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HIP HOP HELPS:

SYSTEMIC DISCRIMINATION IN SOCIAL WORK ANDRAGOGY

A Project

Presented to the faculty of the Division of Social Work

California State University, Sacramento

Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK

by

Yarin Gomez

SPRING 2017

© 2017

Yarin Gomez

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

ii

HIP HOP HELPS:

SYSTEMIC DISCRIMINATION IN SOCIAL WORK ANDRAGOGY

A Project

by

Yarin Gomez

Approved by:

______, Committee Chair Maria Dinis, Ph.D., MSW

______Date

iii

Student: Yarin Gomez

I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this project is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the project.

______, Department Chair ______Dale Russell Date

Division of Social Work

iv

Abstract

of

HIP HOP HELPS:

SYSTEMIC DISCRIMINATION IN SOCIAL WORK ANDRAGOGY

by

Yarin Gomez

Hip Hop is a transnational culture ignored in social work academia. A qualitative

exploratory study with a social constructionist lens used a non-probability sampling

method to recruit six Masters-level social work students in a stakeholder-engaged focus

group. Subjects took the Rap Music Attitude and Perception (RAP) Scale, to gage

perceptions about the music genre. As part of the focus group, open-ended questions

were presented about Hip Hop music video content with themes of institutional racism.

Data analysis verified individual and collective processes of social identity construction,

delineating social agency versus oppression, and exploring the educational merits of Hip

Hop. A remarkable result was how students reacted to satirical manifestations of

discrimination in the videos with both laughter and indignation towards misogynistic

motifs. This study demonstrates the need to further investigate Hip Hop in social work andragogy through critical discourse to uncover personal bias.

______, Committee Chair Maria Dinis, Ph.D., M.S.W.

______Date

v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to extend thanks to my advisor, Dr. Maria Dinis, for the attention allocated to my research endeavors and the constructive advice throughout the entire project process. I could not have completed this project without her insight and oversight.

My deepest gratitude goes out to my loved ones: my parents for their unconditional support, my siblings for their musical influences in my formative years and affection, and to my partner for being a major source of encouragement for this project. Finally, the biggest thanks go out to Hip Hop itself for being a source of inspiration for this research and major source of professional motivation. A special acknowledgement to some of my favorite lyrical wordsmiths: 2Pac, MF Doom, and Slick Rick.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS Page

Acknowledgements ...... vi

List of Tables ...... xi

List of Figures ...... xii

Chapter

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Background of Problem ...... 3

