these purposes, I had to be cautious to not emit any hypothesis based solely on my own judgment, and reflect upon my interpretation and analysis of the data collected. In addition to that, given my long-term interest in the topic, I had a wide range of interests and ambition for this research that I was careful to manage as to not be overwhelmed with the data collected, and rather focus solely on the quality criteria of the latter. In social research, ethical issues often arise at the different stages of the research, and more particularly during the data collection process. This section will reflect upon this process and outline the way that I have organized my fieldwork in order to ensure (i) voluntary participation, (ii) informed consent, (iii) safety in participation, (iv) confidentiality, and (v) trust. I gathered data from different individuals that I regrouped in three different categories, namely: urban youth attending music-related events in Casablanca, artists and miscellaneous143 (NGO workers, directors of radios etc.). For each of these groups, I had used a different approach to contact potential interview partners: the artists and others were contacted via phone or email, whereas the participants were approached directly in the events.

141 Ibid, 536. 142 Ibid, 537. 143 It should be noted that the miscellaneous category only allowed me to inform some of the structural issues of the music industry and thus not all findings from interviews with this interviewee category were included in this research.

(i) Voluntary participation: when asking all three groups to conduct interviews, I made sure by the way I drafted my messages that subjects were “not under the impression that they (were) required to participate144”. During the events, I only presented myself and my research, and asked them if they were interested in this research project, and only then, asked for their contact information. (ii) Informed consent: all respondents were fully aware of my identity as a researcher as in most cases I was approaching them first. Participants were “given as much information as might be needed to make an informed decision145” on whether to participate in this project or not. I presented my theoretical framework briefly and deconstructed the empowerment concept for them to understand what I was looking at in particular: socio-economic development, political consciousness, collective action, national identity and empathy. It was only after a full presentation of my research that I interviewed the participants. Some of the participants with a natural sciences background were not however familiar with the concepts even after some explanation, and thus required me to send them the questions prior to the interview, which I did. (iii) Safety in participation: as a Moroccan who is passionate about music and who believes in its potential as an empowering tool, as well as a francophone student living abroad146, I had to be aware of both my positionality and the power dynamics at play when talking to the different participants to my research. I thus made sure to not present any bias and to adapt to my respondents’ language in the language in which they were speaking in. (iv) Confidentiality: taking into consideration the fact that the main object of my research was the ‘urban youth of Casablanca (Morocco)’, I was not concerned with the identity of the individuals that I was interviewing, but only with their background, perceptions and experiences. In that sense, all interviews with this group of respondents were assured to be anonymous. (v) Trust: before the interviews, I made sure to say in the recordings (after getting permission to record) that the information gathered from my respondents will be secure, and not shared to others. I also shared my personal information (Facebook profile, email address and telephone number) for them to contact me at the time of the fieldwork (or after) in case they wanted to withdraw from the study.

Methodological reflections

As previously mentioned, I have for the purposes of my thesis research used only qualitative research methods. In order to ensure the quality of the methods that I have chosen, this paper will evaluate my methodology in light of O’Leary’s (2004) criteria as outlined in his book entitled The Essential Guide to Doing Research, namely: (i) neutrality, (ii) subjectivity; (iii) dependability; (iv) authenticity; (v) transferability and (vi) auditability.

144 Alan Bryman, Social Research Methods, 4th ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 138. 145 Ibid, 138. 146 As a Moroccan, I experienced judgements from people for being a francophone, and evidence from my experiences showed that speaking in French was considered as being ‘unpolite’ in a way, as well as ‘demeaning’ of the Moroccan culture for some people.

(i) Neutrality: as a Moroccan who was interested in the music scene and has attaches in this sector in my own country, it is of a significant importance to both recognize and negotiate my subjectivities during my research147, both in terms of my data collection and my data analysis. In order to ensure that my respondents did not give me answers that would best fit my hypothesis, I attempted to not present any bias in the questions that I was asking. I noted down my own perceptions of music, and the ways in which I considered that I was empowered by music, and reflected on that prior to writing the questions as well as ensured that I was not phrasing the questions in a way that would echo my own answers. Furthermore, I conducted a pilot interview with other social scientists (classmates from another master program) to confirm the quality of the questions. In order to ensure that my data analysis is not biased as well, I also took notes of my positionality and personal opinion of the topic at hand, and will be taking it into consideration when coding.

(ii) Subjectivity: the debate on whether I should see my research as an activist’s research or a social scientist’s research in O’Leary’s chapter on indicators of good research148has allowed me to take some distance from my research and reflect on my positionality. During my fieldwork, I attempted to set aside my own aspirations for the cultural sector in Morocco in order to take note of what is happening, and look at the context and situation solely from a researcher’s perspective. It was difficult at times as this topic holds significant attaches for myself. I also took notes of my thoughts at this time, and did my best to not let my own perceptions of music alter my data.

(iii) Dependability: In order to have a dependable set of data, I tried to be as consistent as I could when asking questions to my respondents. I had a general set of questions for each group of respondents, namely: participants attending music events in Casablanca and Moroccan young artists. Each group had questions that were targeting the group in particular, whilst still leaving space for them to express their opinions on their relationship to music, and the ways in which it may have affected them (or not). I have nevertheless taken notes of my observations on the context in which I have interviewed my respondents, in order to ensure the dependability of the data gathered.

(iv) Authenticity: in order to ensure the authenticity of my data, I thoroughly described my interviews and observations in my fieldwork journal. However, I will need to triangulate all of my findings alongside the literature. As there was some dissonance for instance on the ways through which hip hop empowers Moroccans in terms of socio-political awareness, I will need to evaluate the different characteristics of my respondents in order to ensure the authenticity of these findings.

(v) Transferability: my research design could be transferrable for other researchers in other research locations as the questions that I have asked the participants of music events were quite general. However, given the fact that there is no proper music industry in the country, some of the questions that were addressed to the artists were specific to the situation in Morocco.

147 Zina O’Leary, The Essential Guide to Doing Research (Los Angeles: Sage, 2004), 59. 148 Ibid, 59.

(vi) Auditability: in order to ensure that my research project is auditable, I have (and will further be giving more details in my methodology chapter) presented a full account and explanations of the methods that I have chosen “so that others can trace the research process and appreciate how and why”149 I came up with the data, findings and conclusions in my research project. I have taken notes in both my proposal and fieldwork journal of the ways through which I have conducted my research.

In this way, I tried to ensure the quality of my research design which has been demonstrated to respond to the quality criteria outlined by O’Leary.

149 Ibid, 63.

Chapter 5: Individual Empowerment

This chapter will examine and outline the role which both Moroccan hip-hop and Moroccan electro play in each of the dimensions of individual empowerment described by Travis and Deepak, namely: (i) self-esteem, (ii) resilience and (iii) growth. Considering that the population examined is composed of both musicians (rappers and DJs) and music aficionados, we will examine each of these two categories separately.

Self esteem

a) Self-esteem of musicians

1. “Personal view of self and abilities150”

The context in which musicians are operating in Morocco is highly inefficient: the music industry is in that sense in disarray with no regulated attribution from copyright institutions, no regulated salaries ensuring stable revenues (vs. intermittences distributed for artists in France) and with great uncertainty gravitating around the future of their careers.. In order for artists to break through, they need to cultivate their identity (or desired identity151 to use Travis’ terms). In this sense, for DJs and rappers to gain recognition and to operate within an industry which does not help them flourish artistically, they have to show their particularities to their broad Moroccan audience through the means allocated to them (i.e. social media and physical displays of identity in live venues).

Both hip-hop artists and DJs that I have interviewed during my fieldwork have shown that they were confident in their artistic abilities. Their creative sense and willingness to produce and showcase music in an environment which is not favorable to artists does not only demonstrate their resilience as it will be explained in the next section (i.e. resilience of musicians) but also demonstrates a high personal view of self and abilities. When discussing the reasons for which they continue performing or producing music despite the challenges that they encounter, respondents argued that they have “found their calling” and they recognized that they have an additional value in the music scene of the country. Yasmean, a female DJ who has gained both national and international recognition in the ‘electro’ scene acknowledges that she has abilities in terms of mixing.

“If you know that you are good and you have the opportunity to gain recognition for that, it allows you to feel fulfilled152.”

Although it has become much easier for one to produce and share music with the development of ICTs, the Moroccan context does not encourage its artists as they do not receive any royalties for their music. In that sense, as Yasmean argues “knowing that you are good” is the core motivation allowing artists to continue their artistic endeavors. This motivation was also observed in the events that I have attended. Indeed, in both ‘Block 10: Open Mic’ and ‘Tla9

150 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 156. 151 Ibid, 156. 152 Yasmean Shaki, interviewed by author, Amsterdam, March 13, 2019.

42 l’Beat’ – two events inviting young Moroccans to showcase their rapping skills, rappers have revealed self-confidence in their skills, further enhanced by the clapping of the audience.

It should however be noted that this increased self-esteem in the case of rappers could relate to the discursive regulations of the genre. 153Indeed, the ego-trip is an important part of the rapping style in rap, and more particularly in gangsta rap as it will further be apparent in the next section. However, considering that the same behaviors are observed in artists playing other genres (i.e. electronic music), self-esteem is assessed in this case as a (partial) result of music engagement.

This is also reflected in findings of my interview with Jad Ben Yahia, a rapper and pop artist who has just started producing music and who also takes pride in his musical style. Despite the fact that his new album can be categorized as a rap album, he argues that the genre that he performs is the ‘JAD’ (i.e. his name) style154. In that sense, this artist recognizes his creative abilities, and even prides himself as an innovator and a trendsetter.

Additionally, online presence is also an important component of the visual (desired) identity of artists, namely: Yasmean, Salim Daima, Jad Ben Yahia, Abdellah Hassak (i.e. Guedra Guedra) and so forth. The latter use social media (Instagram in particular) in order to showcase their visual identity on the feed of their followers, displaying specific color patterns, certain clothing styles etc.

2. Emotional regulation155

The musicians that I have interviewed have all stressed the fact that performing and producing music contributes to enhancing their well-being whilst minimizing pain. Indeed, their artistic endeavors and performing in particular brings them a sense of fulfillment and accomplishment through their work.

Amongst rappers, this sense of fulfillment is mostly demonstrated through songs boosting their ego, presenting them as content with their life and the ‘buzz’ that they generate. Evidence of it can be found in 7ari’s song ‘choukran’ (i.e. thank you in darija).

