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Volume 26 2000 Issue 82 EDITORS: The Review of African Political Economy Chris Allen and Jan Burgess (ROAPE) is published quarterly by Carfax Publishing Company for the ROAPE international collective. Now 24 years old, BOOK REVIEWS: ROAPE is a fully refereed journal covering all Ray Bush, Roy Love and Morris Szeftel aspects of African political economy. ROAPE has always involved the readership in shaping EDITORIAL WORKING GROUP: the journal's coverage, welcoming Chris Allen, Carolyn Baylies, Lyn Brydon, contributions from grass roots organisations, Janet Bujra, Jan Burgess, Ray Bush, Carolyne women's organisations, trade unions and Dennis, Anita Franklin, Jon Knox, Roy Love, political groups. The journal is unique in the Giles Mohan, Colin Murray, Mike Powell, comprehensiveness of its bibliographic Stephen Riley, David Seddon, David Simon, referencing, information monitoring, Colin Stoneman, Morris Szeftel, Tina statistical documentation and coverage of Wallace, Gavin Williams, A. B. Zack- work-in-progress. Williams Editorial correspondence, including manuscripts for submission, should be sent CONTRIBUTING EDITORS: to Jan Burgess, ROAPE Publications Ltd, Africa: Rok Ajulu (Grahamstown), P.O. Box 678, Sheffield SI 1BF, UK. Yusuf Bangura (Zaria), Billy Cobbett Tel: 44 +(0)1226 +74.16.60; Fax 44 +(0)1226 (Johannesburg), Antonieta Coelho (Luanda), +74.16.61; [email protected]. Bill Freund (Durban), Jibril Ibrahim (Zaria), Amadina Lihamba (Dar es Salaam), Business correspondence, including orders Mahmood Mamdani (Cape Town), Trevor and remittances relating to subscriptions, Parfitt (Cairo), Lloyd Sachikonye (Harare), back numbers and offprints, should be Carol Thompson (Arizona); Canada: addressed to the publisher: Carfax Publishing, Jonathan Barker (Toronto), Bonnie Campbell Taylor & Francis Ltd, Customer Services (Montreal), Dixon Eyoh (Toronto), John Department, Rankine Road, Basingstoke, Loxley (Winnipeg), John Saul (Toronto); Hants RG24 8PR, UK. Europe: Bjorn Beckman (Stockholm), M. R. Bhagavan (Stockholm), Jean Copans (Paris), Advertising enquiries should be addressed Martin Doornbos (The Hague), Piotr to Philip Law, Carfax Publishing, Taylor & Dutkiewicz (Warsaw), Tore Linne" Eriksen Francis Ltd, PO Box 25, Abingdon, (Oslo), Paul Goodison (Brussels), John Oxfordshire 0X14 3UE, UK. Markakis (Crete), Claude Meillassoux (Paris), Permission to reprint or translate material Ken Post (The Hague), Francis Snyder from Review of African Political Economy (Florence), Tamas Szentes (Budapest); US: should be sought from ROAPE Publications Hussein Adam (Holy Cross), Prexy Nesbitt Ltd. Consent to copy for general distribution, (Chicago), Betsey Schmidt (Loyola College), for promotion, for creating new work, or for Meredeth Turshen (Rutgers), Gloria Thomas- resale must be specifically obtained in writing Emeagwali (Central Connecticut); UK: A. M. from ROAPE Publications Ltd. Babu (1924-1996), Lionel Cliffe, Basil Davidson, Raufu Mustafa (Zaria), Phil ISSN 0305-6244 O'Keefe, Peter Lawrence, Pepe Roberts and Kevin Watkins. ©2000 ROAPE Publications Ltd Review of African Political Economy No.82:435-439 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 1999 ISSN 0305-6244 Editorial: North Africa in Africa Ray Bush & David Seddon North Africa is often seen and treated by commentators and analysts as different and separate from sub-Saharan Africa. 'Arab Africa', as it is sometimes referred to, has historically been seen as important geo-strategically for imperial interests and as providing a bridge or a link to countries in sub-Saharan Africa or in the near and Middle East. This view of north Africa's difference has served to try and separate it from sub-Saharan Africa and to undermine projects of pan-Africanism. Europe and the US have been keen to attract north Africa to the special table of aid and trade through projects of the Euro-Med and initiatives of security in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. These latter have most recently been illustrated by the biennial war games played out in Egypt's Western Desert in October and November 1999 named 'Bright Star'. These military games were initiated in 1981 and in 1999 involved 11 countries. It was the biggest coalition gathering since the 1991 Gulf War and was centred around the role of the US aircraft carrier John F Kennedy. Visiting Cairo for the military manoeuvres, US defence Secretary William Cohen took the opportunity to sabre rattle noting: 'We're building a long term partnership that will provide the security that our people want and the stability they deserve' (Al-Ahram Weekly, 28-3 November 1999). The 'difference' of north Africa has also served to exclude Libya, a 'rogue' state on its way to rehabilitation, and to forget Mauritania seen as part of sub-Saharan Africa and treated accordingly under arrangements for Lome. But Mauritania has been excluded in other ways too. There remains a lack of critical analysis in English and the book by Ould Mey, reviewed in this issue, provides an invaluable analysis of the country's political economy and the processes of structural adjustment in recent decades. Commentators have also failed to discuss the