Statement of Research Problem ...... 5

Purpose of Study ...... 6

Research Question ...... 6

Theoretical Framework of Social Constructionist Theory ...... 7

Application of Social Constructionist Theory ...... 8

Definition of Terms ...... 10

Assumptions...... 11

Justification ...... 12

Delimitations ...... 13

Summary ...... 14

2. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 15

Hip Hop History ...... 15

African Diasporic Art ...... 16

Caribbean Causalities ...... 18

Latin American / American Indigenous Roots ...... 21

vii

Postindustrial Emergence ...... 24

Globalization ...... 28

Hip Hop in Social Work Practice...... 31

Hip Hop in Education ...... 34

Pedagogic Qualifiers ...... 34

Andragogic Qualifiers ...... 38

Gaps in the Literature ...... 41

Summary ...... 49

3. METHODOLOGY ...... 51

Research Question ...... 51

Research Design ...... 51

Exploratory Studies...... 52

Qualitative Approach ...... 53

Content Analysis ...... 55

Study Population ...... 57

Sample Population ...... 57

Instrumentation ...... 58

RAP Scale ...... 58

Focus Groups ...... 60

Intimate Technology ...... 64

Data Gathering and Procedures ...... 67

Data Analysis ...... 68

Protection of Human Subjects ...... 69

viii

Summary ...... 70

4. DATA ANALYSIS ...... 72

Demographics of Study Participants ...... 75

Intimate Technology: Social Commentary and Initial Reactions ...... 76

“Madonna (And Other Mothers in the Hood)” ...... 78

“For Free? (Interlude)” ...... 79

“Blacktivist” ...... 80

Emergent Themes in Systemic Discrimination ...... 81

Social Identity ...... 82

Social Agency Versus Oppression ...... 90

Empowerment in the Context of the Black/White Binary ...... 96

Educational Merits of Hip Hop ...... 99

Additional Findings ...... 104

Summary ...... 106

5. CONCLUSION ...... 107

Summary ...... 107

Discussion ...... 108

Implications for Social Work Practice and Policy ...... 111

Practitioners of Social Work, Mental Health, and Medicine ...... 114

Recommendations ...... 116

Limitations ...... 118

Conclusion ...... 121

Appendix A. Rap-music Attitude and Perceptions (RAP) Scale ...... 123

ix

Appendix B. Consent to Participate in Research ...... 126

Appendix C. Human Subjects Approval Letter ...... 129

References ...... 130

x

LIST OF TABLES Tables Page

1. RAP Violent-Misogynistic Subscale Individual & Mean(Standard Deviation) Scores ...

...... 84

2. RAP Empowerment Subscale Individual & Mean(Standard Deviation) Scores ...... 91

3. RAP Artistic-Esthetic Subscale Individual & Mean(Standard Deviation) Scores ..... 101

xi

LIST OF FIGURES Figures Page

1. Meaning-making research process ...... 74

2. “For Free?” (left to right) front row: Kendrick, Uncle Sam, and Darlene ...... 86

3. Woman in the galaxy and the Flatbush Zombies’ heads ...... 89

4. President Obama in “Blacktivist” ...... 95

5. Mother-child dyad in “Madonna (And Other Mothers in the Hood) ...... 98

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1

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

The California Master Plan for Higher Education mandates universal opportunity

and access to education, and regulates the funding of postsecondary education for

California students. Since the plan’s implementation in 1960, university campuses

continue struggling with unfavorable stressors such as budget cuts from lawmakers,

unprecedented influxes of qualified applicants, and general population growth. Campuses

with exhausted enrollment, or impaction, are negatively affected in their abilities to

accommodate potential and enrolled students with available instructional resources and

campus capacity. Impaction limits eligible students’ opportunities to get accepted to the

campus, and even the program of their choice; as well as the campus’ quality of

education to enrolled students. Currently all programs are impacted for undergraduate

students at the following California State Universities: Fresno, Fullerton, Long Beach,

San Diego, San Jose, and San Luis Obispo (CSU Student Academic Support, 2017). A

student-centered stakeholder approach is recommended for education development

systems to accommodate for more limited enrollment eligibility into California State

Universities and Universities of California (Rustin & McLeod, 2010).

To combat the limits of resources among academic programs, Alvarez (2007) emphasizes cultural exchanges between ethnic minorities through analysis of youth culture, including Hip Hop. Different academic disciplines are strengthened unilaterally against trying circumstances through collaboration. This collaboration coincides with the reality of practice within the field of social work and other helping professions that 2

cooperate to help individuals and communities. The promise of Hip Hop contributing to a

joint effort of multidisciplinary efforts, has basis in the empirical evidence of music and

other arts interventions in the fields of medicine, psychology, social work, education, and

many more (Olcon & Beno, 2016; Olson-McBride & Page, 2012; Mazza, 2009). For

social work practitioners, music therapy (MT) is an individually effective intervention to

treat multiple human conditions such as serious mental health disorders, depressive

symptoms, pain, and stress (Kamioka et al., 2014). The proven benefits of music in

multiple treatments of physical and mental health conditions highlights how imperative it

is to further investigate how Hip Hop, with its wide realm of reach, can be of service to

these proven treatments. Hip Hop music provides a unique and accessible modality for

engaging diverse teams through its varied styles, complex history, and global reach.