“Whatever you want, there will be plenty of (…) Everybody wakes up well, nobody’s feeling down, My squad is full, and doesn’t want to eat no more.156”

This R’bati (i.e. person from Rabat) rapper is now established in Casablanca and has gained tremendous popularity amongst the Casaoui youth, as argued by my interviewees. Taking into consideration his professional journey, he now feels content of his notoriety and fame allowing him to live a ‘good’ life. Several more examples can be found describing the same feelings of

153 Sami Zegnani, "Le Rap Comme Activité Scripturale : L’émergence Dun Groupe Illégitime De Lettrés," Langage Et Société 110, no. 4 (2004): 67. 154 Jad Ben Yahia, interviewed by author, Rabat, February 6, 2019. 155 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 156. 156 "7ARI – Choukran," Genius, July 14, 2018, , accessed July 30, 2019, https://genius.com/7ari-choukran-lyrics.

43 fulfillment and content brought by music for rappers (i.e. Manal in ‘Slay’157, Shayfeen in ‘Money Call’158 amongst others).

DJs have also related to this sense of fulfillment as further described by Yasmean:

“It gives me a new way to blossom, to meet new people, new styles, new things, to continue using my love of music in concrete things. My passion goes beyond listening to sound, but rather sharing it. If I did not have the opportunity to share it, I do not think I would be who I am today.159”

3. “Esteem-enhancing strategies160”

When discussing the personal vécu161 of my respondents, only a few mentioned their life story as a narrative in which they take pride as artists. Their passion and resilience to continue in this sector could be however considered as a self-esteem-enhancing strategy.

Artists who have gained international recognition such as Yasmean (electro) and Shayfeen (hip- hop) are however well-depicted in the media as pioneers in their respective fields. Yasmean for instance, as a female DJ in a Muslim (semi) conservative country (i.e. blad schizo) is appreciated for her ‘courage’ and ambition to shine in a male-dominated industry. Indeed, she is one of the few female DJs who performs in both electro events and festivals in Morocco (alongside Myriam, Les Insoumises and LadyGoule162). Shayfeen on the other hand, a rap duo composed of Small X and Shobee, also appear to have developed esteem-enhancing strategies through their life experiences. The duo has started rapping in a small-village in the south of Morocco, navigating through family issues (death of Shobee’s parents) and lived socio- economic inequalities. Indeed, the music of the band and their identity as a hip-hop band in Morocco is anchored in their life experiences which have been discussed in their songs, interviews and in the documentary Wa Drari163. The latter presented an intimate portrait of their lives in the Ancienne Medina, a disadvantaged neighborhood in Casablanca. Indeed, despite their fame, the malfunctioning industry has failed to provide for their economic stability. In that sense, by claiming this identity and life experience, Shayfeen demonstrate to have developed esteem-enhancing strategies.

157 Manal, YouTube, November 21, 2018, accessed July 30, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0IiWomc3W1o&list=WL&index=11&t=0s. 158 NAAR, YouTube, February 22, 2018, accessed July 30, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=akU7HXvYft8. 159 Yasmin Shean, interviewed by author, March 13, 2019. 160 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 156. 161 Life experience in French 162 "Qui Sont Les Djettes De La Nuit électronique De L'Institut Français Du Maroc ?" Femmesdumaroc, June 30, 2019, accessed July 30, 2019, https://femmesdumaroc.com/actualite/qui-sont-les-djettes-de-la-nuit- electronique-de-linstitut-francais-du-maroc-53241. 163 Wa Drari, dir. Fatima Zahra Bencherki, perf. Shayfeen, Wa Drari, February 19, 2019, accessed July 4, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qybtA_nM-dI.

b) Self-esteem of the music aficionados

1. “Personal view of self and abilities164”

Respondents do not relate to music in the same way in terms of their identity. Indeed, whilst some of my interviewees described themselves as music aficionados and argued that their taste in music related to their sense of being (i.e. identity), the large majority did not. Most of those who did identified accordingly to their music preferences were ‘electro’ aficionados. Considering the fact that mainstream hip-hop is now accessible to all and is also considered as part of the popular culture and musical landscape of Morocco, rap enthusiasts did not identify in most cases to the genre as they did when it first appeared.

Indeed, since the early 2000s, the way youth approached their musical taste appears to be different as it is for my respondents and myself in both Casablanca (respondent’s description) and Rabat (my own experiences). As I was discussing the evolution of the musical taste of my interviewees, evidence shows that the rap community (or rather the individuals who listen to rap music) for instance is not distinct from the rest of the youth as they consume other types of music, and other types of products (that may not for instance be linked to the underground rap scene). As one respondent described it:

“It is the same people. We are consumers now because there is no order in things, so a young Casaoui (i.e. person living in Casablanca) may watch 2M (national TV channel), watch the weekly music live show (airing mostly Classical Oriental and Chaabi (i.e. Moroccan folkloric songs), listen to Dounia Batma (Moroccan pop singer) and be familiar with Moroccan rap culture.165”

The role modeling that might have explained some of the behaviors of the Casaoui youth in the 2000s is maybe thus not as relevant now. People have trouble identifying to the genre of music that they are listening to, simply because they are now consumers of a myriad of different genres.

Respondents who describe themselves in relation to their musical taste (hip hop or electro) also dressed accordingly. Indeed, the clothing style of some of my respondents reflected their taste in music. In that sense, their desired identity was significantly correlative with their music preferences. For instance, interviewees who showed a clear identification with the culture surrounding ‘electro’ dressed accordingly in ‘electro’ events (e.g. costumes, colorful outfits, ‘vintage’ outfits, all of which are inspired by the fashion sense of international festivals like Coachella).

On the other hand, music aficionado respondents who engaged with music through music education (practice of instruments or music theory) have revealed a different approach to the self and to their own identity. This statement was reflected in both respondents’ answers and in my participative observation. Indeed, during one workshop on electronic music production (i.e. use of the electronic music production software Ableton), one interviewee was keen on showing his productions to the rest of the group and took pride in the compliments made to his work.

164 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 156. 165 Mouad Meziaty, interviewed by the author, Casablanca, February 4, 2019.

This observation was further confirmed by his opinion on the workshop. Indeed, the respondent argued that he liked this event because it made people listen to him and to his work.166

2. “Emotional regulation167” (nachat in hip hop and letting go in ‘electro’)

Emotional regulation is an important component of the relationship that my respondents have with music. Indeed, all of them have argued that music contributes to either expressing or enhancing positive emotions. Whilst some of them gave sentimental meanings to some songs, others experienced new positive emotions through the music that they listen to. Differences however appear in between hip-hop aficionados and electro enthusiasts.

The most recurrent word which was employed by respondents who showed a preference for hip-hop music was nachat (i.e. literal translated as ‘activity’ but refers to a feeling of joy and pleasure). In that sense, Moroccan hip-hop was described as a genre which makes one feel active in a positive way, putting individuals listening to it in an energetic ‘good mood’.168

On the other hand, for electronic music enthusiasts, electro was described as a genre which allows one to let go. Considering the fact that this particular genre is associated with dancing amongst my respondents, electro music allowed interviewees to relieve them from the stress of their everyday life.

“The electro culture is here to alleviate and heal, it is an escape from your every-day life.169”

3. “Esteem-enhancing strategies170”

Only few respondents have shown that their music engagement allowed them to develop esteem-enhancing strategies through the two genres explored in this study. More than that, the only genre which allowed for the development of said strategies was Moroccan hip-hop.

Respondents recognized that rap songs which could be typified as ‘gangsta rap’ were the only songs which allowed them to develop esteem enhancing strategies as these are centered around the ego of the artist. In these, rappers often claim ‘to have it all’ and that everybody is jealous of them. When engaging with these songs, respondents felt a sense of power and an ego-boost. Examples of lyrics can be found in El Grande Toto’s song entitled ‘Pablo’:

“Just keep on insulting me, calling me a construction worker Even they keep shooting at me, they didn’t touch me Just like Kanye, I will keep on rapping till I piss on your grave171”.

As shown in these lyrics, curse words are generally linked to this sub-genre (although not recognized as such in Morocco), and are often used to enhance the ego of the rapper, which

166 Mehdi Benkhalifa, interviewed by the author, Casablanca, February 18, 2019. 167 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 156. 168 Mohammed Choukri, interviewed by author, February 5, 2019. 169 Badr Srhir, interviewed by author, February 22, 2019. 170 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 156. 171ElGrandeToto – Pablo." Genius. September 14, 2017. Accessed July 30, 2019. https://genius.com/Elgrandetoto-pablo-lyrics.

46 subsequently heightens the one of his or her audience when rapping along. In that sense, the reading of Moroccan ‘gangsta’ rap has been assessed at face value by my respondents.

Another example of self-enhancing strategy was found in one respondent’s reading of Manal’s song entitled ‘Taj’ featuring the duo Shayfeen. This newly established female rapper discusses sexual harassment in this song, demonstrating the lived reality of women in Morocco. Throughout the song, Manal presents herself as an empowered woman who does not fear her sexual ‘predators’.

“Hey, stay put Ha, things you do, I do not do, Who told you this? I will do as I wish, Ey, as I wish.172”

As a female Moroccan, one of my respondents identified with the struggles described in the song and argued that it had an “esteem-enhancing impact173” on her, allowing her to feel confident when walking in the streets of Casablanca.

Resilience

a) Resilience of musicians

1. “Social reality and life experiences revealing personal triumphs and adversities174”

Findings from this study suggest that only rappers in Casablanca (and thus not DJs) candidly share insights about their social reality, revealing in that sense their personal triumphs in the face of adversity. This finding is consistent with the historical context in which hip-hop first appeared, as “art and culture (used) to transcend challenging aspects175” of the adversities faced by both the youth and young adults who created and embraced this culture.

Critical discourse analysis of the lyrics of Casaoui rappers demonstrate the prominence of resilience themes, including their socio-economic realties and challenges, the pervasive corruption tainting the politics of the country and loneliness amongst others.

In ‘La Trace’ for instance, L’Benj, a Casaoui rapper who has gained national recognition through his hit ‘Amoureux Tombé’ (i.e. In love I fell) narrates the life experiences and hardships that he went through in his life.

“I want to know the meaning of life

172 "Manal BK – Taj," Genius, February 13, 2018, accessed July 30, 2019, https://genius.com/Manal-bk-taj-lyrics. 173 Sara Wardi, interviwed by author, February 10, 2019. 174 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 156. 175 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal 30, no. 2 (2012): 148.

When I have 0 dirhams176 and I get rejected by girls Girls are like the police They worship Omar177, they’re in uncertainty Uncertain future, we were drowning Because of those people we went through hell I don’t know when I’ll stop the mistakes And in my life, I’m just running and death could come first.178”

2. Strategies developed to cope with adversity

Contrarily to the aforementioned indicator of resilience, findings demonstrate that in both genres, artists exhibit strategies to triumph in face of adversity. These strategies are however different. Indeed, whilst rappers support through their lyrics the ways through which one must ‘hustle’ to achieve their dreams (i.e. economic prosperity in most cases), DJs present dancing and ‘letting go’ as a strategy to cope with adversity and everyday challenges.