war in Western Sahara in their analysis of 'development in north Africa'. Yet here there are parallels with Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and also with Israel's invasion of Jordanian and Egyptian territories now under occupation and gradually experiencing, after years of attrition and the smothering of Palestinian ambition and possibilities for sustained development, a limited autonomy under Israeli domination: is this the future scenario for Western Sahara? While western leaders separate the region from the rest of Africa, north Africa's leaders have tried at various time to remind sub-Saharan Africa of its significance and historic links. These were famously promoted by Egypt's president Nasser with the drive for pan-Africanism and non-alignment. Egypt's current president Mubarak has also chaired the OAU and Libya's Qaddhafi, now on the way to being admitted to respectability in the eyes of the west, has recently put African unity back on the geo- political agenda. And Egypt's dependence upon the river Nile for its lifeblood has meant that it is particularly concerned with maintaining important relations with countries in the greater Horn. These are witnessed most clearly with its involvement in promoting a peace settlement in Sudan but also with development initiatives in 436 Review of African Political Economy Ethiopia that might reduce the flow of Nile water to Egypt. This becomes particularly important with Egypt's massive irrigation projects under construction using Nile water in the western desert at Toshka and with the El Salam Canal East Delta Newlands and North Sinai developments. Perhaps the biggest similarities however between the north of Africa and elsewhere on the continent is with issues of economic and political reform, structural adjustment and globalisation. Pfeifer in this issue makes interesting comparisons between the three 'favoured' north African economies, Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt and while Mitchell focuses on the specifics of Egypt he draws attention, as does Pfeifer, to patterns which have also been experienced in sub-Saharan Africa: the IMF and World Bank say things are going fine and so too do the speculators and 'casino' capitalists but there is a singular absence of a foundation being laid for sustainable development and a failure to address the intensification of economic inequality. Algeria, that has also suffered in the aftermath of structural adjustment and liberalisation, like most sub-Saharan states, and from widespread civil violence and the collapse of normal state control, is treated as a special case by Hassan, who develops a critique (which partly echoes, but is also different from that of Pfeifer) of the previous strategy for national development. The economistic approach of Hassan is complemented by Lloyd's paper on women and forms of mobilisation in contemporary Algeria. This essay identifies both the constraints and potential for the mobilisation of civil society in times of civil strife. It is an optimistic analysis and one which might inspire similar investigation of civil society mobilisation in sub-Saharan Africa and elsewhere in north Africa. The western models of democracy and good governance continue to fail to appreciate the realities of 'actually existing civil society' in both the Middle East and Africa and that the struggle against authoritarianism may take many very different forms but the space for those struggles is often also very small. As Islamist threats to political stability have largely subsided regimes have spoken rhetorically about political liberalisation yet failed to reverse decades of populism and corporatism where signs of independent working class or farmer organisation has been ruthlessly quashed, human rights routinely abused and elementary rights of citizenship and the rule of law denied. In Egypt in the last two years there have been in excess of 400 deaths relating to changes in the land tenure law as tenanted farmers have resisted dispossession and the forces of law and disorder and have allied with landlords to suppress farmer opposition to the rule of law. Egypt is a case where the richness, vibrancy and optimism of people's will has repeatedly been undermined by a regimes cynicism. Misplaced optimism during the buildup to the referendum that confirmed Hosni Mubarak as Egypt's president for an unprecedented fourth term on 26 September 1999 was short-lived. The optimism lay in Mubarak's comments during the referendum 'campaign' where he was the only candidate. In fact Mubarak has never had an electoral opponent since he came to power after Sadat's assassination in 1981 and a sense of the way in which the state media machine went into overdrive for the referendum was captured by one banner that read 'God gave three gifts to Egypt: the pyramids, the Nile and Mubarak'. The president noted in September that Egypt was on the eve of a new dawn and he pursued this theme in his first parliamentary address after his 'landslide' victory gaining a declared 93.79 per cent of the vote. The president called for more political participation to accompany greater economic liberalisation.
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