Social work professionals are informed by broad perspectives to work with people

in their environments. There exists an extensive gap in literature regarding the potential

benefits of Hip Hop music in general. Moreover, there is virtually no research regarding

Hip Hop content use in social work andragogy to best prepare social work students with

the right tools to use this potentially beneficial and greatly accessible tool to work with

diverse and disadvantaged populations. Despite the presence of harmful themes such as

misogyny and violence, more in-depth analyses of these themes and others present in Hip

Hop music can provide information on mitigating factors that might negate correlational studies between Hip Hop music and adverse, antisocial behavior. Social work provides lens through which complex Hip Hop narratives can be understood beyond an anti- and prosocial behavior-promoting binary. 3

Background of Problem

Hip Hop music’s intricacies are useful to explore for education on cultural sensitivity to diverse human conditions. Hip Hop is a multicultural practice, which includes music, but also transcends to other artful expressions such as poetry, theatre, journalism, dance, and visual arts (Chang, 2007; Rose, 1994). For over thirty years the

Hip Hop arts movement has evolved to global inclusivity of producers and consumers of content. Prior to this, Hip Hop evolved from various Afrocentric and indigenous cultural

roots. Throughout time, Hip Hop has grown to global inclusivity which provides insight

into cultural norms and expressions across multidisciplinary studies of humanities.

Despite its extensive reach, there is virtually little research exploring this cultural

phenomenon for social work education; with a pervasive amount of literature focusing

solely on popular U.S.-produced Rap music. Specifically, Hip Hop music is often

criticized due to evidence of correlations between increased exposure to antisocial

messages (i.e. misogynistic and homophobic ideologies) and a higher risk to violent

behavior of listeners; but minimal research has looked at the inverted effect that prosocial

media has on social behavior (Greitemeyer, 2009a; Greitemeyer, 2009b). There is a need

to for more critical analyses of recurring themes in Hip Hop music and their parallels to

tenants of social work education like diversity, socioeconomic conditions, and politics.

Although the research on Hip Hop music is vast in many disciplines such as

African American Studies, Chicana/o Studies, and Education; there exists an extensive gap in social work literature pertaining to tangible measurements which may validate Hip

Hop music’s practical use for social work andragogy (Tyson, 2006). A monopoly of Hip 4

Hop media does promote negative systems of belief which are associated with increased incidences of rape, domestic violence, murder, and child sexual abuse, particularly as inflicted by males upon all genders of victims. While many studies in the past have gaged whether media violence leads to violence and/or aggression. The correlation between Hip

Hop media and violence, or aggressive behavior, calls for a need to further dissect this content rather than censorship, so as not to discount more complex and socially conscious content. Examining the critical views of pro- and anti-social elements of Hip Hop culture in a socio-educational context can be useful in promoting awareness on societal issues in social work curriculum.

Existing Hip Hop educational programs foster analytical perceptions of complex individual and social issues (Elligan, 2004). Educational programs can prove to increase the exposure and ability of social work students to listen to and interpret Hip Hop music lyrics for cultural competencies (Travis & Deepak, 2011). Pro-social ideas in the form of spoken word, written lyrics, music videos, music artist interviews, etc. can be used to further dissect Hip Hop culture for its application and relevancy for work with disenfranchised populations including: people of color, females, and at-risk youth. The different mediums Hip Hop artists use to deliver messages of social and global consciousness provide various foci of analyses for the genre’s relevance in social work andragogy aiming to promote awareness of diverse social and geographic environments.

Furthering research on Hip Hop music and its benefits to social work andragogy would benefit the discipline in several ways. The established benefits to various ethnic, gender, and other humanities studies to explore the similarities and differences in benefits 5

and risks to various populations and their exposure to Hip Hop music. The international

music genre and its various subgenres can help parallel the effects of globalization where

various cultures within the U.S. exist together. Failing to assess and build upon existing

knowledge and benefits of Hip Hop music to social services will prevent the building of

significant information for socio-culturally tailored models to support individuals and communities with limited resources. By developing a multidimensional understanding from which to analyze this genre, and its subgenres, social work practitioners can be better equipped to address a wide range of social issues. There is great risk in not

exploring new andragogic values of Hip Hop music in social work education tailored

towards the wide reach of populations for whom Hip Hop culture is expressed in daily

living.

Statement of Research Problem

Despite existing vast interdisciplinary and international literature on Hip Hop,

there persists a vacuum of current knowledge surrounding its social and educational

benefits. While some research concludes that Hip Hop music causes adverse behavioral

effects on listeners is a perfunctory exploration of the cultural phenomena and mitigating

factors contributing to antisocial attitudes. The presence of negative behavioral effects in

Hip Hop music listeners does not single Hip Hop as a causation, and does not justify

discounting continued analysis of Hip Hop as an extensive source of knowledge. More

research must combat the negative classifications of the genre and provide more

comprehensive analyses Hip Hop’s potential use as an educational tool in social work

andragogy, and the factors which help or impede social work students to understand 6 social work tenants like diversity and discrimination. Intimate technology, as described by Deepak and Biggs (2011), consists of online music videos with emotionally compelling images about current socioeconomic conditions in specific geographic locations. This is a promising accessible tool for use in the social work classroom.