At the end of ‘La Trace’, L’benj further validates this argument by celebrating how he avoided criminal activities and is now capable of achieving his dreams of economic prosperity.

“If you worked hard and nothing came up just start again I started poor and I will end up in a Range (rover) I’m from those who were not handcuffed179”

Shayfeen, the duo composed of two rappers from Safi (small town in the South of Morocco) who moved to Casablanca to start their career, also promote similar ‘hustling’ strategies. In their song ‘7it 3arfini’ (i.e. because they know me).

“Time has taught me how to make things from nothing There are some people who are scared and who want me to go Because they know how great I am180”

3. Perspective about adversity and coping mechanisms

Similar to what has been discussed above, the coping mechanisms and competencies of the artists are dependent on the genre that they perform. Whilst rappers promote ‘hustling’ coping strategies in which they encourage their audience to keep going forward despite encountering adversity, DJs promote dancing and socializing in electro events and festivals as coping mechanisms.

176 Currency of Morocco, MAD. 177 Colloquial term for money and also name for males. 178 "Lbenj – La Trace," Genius, April 28, 2017, accessed July 25, 2019, https://genius.com/Lbenj-la-trace-lyrics. 179 “Lbenj – La Trace," Genius, April 28, 2017, accessed July 25, 2019, https://genius.com/Lbenj-la-trace-lyrics. 180 Shayfeen, "Shayfeen – 7it 3arfinni (Explicit)," Genius, January 30, 2016, accessed August 18, 2019, https://genius.com/Shayfeen-7it-3arfinni-explicit-lyrics.

b) Resilience of music aficionados

1. “Social reality and life experiences revealing personal triumphs and adversities181”

Whilst some interviewees related to the life experiences and challenges of the artists that they were/are listening to, the majority of my respondents did not. Indeed, most of them related more to the positive feelings described in the self-esteem dimension (nachat for hip-hop lovers and ‘letting go’ for electro aficionados).

Respondents who related to the social reality and life experiences described by the artists who they listen to were all hip-hop enthusiasts. Indeed, despite the fact that electronic music (techno) has a political history, only a few of my respondents were aware of it. In that sense, they did not relate to the historical struggles of the electro movement, notably related to LGTBQ cause182, and only embrace the ‘party’ culture of it which is centered around dancing.

On the other hand, hip hop fans related to the narratives described by the artists but only when the latter belonged to what was described as the “underground rap scene” of the country. Whilst countries like the U.S. and France have a myriad of subcategories of hip-hop (gangsta rap, conscious rap, soul rap and so forth183), Moroccan hip-hop appears to be divided in two categories by the audience, namely: ‘commercial/mainstream rap’ and ‘underground rap’. The mainstream one includes different types of hip hop, ranging from trap music to gangsta rap, and although some may criticize the ‘quality’ of it, the artists (Shayfeen, Toto, 7liwa and so forth) belonging to this category are thought of as “hip hop saviors” in Morocco as they revived this genre in the last couple of years. On the other hand, underground rap is mostly centered around the lyrics and is considered in most cases as ‘conscious rap’ (L’Bassline, l’Moutcho, Doliprane amongst others). It is important to note that in all two categories, rappers describe their lived social reality, but they do it in different ways, whilst ‘mainstream’ rappers rap about the ‘hustle’ and how they can get out of it (focusing in that sense on their individual struggles), ‘underground’ rappers describe societal problems concerning them and their fellow citizens. In that sense, respondents only related and discussed the lived realties described in the lyrics when they belonged to the ‘underground rap’ category.

2. Strategies developed to cope with adversity

The rapport of music aficionados with the two genres discussed within this study are also different in terms of its impact on this aspect of the resilience sub-dimension. Indeed, whilst strategies for triumphs and competences acquired to face adversity for electro enthusiasts revolve around the development of a counter-hegemonic culture centered around parties and dancing, the strategies developed for hip-hop aficionados orbits around denouncing the flaws of the (socio-political) system and advocating for social change in the country.

181 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 156. 182 Patricia Osganian and Renaud Epstein, "Techno : Le Rôle Des Communautés Gays," Mouvements 42, no. 5 (2005): 22. 183 Daniel White Hodge, Soul of Hip Hop: Rims, Timbs and a Cultural Theology (Intervarsity Press, 2010), 41.

However, it appears that the vast majority of my respondents did not engage with the meanings of these songs, and rather considered only its musical aspects, namely: its flow, word-play and so forth.

3. Perspective about adversity and coping strategies

Despite the quasi-null development of strategies for triumphs and acquisition of competences when facing adversity amongst my respondents, their rapport with the music that they listen to (i.e. Moroccan hip-hop and Moroccan electro) nevertheless allowed them to elaborate perspectives about adversity. However, it should be noted that these mindsets were only elaborated through rap.

Indeed, although some of my respondents did not develop strategies nor did acquire competences to cope/face adversity through Moroccan rap, they nevertheless discussed the difficulties and social reality described by the rappers, and applauded their efforts to face the different challenges that they encountered. When discussing Shayfeen, one hip-hop aficionado argued that this duo has shown him that “everything is possible as long as you are passionate184”.

Growth

a) Growth of musicians

1. Competencies acquired for purpose of reaching potential

Findings have not yielded significant results in terms of the development of competencies allowing musicians to reach their full potential accordingly to this indicator developed by Travis. It should be however noted that regarding this point, the rappers and DJs both interviewed and examined through this study have different lived experiences than their counterparts in the Global North. Indeed, concerns of maturity, health and competencies to reach potential via music or music endeavors are not as ‘easily’ achieved as Moroccan artists have difficulties breaking through in their country, both in terms of ‘fame’ and economic stability.

2. Enhanced relationships, heathier decision-making, care and/or concern for others

On the other hand, findings have shown that a number of musicians (rappers and DJs) have developed care and concern for others, mostly spurred by their concern for their audience, and that more particularly within Moroccan rap.

A number of artists have chosen to discuss themes revealing care and concern for others, namely: praise of family values, love and friendship; all of which demonstrate the development of a sense of empathy. Evidence of it can be found in Don Bigg’s song featuring Moroccan soul singer Oum, ‘Lik’:

184 Issam Lemtirif, interviewed by author, February 13, 2019.

“I love you because you gave me a lot, Devoting all of my life for you and to you is not a loss, When the sun turns off, I heal through you mom, What is between us will never be forgotten, It will never be cancelled because I love you mom.185”

In this song, the Casaoui rapper praises family values, and more particularly Moroccan mothers in memory of his lost mom. This particular theme that was further discussed amongst my respondents who have praised the family values of Moroccan rappers.186 In 2018, a series of a clashes between different famous rappers has erupted online, initiated by Don Bigg. In response to the latter’s attacks, L’Moutcho started insulting his mother, and when realizing that she has died a few years ago, he publicly apologized.

On the contrary, within the electro scene in Casablanca, DJs have not demonstrated any particular signs revealing the acquisition of these emotions via their artistic endeavors.

3. “Individual level contribution: one-to-one mentorship and modeling, advice and guidance187”

Similar to the first indicator of growth, respondents’ answers and discourse analysis of lyrics of Casaoui rappers and DJs has not produced significant results. Both do not present any evidence revealing ambitions to individually guide and advise their audience or fellow citizens.

b) Growth of music aficionados

1. Competencies acquired for purpose of reaching potential

Interviews with my respondents have shown that the music that they listen to (i.e. Moroccan rap or electro) did not have an impact on their behavior. In that sense, they did not show nor agree that these two genres allowed them to acquire competences “for purpose of reaching potential188”.

2. Enhanced relationships, heathier decision-making, care and/or concern for others

As previously mentioned, interviewees in this study have stressed that music did not alter their behavior with others. Consequently, they did not believe that it allowed them to have “better relationships” and “make “healthier decisions189”. A large majority of my respondents nevertheless argued that music (including the particular genres examined in this study but not excluding others – i.e. rock, folkloric music etc.) allowed them to care for others and develop consequently a sense of empathy.

185 "Don Bigg (Ft. Oum) – Lik," Genius, December 24, 2009, accessed July 31, 2019, https://genius.com/Don-bigg- lik-lyrics. 186 It should be noted that mothers have an important role within Islam, and thus in Moroccan culture as it stated in the Hadith (record of the words of the Prophet) that heaven lies under one’s mother’s feet. This sacred character of mothers is in that sense important to understand the significance of family values in Moroccan culture. 187 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 156. 188 Ibid. 189 Ibid.

This latter was however not linked to the artists or the storyline narrated through the lyrics (in hip-hop for instance) but rather to the events in which music was present, or to the individuals with whom they share musical preferences.

Sharing a similar musical taste allowed respondents to create meaningful connections as will further be outlined when discussing the communal aspects of music (Chapter 6). As argued by the DJ and music connoisseur Abdellah Hassak:

“Music creates love between people, and that especially as it is the only moment in which everybody is happy, smiling and nachet. (…) In music events, people want to meet people, to dance with others and help others.190”

Indeed, as argued by Abdellah Hassak, this ‘nachat’ and sense of empathy (as described above) was present in all of the events that I have attended. Most of the participants that I have observed were dancing with others, meeting each other’s, sharing cigarettes amongst other acts showing empathy.

In that sense, music events more than the core characteristics of the genre performed within the events themselves, allowed respondents to feel a sense of empathy towards others. One particular concept was mentioned whilst discussing empathy within electro music events: TAZ or temporary autonomous zones. This concept, developed by Hakim Bey in 1991 refers to zones which are “independent of any outside state or law, and is supposedly dissolved as soon as it is discovered by the establishment”. Individuals participating in the TAZ “agree on a new set of rules that are in effect within the Zone.” This microcosm of the anarchist dream of the author suggests a free culture which can dissolve itself and re-form somewhere else, all to sustain freedom191. The respondent further argues that electro events (i.e. parties, raves and festivals) feel like TAZ in the sense that one feels free from the direct control of the state, including all of its conservative values and restrictions.

Despite the prevalence of this feeling amongst my respondents, one interviewee nevertheless argued that the music that she listens to “did not change anything” in her:

“Although, it can make you understand how a person feels, and you might feel sorry for them, but that’s it. (…) Or maybe it will make you have more empathy towards yourself but that is it.192”

Some of my interviewees however added that the music that they listen to (including the particular genres examined in this study but not excluding others – i.e. rock, folkloric music etc.) allowed them to ‘think’ and facilitated introspections.