Purpose of Study

This purpose of this research study is to explore MSW student perceptions of and experiences of Hip Hop music and its potential use in social work education. The goal of convening a focus group of six MSW students is to elicit information surrounding the issue of institutional, or systemic discrimination as the theme appears in Hip Hop content.

As stakeholders of the CSUS MSW program, participants will produce qualitative data through a focus group discussion aimed to elicit emergent themes related to students’ perceptions of Hip Hop’s relevance and saliency to institutional racism and the social work profession. Finally, this study will examine the changes in perceptions about Hip

Hop music among participants through use of the R.A.P. Scale (Tyson & Porcher, 2012;

Tyson, 2006). This study will further the knowledge gained through these previous studies by including pre- and post-testing of group participants regarding their perceptions of Hip Hop music after participating in such a group.

Research Question

The research questions for this study are as follows: (1) What are the benefits of Hip Hop to the MSW student body at CSUS? and (2) Do participants’ perceptions surrounding Hip

Hop music change after participating in a focus group containing Hip Hop music video content related to systemic discrimination? 7

Theoretical Framework of Social Constructionist Theory

Due to the variety of approaches social work educators across the teaching continuum can take for analysis of even just one song (Elkins, Miller, Briggs & Skinner,

2015), a multidimensional lens is need to integrate the diversity in which Hip Hop cultural content is created, interpreted, and reinterpreted in all contexts. Hip Hop as a culture seeks to spread awareness of the clear and subtle, or metaphorical, expressions of racial and social class inequalities through lyrics, videos, and artist interviews. Through a social constructionist theoretical lens any singular theory cannot ultimately define any social phenomena (Blundo & Greene, 2008). This study uses a social constructionist framework through which to seek to expanding knowledge on the understudied phenomenon of Hip Hop in social work andragogy.

Social constructionism focuses on the processes of meaning making through

social exchanges (Van Gorp, 2007). The goal of social constructionism is to differentiate

realities that naturally occur as opposed to what is shaped and dependent upon society.

To understand social constructs which occur in formal educational settings, of high

importance is the role of creating knowledge and experiences (Khoo, 2014). Constructs

of reality, or knowledge, are social conventions. People construct realities collectively as

well as on an individual level.

Within social work, experiences are interpreted at the intrapersonal, interpersonal, institutional, social, cultural, and spiritual domains through this lens (Blundo & Greene,

2008). Identities, for example, are created through these various social and cognitive constructs or knowledge about the surrounding world. Social constructionism highlights 8 the importance of content, context, and processes. For practicum experience in the social work field, students learn to experience content, context, and the process of analyzing these factors as they relate to each other. For strong social constructionism, all knowledge is interpreted through human perspectives which apply meanings through language and social habits.

Constructionist theory recognizes the importance of language. Emphasis is placed on the creation and exchange of language, knowledge, and power -- such that power is designated to those with a power to define language and disseminate knowledge (Blundo

& Greene, 2008). A social constructionist approach to education prioritizes student input rather than learners taking on a passive role of unilateral complacency of knowledge

(Khoo, 2014). Learned behavior cannot be completely predicted nor explained through universal assumptions.

Application of Social Constructionist Theory

This study seeks to describe Hip Hop as a social phenomenon by stressing the importance of human interactions. Specifically, the human interactions observed in this study are those of social work student individual and collective reactions in response to

Hip Hop music video content. Hip Hop is best understood as a social construct of personal experiences and outsider knowledge that participants have about the content.

The research questions seek to explore social work student perceptions of Hip Hop content as they sit within a theory that highlights the process of sharing social ideas.

Previous studies have sought to understand Hip Hop content and its perceived effects on listeners, but there remains a significant gap in development of reliable and 9

valid assessment tools for measuring perception. One exception is for the Rap-music

Attitude and Perception (RAP) Scale (Tyson & Porcher, 2012). A social constructionist

lens can expose the underlying social mechanisms for characterizing Hip Hop because

there is great importance placed on human perceptions and attitudes. Hip Hop is unique

because there is a global reach of content relevant to diverse populations, and deeply

introspective components—providing a useful and accessible tool for social work

andragogy which highlights the competencies of social and individual awareness.

Developing contextual experiences creates opportunity for engaging a highly diverse group of learners. In line with social constructionism, the goal of this study is to present an innovative approach for the use of Hip Hop content in social work education.

Andragogy can accommodate a constructionist lens because it is a philosophy which guides teaching (Forrest III & Peterson, 2006). Because current literature on Hip Hop in the context of social work andragogy is understudied, this study draws upon existing scholarly evidence of Hip Hop’s utility in other educational settings. There exist opportunities for audiences to interpret more complex understandings of social problems through critical content analyses of Hip Hop lyrics and music videos, for example.

Content can be interpreted multiple times, and in different contexts. In this study Hip Hop content is interpreted by the student researcher and six peer research participants within the context of its utility as a relevant learning tool. Research participants of this study develop and identify their constructions of Hip Hop in a collective group discourse.

10

Definition of Terms

The following terminology is used in this research and important to the research topic. The terms are defined for readers to better comprehend language related to the Hip

Hop culture and processes of adult learning.

Andragogy: The art and science of teaching adults; develop independent, adaptable individuals for a changing world (Forrest III & Peterson, 2006).

Chicano: A “political term referring to people of Mexican and Mexican-American descent in the United States” (Boudreault-Fournier, 2010, p. 301).

Culture: The “expression of historically shared meanings of a community of people.

Culture can be created through language” (Blundo & Greene, 2008, p. 258).

Deconstruction: “Disruption of typical frames of references, incorporation of multiple meanings, and reconstruction of negative meanings” (Blundo & Greene, 2008, p. 258).

Globalization: “Processes that were—and still are… challenging and changing

[material] practices and [lived] meanings” (James & Steger, 2014, p. 432).

Institutional discrimination: “Policies, practices, or procedures embedded in bureaucratic structure that systematically lead to unequal outcomes for groups” (NASW,

2007, p. 8).

Institutional racism: When “people of color experience disadvantages that flow from one generation to another in reference to income, decision making, health status, knowledge and skill development, and quality of life” (NASW, 2007, p. 8).

Pedagogy: The art and science of teaching children; convey timeless unchanging knowledge to a passive audience (Forrest III & Peterson, 2006). 11

Reality: “A socially constructed view. There is no final, true explanation of the world”

(Blundo & Greene, 2008, p. 259).

Assumptions

This study explores the benefits of Hip Hop to social work andragogy. It is

assumed that Hip Hop content is diverse and widely applicable to many populations.

Though negative constructs about lyrical and video content in academic literature exist

pertaining to adverse behavioral effects and views, these conclusions are only a portion of

the existing perceptions pertaining to Hip Hop content. There will be incertitude

surrounding the ways participants of this study will react emotionally to Hip Hop content,

and interact with each other. However, the inconclusive nature of human behavior within

this framework presents an opportunity for subjective interpretations, or constructed

social realities (Blundo & Greene, 2008). It is expected that participants will play a

leading role as adult learners of social work and provide input on individual and collective meanings attributed to Hip Hop content in which they are presented.

It is expected that andragogy must be dynamic, where students have a leading role in their learning experience. In this study, individually as well as collectively created

meanings are constructed within an active group discussion setting. Adult learners in this

setting come into the educational environment with a formed personality, self-awareness,

and experiences which make up part of their identities outside of their role as students

(Forrest III & Peterson, 2006). In this environment, the individual factors of personality,

awareness, and experience of participants collaborate to create data for this research.

12

Justification

The major focus of this research is to uncover the ways in which individuals participate in the creation, perpetuation, and transformation of their social realities through Hip Hop. Controversial as it may be, Hip Hop stands against social injustice primarily in the form of discrimination, a main tenant of the current NASW Code of

Ethics (2008). Experiences at both intrapersonal (within the individual self) and interpersonal (between people) levels provide relevant knowledge about oppression, another sought after principle for social work students (NASW, 2008). The NASW further elaborates on specific indications of discrimination within social work by pointing to the paradox in the current Code of Ethics “that by being a ‘helping’ profession, social work reduces the pressure on the larger society for social change.” (NASW, 2007).