“Music soothes the senses; it makes you feel more spiritual and, in that sense, makes you more empathic.193”

190 Abdellah Hassak, interviewed by author, February 5, 2019. 191 Mike Pohjola, "Autonomous Identities: Immersion as a Tool for Exploring, Empowering and Emancipating Identities," in The Foundation Stone of Nordic Larp (Knutpunkt, 2014), 123. 192 Yasmin Shean, interviewed by author, March 13, 2019. 193 Badr Srhir, interviewed by author, February 22, 2019.

3. “Individual level contribution: one-to-one mentorship and modeling, advice and guidance194”

Taking into consideration the fact that artists do not show any ambition to mentor and guide their audience as role models, no impact was highlighted within my respondents during my fieldwork.

Potential risky attitudes within individual empowerment

As previously argued in the theoretical framework, individual empowerment dimensions carry out “potentially risky attitudes and behaviors” linked to the themes that are discussed within Moroccan hip-hop. These potential risks are also present in the electro culture in Morocco, although they are mostly related to substance use within the parties, events and festivals, and are not relative in that sense to the themes addressed by DJs.

The line is thin between self-enhancing strategies, resilience strategies and abilities for personal growth, promotion of violence and substance abuse, which can have an adverse effect of promoting these risky attitudes within the audience. Indeed, Moroccan rappers use curse words and discuss attacking their retractors and anyone who has ‘doubted’ them whilst talking about smoking hashish. This could consequently have a negative influence amidst the youth of the country as argued by one respondent. Considering the fact that a great number of adolescents now consider rappers like El Grande Toto, 7liwa or 7ari (all of which respond to the aforementioned risky attitudes and behaviors), my respondent believes that they all have a negative influence over younger generations. He considers that we should maybe think of reducing/prohibiting access to young kids to this type of music.

“Rappers like 7liwa, Toto or 7ari, smoking joints, showing their tattoos and expensive watches are negatively influencing this younger generation.195"

Moreover, misogyny is also very present amidst Moroccan hip-hop as argued by rapper and singer Jad Ben Yahia. Indeed, the words ‘hoe’ and ‘bitch’ are often present within mainstream and underground Moroccan rap songs. They are used to enhance the masculinity of rappers, in a Moroccan context in which patriarchy reigns.

On the other hand, as previously mentioned, electro music does not carry out the same themes, but is rather highly linked to substance abuse (i.e. ecstasy, MDMA and LSD). Indeed, a number of my respondents have argued that they link the electro scene in Casablanca (and Morocco in broader terms) to substance use, arguing that one goes hand in hand with the other. Some of my respondents have indeed discovered this particular scene through their use of drugs, and thus linked the euphoria and psychedelic effects of these drugs onto Moroccan electro.

In line with the coping strategies described in the aforementioned section of resilience of music aficionados, drugs further enhance the ‘letting go’ coping strategy; which yield potentially

194 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 156. 195 Mohammed Choukri, interviewed by author, February 5, 2019.

53 significant risks for the empowerment of the Casaoui (and Moroccan) young electro enthusiasts.

This chapter discussed in length the ways through which music engagement contributes (or in some cases fails to contribute) to individual empowerment. The next chapter will address the second dimension of empowerment as presented in Travis and Deepak’s framework, namely collective empowerment.

Chapter 6: Collective Empowerment

Sense of belonging

1. Particular group reality allowing for the development of a sense of belonging

On a national level, it appears that the sense of belonging to the Moroccan community through Moroccan music, and more particularly Moroccan hip-hop and Moroccan electro was not shared by all of my respondents. Indeed, opinions were divided on whether the Moroccan character of these genres (nationality of the artists and use of darija in hip-hop) actually heightened the sense of belonging of Moroccans to the national community through these two genres.

Taking into account the fact that most of the music produced in Morocco (including the genres discussed throughout this research) has been inspired by international sounds and techniques, a number of my respondents were not aware that relatively ‘modern’ Moroccan sounds were produced in the last decades. Moreover, more than half of my interviewees did not consider music produced by Moroccans as Moroccan music. When I asked them to identify what they considered to be Moroccan music, more than half of them related the latter to traditional music (gnawa, aita, chaabi and so forth) or in broader terms to music produced using Moroccan instruments (ala, darbouka and so forth).

“I don’t listen to tradi(tional) music, like gnawa or something. I love that when I am sitting in a rooftop when I am chilling, smoking a cigarette or something. I have never tried to put Moroccan-ness in what I do, it’s not my thing. It is not because you are Moroccan that you have to play darbouka. It is a choice, I don’t say that one shouldn’t do it, if you like it go ahead, but it’s not my vision.196”

In that sense, it appears that only a scarce part of respondents actually related to what is described in the larger spectrum as ‘Moroccan music’. The folkloric character attached has been qualified by respondents as largely attached to older generations (i.e. ‘the generation of their parents). The development of ICTs and globalization have strongly broadened the variety of music that my respondents listen to, as well as the values that they are attached to. The intergenerational shift that happened contributed to detaching a large part of the youth (or rather the representative group of young Casaoui interviewed) to Moroccan culture in all its forms, including music.

This indicator of collective empowerment is however not to be understood only through a national communal perspective as communities can be diverse. Indeed, a sense of belonging can be formed by belonging to a (transnational) identified group to which membership is both functional and authentic197.

In that sense, musical preferences can also act as catalysts for group formations, as it was the case for my respondents. As previously mentioned in the self-esteem section, in the early 2000s, respondents described Casablanca as a city in which the urban youth identified to certain groups accordingly to their musical preferences.

196 Yasmin Shean, interviewed by author, March 13, 2019. 197 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 148.

“Intergenerational cultural shifts occurred with the clothing style at first. It was a type of rebellion against another generation with whom we did not agree with. Most of the musical state that developed (for urban youth in Casablanca) was constructed through fashion styles. One who started wearing black and liked wearing black started to listen to the type of music that was associated with it (i.e. rock music at the time). It was kind of a strategy to escape parental authority, or maybe just to appeal to others, to flirt and know people in general. When identifying to a certain genre, that starts with the fashion style of the individual, one can get to know other people. For example, when a rasta meets another rasta in the street, they may not know each other, but they will greet each other and maybe start to talk, and the same thing happens for other genres as well.198”

Despite the fact that these occurrences and sense of belonging are not as present (or rather not as easily identified – through clothing style), it appears that the electro community in Casablanca does reveal a sense of belonging that is solely based on their musical preferences. Indeed, all of the electro enthusiast respondents argued that music was a collective experience for them. The collective aspect of the experience was strongly associated with dancing, allowing individuals sharing musical penchants to interact and feel connected. The festivalization of electronic music in Morocco has also allowed these ‘electro communities’ to interact in a safe and cozy atmosphere created by festivals such as Atlas Electronic and Oasis, both in Marrakech. In addition to that, participant observation in electro events allowed me to argue that the clothing style of electro aficionados was also a core element of their group identity (i.e. Coachella resembling style of clothing).

The communal aspect of electro music enthusiasts is also found amongst DJs themselves. Indeed, as previously mentioned, DJs in the country mostly work in collectives or at least, started their professional artistic endeavors by working in one. As described by Yasmean (DJ), it is generally a group of friends who know each other and do things together in the hope of changing the Moroccan artistic ecosystem (counter-culture). It is also important to note that solidarities tend to be ephemerous and volatile in the electro scene since these collectives are prone to dissolution and communities only gather in events and festivals.

On the other hand, the sense of belonging spurred by Moroccan hip-hop appears to be different in nature. Indeed, by taking into consideration the fact that mainstream hip-hop is now not a genre of music with to which people clearly identify as previously described (section on self- esteem), its commercialization has let it become a genre that is listened to by the urban youth, in clear opposition with the older generations. In that sense, this genre contributes to strengthening the group dynamics of the target population of this study, namely the Casaoui urban youth. It should be however noted that this does not imply that all of this population listens to this genre, but rather that the latter contributes to heightening this sense of belonging.

The use of darija in particular contributes to the development of the identity of this group. Despite its non-recognition as an official language of Morocco, this vernacular “has become a means of expressing Moroccanness publicly through creativity, and not just through

198 Mouad Meziaty, interviewed by the author, Casablanca, February 4, 2019.

56 nationalism199”. Considering the ethnic and socio-economic differences of Casawa (i.e. plural of Casaoui), darija constitutes a core element of the Moroccan identity, defined as a ‘common denominator’ by Réda Allali, lead singer of Hoba Hoba Spirit (a fusion group) and prominent journalist.200

On the other hand, it appears that a small portion of the underground hip-hop audience did develop a particular sense of belonging to music-initiated communities. L’moutcho is an underground rapper who is yet prominent in the broader Moroccan hip-hop scene. His fans, for instance, have created a small community called ‘douwlat al moutchoukhistan’ (i.e. the nation of Moutchoukhistan) in which they discuss hip-hop in Morocco and comment on the lyrics of the rapper. They have created an eponym Facebook group in which they share memes, jokes, pictures of the artist, the latest Moroccan rap songs and so forth. There is even another smaller community which is part of douwlat al-moutchoukhistan which has created a secret Facebook group201 to organize gatherings and outings after concerts.

2. Community pride: the vision of possibility for community

There were divided opinions amongst my respondents when discussing whether they took pride in the evolution and development of both the hip-hop and electro scene in Morocco – and of Moroccan music in broader terms. Music connoisseurs who were aware of the fusion scene of the 1970s and early 1980s mentioned in throughout the interview, applauding the efforts of the artists in terms of music creation and production.

“Our music in the 1980s was neither Oriental nor Occidental, it was purely Moroccan.202”

Indeed, those who ‘appreciated’ the Moroccan component that is introduced in Moroccan electro or hip-hop felt a sense of pride when discussing it.

In terms of resilience, electro aficionado and DJ, Badr Shrir described music as “our (their) shelter” in which he/they felt safe. It is for this purpose that this Casaoui and 12-other fellow electro aficionados decide to create the collective ‘Rabat Secret Parties’. Created in October 2018, the collective aimed to create a community of underground electro enthusiasts who all agree on the same goals and objectives to promote underground electronic music in Morocco and to push the movement forward. They have also created a Facebook group in order to allow fellow electro music enthusiasts to share music and discuss RSP events in order to put further emphasis on the community-driven ambition of the collective.203 The founder, Badr Shrir, wanted to create this collective in order to organize underground electronic music parties in which there would be no social barriers (freedom in terms of outfits to wear, no bouncers rejecting people based on their appearances) with also an educational aspect in order to

199 Réda Allali, "Qui sommes-nous?”, TelQuel (2006), in Dominique Caubet, "Darija and the Construction of ‘Moroccanness’," in Identity and Dialect Performance: A Study of Communities and Dialects (Routledge, 2017). 200 Ibid. 201 "Moutchoukhistan," Facebook, accessed July 2, 2019, https://www.facebook.com/groups/lmoutchoukisthan/. 202 Abdellah Hassak, interviewed by author, February 5, 2019. 203 "Rabat Secret Parties," Rabat Secret Parties Public Group, accessed July 28, 2019, https://www.facebook.com/groups/734527653594424/.

57 introduce underground electronic music to a wider range of people. In that sense, RSP aims at acting as a societal actor by using music as a uniting tool in order to counter the conservative and judgmental aspects of the Moroccan culture and society.

Taking into consideration the difficulties of artists to break through in the music sector in Morocco, working in a collective seems like the most viable option. Yasmean further argues:

“It is important because unity creates strength, and it is much easier to do things in that way.204”

Distinct collectives collaborate in that sense with others. For instance, the newly established RSP has started working with Les Apéros Electro, another electronic music collective from Rabat in order to launch particular events together and in broader terms, encourage each other.

Furthermore, it should also be noted that the new generation of young artists in Morocco also collaborate on different projects across genres (rap and electro) and artistic endeavors (music, photography, fashion and design). Although collaborations have not been noted all across the Casaoui music scene, groups of artists are nevertheless formed, allowing them to work together and develop resilience to create and produce music content in both hip-hop and electronic music. The work of the rapper Issam is evidence of it. Indeed, his song ‘Makaynch Zhar’ is a product of collaborations between fashion designer Artsimous, model Tilila, music producer and DJ Yazid Bezaz and photographer Ismail Zaidy205.

Some artists are however taken out of the equation as they do not belong to the same social circles. L’moutcho’s artistic director Hakim El Idrissi argued that whilst electro collaborations might often take place in the music scene in Casablanca (and nationally), collaborations between rappers are not done on social basis but rather as part of a financial incentive. He further stressed the importance of social networks. Despite the fact that he works alongside a prominent Moroccan rapper, he is nevertheless finding difficulties in organizing events on his own:

“You need to know people which will make things easier for you.206”

Social change

1. “Critical thinking about valued communities207”

Hip-hop in Morocco has been widely discussed in the literature as a tool promoting socio- political consciousness amongst the youth of the country. However, findings of this study have shown that more than half of my respondents did not associate this genre in Morocco with societal nor political matters. It should however be noted that these respondents were more familiar with mainstream and commercialized hip-hop rather than its underground counterpart.

204 Yasmin Shean, interviewed by author, March 13, 2019. 205 Issam, "Issam - Makinch Zhar (Prod Taemintekken)," YouTube, April 12, 2019, accessed July 31, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4CqC0jHGk1o. 206 Hakim El Idrissi, interviewed by author, March 30, 2019. 207 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 157.

Morocco mainstream/commercialized rap music or rappers nevertheless do sometimes discuss political matters.

Despite the stereotype perpetuated by the commercialization of this genre that “the spirit of social change has been eliminated (…) the intellectual identity within hip-hop culture is (indeed) alive and well, and this includes active articulation of social problems, disparities and injustices208”. An example of it can be found in the voting campaign launched by the national private radio ‘Hit Radio’ in which a number of rappers (i.e. Shayfeen, Dizzy Dross and Manal) participated in order to incite young Moroccans to vote in 2014209. The voting campaign was accompanied by a song called ‘Mantsyedch’ (i.e. don’t get scammed/fooled) promoting civic participation whilst still criticizing the governmental institutions.

“Speak to my mind What are you suffering from? The whole nation is suffering The ministries are thieves and the government is fake Wait The party took advantage of me What did you do to stop him from being elected again? Do you see? Put your vote in the box, even if it’s empty It’s better than 1001 Facebook post of empty talk210”

However, “whilst mainstream has for the electoral campaigns incited young people to register, underground rap criticizes some (political) matters, and by that, sheds light on them211” as it has previously been demonstrated in the preceding sections. This sub-genre of rap is however not as popular amongst the youth as the mainstream one. Respondents who nevertheless discussed the role of underground rap as a tool for the development of a socio-political consciousness were still dubitative, whilst they agreed on its effectiveness in increasing their awareness on certain societal matters (corruption, social injustices and so forth), it did not motivate them to act and contribute to social change.

“Music wakes you up, makes you feel more conscious, and although it will not change something in itself, it will create change in someone who has the means to act for social change.212”

As demonstrated by the lyrics of the ‘Matsayadch’ song and the above statement, the urban youth of the country does not feel that it can contribute to social and political change. It is for this purpose that they also lack engagement with lyrics discussing socio-political matters.

208 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal 30, no. 2 (2012): 150. 209 Hit Radio, YouTube, February 08, 2015, accessed July 29, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kVuCgTaciP0. 210 "Mantsayadch by Muslim, Dros, Shayfeen, Ahmed Soultan, DJ Van & Manal," Hit Radio, accessed July 29, 2019, https://www.hitradio.ma/tracks/7867/. 211 Meryem El Bahrassi, interviewed by author, March 23, 2019. 212 Hakim El Idrissi, interviewed by author, March 30, 2019.

Although not mentioned by my respondents, Shayfeen’s interview on Clique, a French music- centered tv show, was also evidence of this lack of engagement with socio-political matters. Indeed, throughout the interview, the duo has refused to be associated with conscious rap and refused to admit that their music bared any conscientious connotations. They argue that conscious rap is only to be associated with the old-school generations and stated their preferences for rap showcasing the flow and beat features of the rappers, rather than their lyrical prowess.213

On the other hand, electronic music in Morocco has failed to advance socio-political awareness and critical thinking about community challenges amongst the Casaoui youth as it is not the ambition of the DJs themselves.

“Music is music, without any underlying meanings to it. For me, if I keep assigning meanings that I don’t understand to my music, I’m just going to ruin the mood for myself. So, I am just here making my music, working, doing my stuff, and that is all. (…) I don’t really associate music with anything else than what it is, fun, it has never been anything else but fun.214”

In that sense, the ‘fun’ character of the Moroccan/Casaoui electro scene overshadows (if not eliminates) other concerns for its audience. Only DJs and the public interested in the more underground electro scene like Guedra Guedra (i.e. Abdellah Hassak) including experimental electronic contemporary music did believe to have gained critical awareness of the challenges of their community (local and national). The approach to it is however depicted in a different manner as it is perceived to connect one with the “broader international sphere”, connecting thus the Moroccan culture to international cultures.215 The internationalization of culture and an ‘open-mindedness’ to the Other was seen as evidence and strengthening tool to increasing socio-political consciousness amongst Moroccan electro aficionados.

2. Organization, planification and actions to mitigate or eliminate perceived challenges in valued communities

As previously discussed, in the 2000s, music-initiated communities were prominent amongst the urban youth of Casablanca. Despite the fact that the communities were different and did not always mix (with even hostility between the different groups according to one respondent), the ‘satanic music’ court case216 nevertheless allowed the communities to gather and plan actions to protest the legal actions taken against the metal band. Indeed, in 2003, the arrest of the 14- metalheads in Casablanca spurred solidarity amongst all of these groups. The arrest and affair were lived as an attack to freedom of expression to which the youth responded by denouncing this arrest online through social media. Thousands of young people have in that sense gathered to defend the freedom of expression challenging music creation in the country, all of which allowed the liberation of the group one month later.217 Although not genre specific, the

213 Clique TV, "Shayfeen : L'éveil Du Rap Marocain Dans Clique & Chill - CLIQUE TV," YouTube, May 28, 2019, accessed August 18, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qy4oZ883twY. 214 Yasmin Shean, interviewed by author, March 13, 2019. 215 Abdellah Hassak, interviewed by author, February 5, 2019. 216 As previously mentioned in the cultural and historical chapter, 14 Moroccan young metalheads were arrested in 2003 in Casablanca for playing ‘satanic music’. 217 Dominique Caubet and Catherine Miller, "Quels Enjeux Sociopolitiques Autour De La Darija Au Maroc ?" HAL: Archives Ouvertes, February 18, 2017, accessed July 2, 2019, https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs- 01471125/document, 2.

60 commitment and drive of this youth to defend fellow music aficionados was evidence of collective empowerment via music.

During my fieldwork, other instances (although scarce) were organized to mitigate societal and cultural challenges in Morocco, namely the Koun’actif workshops project (i.e. Be active project in darija) launched by the Kol’actif collective (i.e. all active in darija). The Koun’actif workshops that were organized were mainly funded by two music live shows, one centered on electronic music (Tla9 Sawt – i.e. turn on the sound) and the other on hip-hop (Tla9 l’Beat – i.e. drop the beat). The workshops were centered on democratizing cultural knowledge by organizing free workshops in different artistic disciplines (theatre, music, culinary arts, photography, circus arts amongst others) for two days in L’Uzine, a non-governmental institution promoting “culture for everybody” (La culture pour tous).

The kol’actif collective was created in August 2018 by students enrolled in the master of artistic and cultural engineering in Ben Msik (University of Ben Msik in Casablanca, department of humanities and social sciences). The collective was founded with a knowledge and experiences sharing philosophy, aiming to promote culture and socio-political awareness. Since its founding, the collective organized two round tables centered about arts: the first round table discussed the philosophical linkages between art and society (regards philosophiques sur arts et société) and the second one on art history in Morocco. This collective is for the moment only located in Casablanca but it aims at decentralizing it to other cities in Morocco. Kol’actif is also considering changing their status to become a non-governmental organization (association status) in order to be able to finance their activities through sponsorship.

I attended the workshop on Ableton, a software in which one can produce electronic music. In that sense, the passion of the organizers for these two genres, combined with the passion of the audience funding the workshops for Moroccan hip-hop and electro enthusiast facilitated the organization and planning of actions contributing to the mitigation of perceived challenges amongst the urban youth of the city.

Moreover, findings from interview with co-founder of the NGO, L’Amme (i.e. soul in French, and also acronym of the Moroccan Association of Electronic Music, a Casablanca based NGO) also present evidence of music-initiated actions to mitigate perceived challenges. Indeed, in order to well-integrate vulnerable youth communities in impoverished areas in Morocco, has launched several programs to teach the use of electronic music production software to middle school and high school kids in remote areas in the country. The music composed was then used to produce an album to contribute to esteem-enhancing strategies218.

3. “Reaffirmed vision of new and improved status quo with new community experiences219”

Considering the aforementioned sections and sub-dimensions of collective empowerment, it appears that the gaps in terms of both critical thinking of challenges within the community and its impact on the organization and planning of actions mitigating said challenges have not

218 Mohamed Biyejguedane, interviewed by author, February 2, 2019. 219 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," 157.

61 yielded any results for a “reaffirmed vision of new and improved status quo with new community experiences220”. Since none of my respondents expressed any substantial impact to the actions that they have organized and planned to change the status quo, rather it was a secondary matter to them behind ‘fun’ and ‘nachat’.

Potential risky attitudes within collective empowerment

As previously argued, risk occurs within collective empowerment when individuals or members of a community identify and act within “a community with high exposure to risky attitudes and behavior221”. Findings from my study have however not shown significant results in that sense for hip-hop enthusiasts, and has only presented potentially risky attitudes for the ephemerous communities within the electro scene in Casablanca.

Indeed, considering the concept used by one respondent to describe the community-like feeling in the electro events in Morocco, namely the temporary autonomous zones, the lack of regulation and rather the freedom-based rules created within these events suggest potentially risky attitudes. Findings indicate that risks present are mostly linked with substance abuse as previously mentioned in the previous chapter. Indeed, these types of events can incite individuals who did not previously use drugs to do in this particular framework. In that sense, the sense of belonging dimension could be inscribed in sharing drugs and living particular drug- enhanced experiences, embedded in risky attitudes and behaviors.

220 Raphael Travis, "Rap Music and the Empowerment of Today’s Youth: Evidence in Everyday Music Listening, Music Therapy, and Commercial Rap Music," Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal 30, no. 2 (2012): 157. 221 Ibid, 151.

Chapter 7: Discussion and Implications for policy work and research

Discussion of main findings

Figure 4. Conceptual scheme of this study

This study sheds a light on the music engagement of the urban youth of Casablanca, and its (subsequent) role in empowering this population within the framework developed by Travis and Deepak. The population examined is composed of both (i) an urban youth working in the music industry (namely DJs and rappers) and (ii) an audience who engages with the genres investigated. Throughout this research, I have examined the impact of engagement to both Moroccan hip-hop music and Moroccan electro music on the dimensions described through this framework as it is apparent in this conceptual scheme (see figure 4.), namely: individual and collective empowerment as demonstrated through this conceptual scheme. Each of these dimensions were assessed accordingly to the sub-dimensions (i.e. self-esteem; resilience;

63 growth; sense of belonging and social change) and indicators developed by the authors, all of which yielded significant results.

Moroccan hip-hop and Moroccan-electro were found to play an important role in the empowerment of urban Casaoui youth, a role that was however found to be hampered by a number of barriers relative to the music industry as will be explained next. Music engagement to the two aforementioned genres was found to contribute to both individual and collective empowerment of the target population, nevertheless degrees of empowerment differed accordingly.

Whilst young Casaoui musicians have been found to be individually empowered through their musical professional endeavors in terms of self-esteem enhancing and resilience/coping strategies, they have for the most part not shown evidence of music ‘inspired’ growth. Young Moroccan electro and Moroccan hip-hop Casaoui aficionados are differently influenced by their music engagement. It appears that this engagement yields different results for most of my respondents in terms of individual empowerment, but as a collective my respondents appear to be similarly impacted. Indeed, Moroccan hip hop and Moroccan electro have been found to have different roles in the individual empowerment of my respondents. Whilst electro aficionados have been found to identify with the counter-hegemonic culture of this genre in Morocco, and thus identified to it; the lack of lyrical imperative has made it difficult for them to develop self-esteem enhancing strategies through it. On the other hand, hip hop aficionados have developed different strategies as a result of dominant reading of some of their ego- boosting and ‘empowering’ rap songs. Nevertheless, engagement with both genres has been found to contribute to the emotional regulation of my interviewees, all of which allowed them to yield positive results in terms of their resilience by building coping strategies (i.e. nachat for hip hop aficionados and ‘letting go’ for electro enthusiasts). Both genres enthusiasts have however not presented significant results in terms of ‘growth’ but have for the most part demonstrated an enhanced sense of care/concern for others through their participation in music events and engagement with the two genres.

As collectives however, the sample of Casaoui youth interviewed appears to have communities to which they establish membership to. This sense of belonging is not however always accompanied by calls for collective actions. Considering the disparate character of the findings in this regard, this study cannot hypothesize on the factors influencing this particular aspect.

Music engagement with the examined genres have also shown to carry some potentially risky attitudes and behaviors which hamper the empowerment of this sample population. Indeed, substance abuse and misogyny (associated with Moroccan hip hop culture) have been shown to have potential to hinder the individual empowerment of my respondents. However, as a collective, music engagement with the two genres have not shown any evidence of potentially risky attitudes.

Despite the fact that findings have demonstrated to some extent the role that Moroccan hip-hop and Moroccan electro in particular play in the empowerment of the urban youth of Casablanca, they also testified the lack of accompanying structures allowing the youth to further be empowered through music, either as an artist or a music aficionado. Indeed, the music industry has failed to provide viable structures for its artists and their audience.

A myriad of different barriers still impedes young Casaouis from accessing music structures and benefiting from either individual or collective empowerment driven by Moroccan music,

64 namely: gender barriers, geographical barriers, economic barriers and linguistic barriers. Indeed, whilst there is a variety of events made available for Casaouis, there are not well- divided spatially, making it difficult to access for the youth living in the outskirts of the city in Sidi Maarouf, Hay Mohammedi, Sidi Moumen, Sidi Bernoussi or El Oulfa (see appendix 2.) Considering that most events occur in the center of the city (i.e. Maarif, Anfa, Gironde and Bourgogne), they become hard to reach for people living outside of the center, both spatially and economically (considering the lack of financial means of the urban youth of the city with the increasingly high rates of unemployment). A number of events are also quite expensive for young people to attend. Indeed, most electro events in the city have an entry fee of 200 MAD (equivalent of 20 euros) which is considered to be quite expensive for close to all of my respondents. On the other hand, rap centered events are less expensive, allowing it to be more accessible than electro for the broader population. The entrance fee for l’Moutcho’s concert for instance was of 50 MAD (equivalent of 4.5 euros) in opposition to RSP’s event’s entrance fee that I have attended which was of 200 MAD.

Moreover, most of the events advertised on social media (considering that it is the primary and only means of communication for event advertising) are written in French, which hampers access considering that not all respondents do understand French. Finally, gender barriers impede access to a number of girls considering the patriarchal and misogynist culture of the country. Indeed, most of my respondents and myself have found ourselves constrained to be accompanied by male peers in order to avoid unsolicited interactions by males during events.

Limits of this study

I have throughout this study attempted to identify the major trends in music engagement and their impact on youth empowerment. However, taking into consideration the short-time frame allocated to conduct this research, I was not able to fully capture all aspects of this topic. Indeed, despite having produced significant findings on the ways through which young Casaoui relate to music and the ways through which it empowers them, I was unable to apprehend the different factors (social, political and economic) which have also influenced their engagement and rapport with music.

Moreover, considering the fact that the framework used was not developed to conduct analysis and work on electronic music as a genre, indicators described for some dimensions utilized for this study did not yield significant results for the electro music aficionados in Casablanca. This limit was also further enhanced by the fact that the electro music scene of the country is still nascent and is culture-based rather than music-based as was previously argued. Considering these limits, the following section will present recommendations for further research.

Recommendations for further research

As previously argued, taking into consideration the short amount of time that I had to conduct this research, I was unable to examine all factors influencing music engagement and youth empowerment, and in that sense only evaluated the empowerment of youth itself. Further research could thus investigate these factors and conduct a study on the socio-economic dynamics impacting the empowerment of urban Casaoui youth. One could subsequently conduct research on music engagement based on the neighborhoods of Casablanca as they often well-represent the socio-economic lived realties of its inhabitants, using spatial and quantitative

65 methods with a probability sampling strategy in order to have a more representative sample of the population.

It should also be noted that I was also unable to cover a wider age range as most of my respondents were in their twenties (see appendix 3). In that sense, this study was only able to cover a specific stratum of the urban youth of Casablanca, and a wider and more comprehensive study could be produced in order to examine the wider urban population of the city.

As a researcher and a Moroccan, this study and more particularly the aforementioned findings have testified of the significant gaps in both education and arts in Morocco. Considering the way culture was approached by most of my respondents, who all have a substantive educational background, one could question the place of arts and culture in the education system. In this sense, this study invites researchers to address in a more substantive manner the place of culture and arts in educational development strategies in the country.

Policy recommendations

In order for the urban Casaoui youth to further engage with music, both as an audience member and an artist, it is important for music to become more accessible and more structured. In that sense, it is important to restructure the industry in a way that renders it functional and embedded in the national strategies of development. It is urgent for the government to reassess in particular the copyrights issue in Morocco in order for artists to gain economic stability. I strongly believe that the latter will allow them to further flourish and enhance their rapport with their community. As outlined in the objectives of the newly launched project of the UNESCO in Morocco, these policies could contribute to the economic development of the country by stimulating its creative industries. In line with the objectives of the 2005 UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, investment in creativity should be considered as a priority for sustainable development222.

Also, as previously mentioned, these findings do not only reveal the failures of the music industry in Morocco, but also uncover the failures of the brittle educational system of the country and the place that culture has within it. The country is living an educational crisis that has started with the Arabization policies of Hassan II, and who continues to subvert the youth of the country. The failed hopes of the 20F are reflected in the music of the country in which rappers and DJs strive solely for recognition and economic prosperity, a dream shared by the audience. These findings have exposed the lack of ambitions of a youth who (almost) no longer fights for social change, and who uses culture solely as a ‘shelter’ or ‘bandaid’, overlooking its catalytic potential.

In that sense, this study invites policy makers to reassess the role of arts and culture within education in Morocco. This reassessment should also be accompanied by policies facilitating access to culture for all, and not only a privileged minority. Considering the fact that the youth in Morocco has not been well integrated in the development strategies of the country, development strategies embedded in cultural projects could thus be developed to accommodate for this marginalized (yet substantial) part of the Moroccan population.

222 UNESCO, Investing in Creativity, report, 2018, accessed August 2, 2019, https://en.unesco.org/creativity/sites/creativity/files/info-kit_brochure-final-en-web.pdf, 4.

Bibliography

"7ARI – Choukran." Genius. July 14, 2018. Accessed July 30, 2019. https://genius.com/7ari- choukran-lyrics.

"About Us – Visa For Music." Accessed July 30, 2019. https://visaformusic.com/about-us/.

"Carte De Casablanca : Plan Touristique Casablanca." Cityzeum. Accessed July 31, 2019. https://www.cityzeum.com/carte/casablanca.

Clique TV. "Shayfeen : L'éveil Du Rap Marocain Dans Clique & Chill - Clique TV." YouTube. May 28, 2019. Accessed August 18, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qy4oZ883twY.

"Don Bigg – Al Khouf." Genius. January 01, 2006. Accessed January 20, 2019. https://genius.com/Don-bigg-al-khouf-lyrics.

"Don Bigg (Ft. Oum) – Lik." Genius. December 24, 2009. Accessed July 31, 2019. https://genius.com/Don-bigg-lik-lyrics.

"Freedom of Expression in the Online Media in Morocco." International Institute for Nonviolent Action. Accessed July 29, 2019. https://novact.org/2017/09/llibertat- dexpressio-als-mitjans-online-a-marroc/?lang=en.

.SoundCloud. Accessed January 20, 2019 ". ةرﺪﻛ ةرﺪﻛ - Guedra Guedra" https://soundcloud.com/djguedraguedra.

"La Jeunesse, Grande Oubliée De La Croissance Marocaine." Le Monde. August 10, 2018. Accessed July 2, 2019. https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2018/08/10/la-jeunesse- grande-oubliee-de-la-croissance-marocaine_5341269_3212.html.

"La Scène Rap Marocaine N'a Jamais été Aussi Bouillonnante." Konbini. September 4, 2018. Accessed July 29, 2019. https://www.konbini.com/fr/musique/rap-marocain/.

"Lbenj – La Trace." Genius. April 28, 2017. Accessed July 25, 2019. https://genius.com/Lbenj- la-trace-lyrics.

"Manal BK – Taj." Genius. February 13, 2018. Accessed July 30, 2019. https://genius.com/Manal-bk-taj-lyrics.

"Mantsayadch by Muslim, Dros, Shayfeen, Ahmed Soultan, DJ Van & Manal." Hit Radio. Accessed July 29, 2019. https://www.hitradio.ma/tracks/7867/. "Moroccans Denounce Casablanca Ban on Street Performance at UN Square." Morocco World News. November 19, 2018. Accessed January 14, 2019. https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2018/11/258132/moroccans-casablanca-ban- street-performance/.

"Morocco: Imprisoned Singer Released." Freemuse. September 29, 2017. Accessed July 29, 2019. https://freemuse.org/news/morocco-imprisoned-singer-released/.

"Morocco: Prosecuted Rapper Cleared of All Charges." Freemuse. December 15, 2015. Accessed July 29, 2019. https://freemuse.org/news/morocco-prosecuted-rapper- cleared-of-all-charges/.

"Morocco." Human Development Reports. 2018. Accessed August 12, 2019. http://hdr.undp.org/en/countries/profiles/MAR.

"Mouad Belghouat, Le Rappeur Marocain Qui a Choisi L'exil Pour éviter Le Suicide." Slate.fr. February 24, 2016. Accessed January 10, 2019. http://www.slate.fr/story/114445/mouad-belghouat-rappeur-marocain-exil. "Moutchoukhistan." Facebook. Accessed July 2, 2019. https://www.facebook.com/groups/lmoutchoukisthan/. "Music as a Driver of Sustainable Development in Morocco." UNESCO. Accessed January 10, 2019. https://en.unesco.org/creativity/activities/music-driver-sustainable-development- morocco.

"Qui Sont Les Djettes De La Nuit électronique De L'Institut Français Du Maroc ?" Femmesdumaroc. June 30, 2019. Accessed July 30, 2019. https://femmesdumaroc.com/actualite/qui-sont-les-djettes-de-la-nuit-electronique-de- linstitut-francais-du-maroc-53241.

"Rabat Secret Parties." Rabat Secret Parties Public Group. Accessed July 28, 2019. https://www.facebook.com/groups/734527653594424/.

Allali, Réda, and Hassan Hamdani. "Société. Blad Schizo." TelQuel (2006): 42-49.

Allali, Réda. “Qui sommes-nous ?". TelQuel (June 2006).

Almeida, Cristina Moreno. "The Politics of Taqlidi Rap: Reimagining Moroccanness in the Era of Global Flows." The Journal of North African Studies 21, no. 1 (2015): 116-31.

Anglade, Marie-Pierre. "Casablanca, « une Ville à L’envers ». Urbanités Métropolitaines Au Prisme De La Marginalité Sociale Au Maroc." Les Cahiers D’EMAM, no. 28 (2016).

Bacqué, Marie-Hélène, and Carole Biewener. "Lempowerment, Un Nouveau Vocabulaire Pourparler De Participation ?" Idées Économiques et Sociales 3, no. 173 (2013): 25-32

Bahmad, Jamal. "From Casablanca to Casanegra: Neoliberal Globalization and Disaffected Youth in Moroccan Urban Cinema." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 6, no. 1 (2013): 15-35.

Benchemsi, Ahmed. "Mohammed VI et Le Très Inquiétant Recul Des Droits De L'Homme Au Maroc ." L'Obs. July 31, 2019. Accessed August 18, 2019. https://www.nouvelobs.com/monde/20190731.OBS16626/tribune-mohammed-vi-et- le-tres-inquietant-recul-des-droits-de-l-homme-au-maroc.html.

Bayat, Asef. Life as Politics: How Ordinary People Change the Middle East. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2010.

Belqass, Khalid. Youtube. November 22, 2012. Accessed January 13, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1eazgeRfZpg

Ben-Meir, Yossef. "Human Development in the Arab Spring: Morocco’s Efforts to Shape Its Global Future." Mediterranean Quarterly 26, no. 3 (2015): 67-93.

Bennani-Chraïbi, Mounia, and Mohamed Jeghllaly. "La Dynamique Protestataire Du Mouvement Du 20 Février à Casablanca." Revue Française De Science Politique 62, no. 5 (2012): 867-94.

Brouwer, Leni, and Edien Bartels. "Arab Spring in Morocco: Social Media and the 20 February Movement." Afrika Focus 27, no. 2 (2014).

Bryman, Alan. Social Research Methods. 4th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012.

Caubet, Dominique, and Catherine Miller. "Du Rock Au Maroc Quelle Place Dans La Nouvelle Scène Urbaine Casablancaise?" In Jeunesses Arabes. Du Maroc Au Yémen: Loisirs, Culture Et Politique, La Découverte, 342-54. Paris: La Découverte, 2013.

Caubet, Dominique, and Catherine Miller. "Quels Enjeux Sociopolitiques Autour De La Darija Au Maroc ?" HAL: Archives Ouvertes, February 18, 2017. Accessed July 2, 2019. https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01471125/document.

Caubet, Dominique. "Darija and the Construction of ‘Moroccanness’." In Identity and Dialect Performance: A Study of Communities and Dialects, 99-124. Routledge, 2017.

Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica Editors of Encyclopaedia. "Casablanca." Encyclopædia Britannica. Accessed July 21, 2019. https://www.britannica.com/place/Casablanca- Morocco.

El Adnani, Abir. "Spotify Arrive Au Maroc." H24info. November 14, 2018. Accessed July 29, 2019. https://www.h24info.ma/culture/spotify-arrive-au-maroc/.

El Maliki Mohammed. YouTube. January 06, 2017. Accessed January 13, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ofGwyeoTz-I.

Gueye, Hadji Mamadou. "Décorations Royales Pour Le Rap Marocain : Ouissam Pour Bigg, H-Kayne, Fnaïre, Komy." Français. August 22, 2013. Accessed July 2, 2019. https://www.yabiladi.com/articles/details/19110/decorations-royales-pour-marocain- ouissam.html.

Gupta, Joyeeta, and Courtney Vegelin. 2016. “Sustainable Development Goals and Inclusive Development.” International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics 16 (3): 433–48.

Gupta, Joyeeta, and Eric Chu. "Inclusive Development and Climate Change: The Geopolitics of Fossil Fuel Risks in Developing Countries." African and Asian Studies 17, no. 1-2 (2018): 90-114. doi:10.1163/15692108-12341402.

Hall, Stuart. Encoding and Decoding in the Television Discourse. University of Birmingham, Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, 1973.

Haut Commissariat Au Plan. "Population Du Maroc Par Année Civile (en Milliers Et Au Milieu De L'année) Par Milieu De Résidence : 1960 - 2050." Indices Statistiques | Site Institutionnel Du Haut-Commissariat Au Plan Du Royaume Du Maroc. Accessed January 06, 2019. https://www.hcp.ma/Population-du-Maroc-par-annee-civile-en- milliers-et-au-milieu-de-l-annee-par-milieu-de-residence-1960-2050_a677.html.

Hazeb, Taoufiq. YouTube. August 06, 2009. Accessed January 13, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cbZe-zMItd4

Hit Radio. YouTube. February 08, 2015. Accessed July 29, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kVuCgTaciP0.

Hodge, Daniel White. Soul of Hip Hop: Rims, Timbs and a Cultural Theology. Intervarsity Press, 2010.

Issam. "Issam - Makinch Zhar (Prod Taemintekken)." YouTube. April 12, 2019. Accessed July 31, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4CqC0jHGk1o.

Javelle, Lucas. "Au Maroc, Les Jeunes Collectifs Et Labels Techno Bâtissent Une Nouvelle Culture De La Fête." Trax Magazine. October 06, 2017. Accessed July 21, 2019. http://fr.traxmag.com/article/43499-au-maroc-les-jeunes-collectifs-et-labels-techno- batissent-une-nouvelle-culture-de-la-fete.

Kabaret Cheikhats. Youtube., July 19, 2018. Accessed January 13, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nMozRZ9LiRw.

Khouache, Khalid. YouTube, July 01, 2014. Accessed January 13, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XYGpzf_IEdw

King Mohammed VI. “Full text of the King’s Speech on the 10th Anniversary of Throne Day.” Maghreb Arab Press. 30 July 2009.

Larson, Reed W., and Steve P. Tran. "Invited Commentary: Positive Youth Development and Human Complexity." Journal of Youth and Adolescence 43, no. 6 (2014): 1012-017. Laverack, Glenn. Public Health Power, Empowerment and Professional Practice. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. Lefébure, Anaïs. "Casablanca, 5ème Ville La plus Densément Peuplée Du Monde." Al HuffPost Maghreb. May 29, 2017. Accessed January 10, 2019. https://www.huffpostmaghreb.com/2017/05/29/casablanca-5e-ville-plus-densement- peuplee-monde_n_16865426.html.

Lerner, Richard M., Elizabeth M. Dowling, and Pamela M. Anderson. "Positive Youth Development: Thriving as the Basis of Personhood and Civil Society." Applied Developmental Science 7, no. 3 (2003): 172-80

Manal. YouTube. November 21, 2018. Accessed July 30, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0IiWomc3W1o&list=WL&index=11&t=0s.

Maroc Electronique - A Look at the Moroccan Electronic Scene. Directed by Nada Allouch. Maroc Electronique - A Look at the Moroccan Electronic Scene. December 17, 2017. Accessed July 1, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S5iasYGBd8A.

Miller, Susan Gilson. A History of Modern Morocco. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013. Morley, David. Television, Audiences and Cultural Studies. Taylor and Francis, 2003. Morocco. Conseil Economique, Social Et Environnemental. Une Nouvelle Initiative Nationale Intégrée Pour La Jeunesse Marocaine. 2018. Accessed July 3, 2019. http://www.ces.ma/Documents/PDF/Saisines/2018/S32-2018-Strategie-integree-des- jeunes/Rp-S23-vf.pdf.

NAAR. YouTube. February 22, 2018. Accessed July 30, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=akU7HXvYft8.

Nājī, Muḥammad Al-. Multilingualism, Cultural Identity, and Education in Morocco. New York, NY: Springer, 2010.

NSE Maroc. "Logiciel De Paie Maroc : Valeur Du SMIG Au 01 Janvier 2019." Logiciel De Paie (SMIG 2019) Maroc. 2019. Accessed August 18, 2019. https://www.nse- ma.com/fr/logiciel-de-paie-maroc-valeur-du-smig-au-01-janvier-2019/.

O’Leary, Zina. The Essential Guide to Doing Research. Los Angeles: Sage, 2004.

Ogunrinade, DOA. "Music Education as a Pillar to Sustainable Development in Nigeria." Journal of Economics and Sustainable Development 6, no. 3 (2015): 83-86.

Osganian, Patricia, and Renaud Epstein. "Techno : Le Rôle Des Communautés Gays." Mouvements 42, no. 5 (2005): 22-31.

Oudrhiri, Zakaria. "Report Finds 19 Million Moroccans Go Online Everyday." Morocco World News. February 05, 2019. Accessed August 1, 2019. https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2019/02/265099/report-moroccans-internet- morocco/.

Oumkhoun, Mostafa. "Les Chants De La Tassaout : Un Périple Poétique Dans Le Temps Et L'espace." Amazigh World. March 13, 2019. Accessed July 29, 2019. http://www.amazighworld.org/history/index_show.php?id=642636.

Pascallon, Pierre. "The Cultural Dimension of Development." Intereconomics 21, no. 1 (1986): 38-45. doi:10.1007/bf02925420.

Pohjola, Mike. "Autonomous Identities: Immersion as a Tool for Exploring, Empowering and Emancipating Identities." In The Foundation Stone of Nordic Larp, 113-26. Knutpunkt, 2014.

Saadi, Meryem. "Phénomène. Soirées De Loko." TelQuel. December 05, 2012. Accessed July 21, 2019. https://telquel.ma/2012/12/05/Phenomene-Soirees-de-Loko_547_5357.

Salois, Kendra. "Make Some Noise, Drari: Embodied Listening and Counterpublic Formations in Moroccan Hip Hop." Anthropological Quarterly 87, no. 4 (Fall 2014): 1017-048.

Seilstad, Brian. "Hip Hop Culture in a Small Moroccan City." Journal of Hip Hop Studies 2, no. 1 (Summer 2015): 65-98.

Shayfeen. "Shayfeen – 7it 3arfinni (Explicit)." Genius. January 30, 2016. Accessed August 18, 2019. https://genius.com/Shayfeen-7it-3arfinni-explicit-lyrics.

Sourdoreille. Electro Morocco - Explosion D'une Scène électronique Au Maroc (Oasis Festival 2016). October 03, 2016. Accessed July 1, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uq7GpMSl240. Spencer, Grace. "Empowerment, Young People and Health." Doctoral thesis, Institute of Education (University of London), 2011. Spencer, Grace. "Young People and Health: Towards a New Conceptual Framework for Understanding Empowerment." Health: An Interdisciplinary Journal for the Social Study of Health, Illness and Medicine 18, no. 1 (2013): 3-22.

Trari, Iman. "Les Bidonvilles D'Anfa, L'envers Du Décor De L'arrondissement Le plus Luxueux De Casablanca." Lavieeco. March 30, 2016. Accessed July 29, 2019. https://www.lavieeco.com/economie/les-bidonvilles-danfa-lenvers-du-decor-de- larrondissement-le-plus-luxueux-de-casablanca/.

Travis, Raphael, and Anne Deepak. "Empowerment in Context: Lessons from Hip-Hop Culture for Social Work Practice." Journal of Ethnic And Cultural Diversity in Social Work 20, no. 3 (2011): 203-22.

UNESCO. Investing in Creativity. Report. 2018. Accessed August 2, 2019. https://en.unesco.org/creativity/sites/creativity/files/info-kit_brochure-final-en- web.pdf.

Wa Drari. Directed by Fatima Zahra Bencherki. Performed by Shayfeen. Wa Drari. February 19, 2019. Accessed July 4, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qybtA_nM-dI.

Windle, Gill, Kate M. Bennett, and Jane Noyes. "A Methodological Review of Resilience Measurement Scales." Health and Quality of Life Outcomes 9, no. 8 (2011): 1-18.

Younsi, Mohamed. "Inégalité Des Chances, Pauvreté, Chômage: Casablanca étouffe." Le360. December 12, 2017. Accessed July 29, 2019. http://fr.le360.ma/politique/inegalite-des- chances-pauvrete-chomage-casablanca-etouffe-147793.

Zegnani, Sami. "Le Rap Comme Activité Scripturale : Lémergence Dun Groupe Illégitime De Lettrés." Langage Et Société 110, no. 4 (2004): 65-84.

Appendices

Appendix 1. Glossary

Aita: sub-genre of folkloric Moroccan music Ala: traditional religious Adaluz-inspired music Blad schizo: expression coined by Réda Allali and Hassan Hamdani to describe the schizo(phrenic) character of the country, i.e. the schizo(phrenic) country Casaoui: individual from Casablanca (plural: Casawiyin/Casawa) Chaabi: sub-genre of Moroccan folkloric popular music Darija: Moroccan Arabic Derbouka: Moroccan traditional instrument Don Bigg: prominent Moroccan rapper originally from Casablanca El Khasser: the one who uses a crude language in Moroccan Arabic, nickname of Don Bigg Kol’actif: everyone is active Koun’actif: be active L’moutcho: prominent Moroccan rapper, also called Moby Dick Makhzen: Moroccan term referring to the state apparatus and governmental instutions Malca: Moroccan indie pop singer Matsyedch: Don’t get fooled/scammed in Moroccan Arabic Nayda: cultural movement in Morocco which started in the 21st century Ouissam: military decoration granted by the king of Morocco for civilians and military officers Sufi gatherings: Muslim spiritual gatherings Taqlidi rap: Moroccan Arabic term coined by Cristina Moreno Almeida that can be translated to traditional rap. The author defines it as being a sub-genre of rap mixing “traditional Moroccan composition techniques or forms and hip-hop beats223”

223 Cristina Moreno Almeida, "The Politics of Taqlidi Rap: Reimagining Moroccanness in the Era of Global Flows," The Journal of North African Studies 21, no. 1 (2015): 116.

Appendix 2. Map of cultural centers and live performance venues in Casablanca

Appendix 3. Transparency Document

AUDIENCE Event Date of the Venue Interviewees Profession Sex Age Date of Location event Interview Tla9 l’beat 26/01/2019 Bouletk, Mouad Master student M 24 04/02/2019 Coin du Casablanca Meziaty and former Palais, intern in Casablanca ‘Racines’ (i..e cultural NGO in Morocco) Mohammed State certified M 24 05/02/2019 Online Choukri engineer (online) Issam State certified M 24 13/02/2019 Online Lemtirif engineer (online) Sara Wardi Master student F 24 10/02/2019 Coin du Palais, Casablanca Acoustic 02/02/2019 La Java, Ali Analyst M 23 18/03/2019 Online night + Casablanca Bengelloun (online) karaoke Koun’actif 09/02 et L’Uzine, Ayoub Freelance M 27 20/02/2019 Mohammedia 10/02/2019 Casablanca Tantana photographer train station, and filmmaker Mohammedia Sarah Master student F 24 18/02/2019 Oliveri, Holzmann Casablanca Amal PhD student F 27 14/02/2019 Café Khafaoui Carrion, Rabat Mehdi Bachelor M 22 18/02/2019 Online Benkhalfia student

Hélène Former F 25 19/02/2019 Paul, Iyassu Casablanca Malek Master student M 24 06/02/2019 Starbucks, Marouane and member of Casablanca RSP

Block-10 – 17/02/2019 Boultek, Jade Mo Communication M 26 21/02/2019 Online OPEN MIC Casablanca Officer UNIVASION 22/02/2019 V Club, Badr Srhir Med student M 24 22/02/2019 Paul Agdal, Casablanca Rabat Malek Master student M 24 08/03/2019 Hotel Marouane Lutece, Rabat L’Moutcho 01/03/2019 Backstage, Hakim El Artistic agent of M 25 20/03/2019 Online conert Casablanca Idrissi L’moutcho

Meryem El Journalist F 23 21/03/2019 Online Barhassi TOTAL 15

ARTISTS Interviewees Sex Age Position Date Interview location Nassim Haddad M 32 Singer 01/02/2019 Paul Agdal, Rabat Abdellah Hassak M 27 DJ 05/02/2019 Vertigo, Casablanca Jade BenYahia M 26 Singer/Rapper 06/02/2019 Miam, Rabat Omar Ouahidi M 24 DJ 12/02/2019 L’Empreinte, Ifrane Salim Daima M 23 Composer and DJ 21/02/2019 Online Yasmin Shean F 23 DJ 13/03/2019 Amsterdam, NL Faycal Azizi M 28 Singer 05/03/2019 Creperie, Rabat Total 7

MISCCELANEOUS

Interviewees Sex Age Position Date of Interview Interview location Brahim El M 50 Directeur artistique du 31/01/2019 Meeting in the Mazned Festival Timitir + Directeur VISA for music Fondateur de VISA office, Rabat for Music Younes Boumehdi M 49 Director Founder of 07/02/2019 Meeting in HITRADIO and Director of HITRADIO the Fondation Hiba office, Rabat Mohammed M 23 Co-founder of l’Amme 08/02/2019 Facebook Biyegueddine videocall Karim Hendilli M 45 UNESCO 15/02/2019 UNESCO office, Rabat Karim Mrabti & M 27 Directors of ATLAS 5/03/2019 Online Ahmed Belkasmi Electronic TOTAL 5