Drawing upon a culture that originates in creating awareness and reacting against institutional racism, social work can greatly benefit from using Hip Hop content to teach students of the profession how to identify oppression and construct collective efforts for change.

The results of this study may benefit the social work profession by adding to the limited knowledge of Hip Hop content and its use in the social work education continuum. The way meanings are constructed about Hip Hop content by study participants is important because the researcher does not claim to be an expert on this topic. Instead, this research looks within the community of individuals for unique interpretations and transformations of meanings. The focus group discussion and RAP scale tests may be applied for use in a wide variety of settings. This study breaks new 13

ground by exploring an understudied topic, the pertinence of Hip Hop culture to MSW

curriculum. The information elicited from MSW program stakeholders will advance a

specific area of inquiry and intervention development for more person-centered and

culturally-tailored education programs. The novel use of intimate technology and a

stakeholder engaged focus group provides a new and accessible form of advancing

knowledge on a global-reaching art form. Finally, this study includes previously

underutilized qualitative methods to further understanding and knowledge an

international cultural expression.

Delimitations

The results of this small-scale qualitative study will not be generalizable to all populations of social work students. This study is not testing the direct benefits of Hip

Hop music either in educational, clinical, or community settings. Within an educational setting, this study will not collect data on youth populations, which most research on Hip

Hop has focused on to date. In a clinical context, background literature on existing clinical interventions is presented but not tested in this study. Neurological data will not be collected to calculate neural brain responses to specific music or videos.

The results of this study will not be generalizable or even validating, but data will

be useful in exploring the understudied benefits Hip Hop may have to andragogy in social

work, and no other fields that Hip Hop in which it has been studied. Research on Hip

Hop as an educational tool, emphasizing the field of andragogy, is limited. The data of

this study will be limited to CSU Sacramento Masters of Social Work student body. It is

a small sample that does not present generalizable data, but does have significance as 14

participants are stakeholders of the greater community and their perceptions are valuable

as persons affected by this research.

There is further limitation in the uncertainty of study participants whom may not

be accustomed to, or familiar with the research topic. As such, a social constructionist

perspective breaks from routine education, to encourage students to create their own

interpretations based on self-knowledge and experience. The qualitative exploratory

study does not seek to prove causation or explain any phenomena pertaining to Hip Hop

culture but introduce a new realm of study for future researchers. Finally, this study is not

meant to apply within any context seeking to find an objective analysis of the data and

adheres to the overarching framework of constructionism--rejecting any single reality.

Summary

In this first chapter the topic of Hip Hop in social work andragogy is presented as a potential learning tool that is currently understudied. The extent to which Hip Hop remains understudied in the context of social work education and practice is reviewed, along with the purpose of this study to provide relevant information through qualitative data. Social constructionism is incorporated, highlighting the main assumptions of this theoretical framework, justification for its use, and the limitations of the research overall.

The second chapter will detail existing research on Hip Hop as it pertains to social constructions of culture and its application to the social work field. Chapter 3 will present the methodology for this study. Chapter 4 will deliberate the qualitative research findings.

Chapter 5 will contain a discussion of results and their implications.

15

Chapter 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

Chapter two depicts the process to identify Hip Hop’s advantages to students and practitioners of social work. Historical contexts of the Hip Hop cultural phenomena are acknowledged first. This includes an exploration of some important foundations from multi ethnic influences including: the African Diaspora, subsequent Afro-Caribbean origins, and Latin American / American indigenous roots—followed by the growth of

Hip Hop within and between these populations, towards a more global society. Next, Hip

Hop music intervention research in mental health practice with at-risk populations is emphasized. Educational qualifiers of Hip Hop are then reviewed among: early childhood, adolescent, young adult, and adult populations. Finally, gaps in the literature are noted.

Hip Hop History

A contextual Hip Hop history is presented as a chronological review of its emergence from racial and ethnic influences, and the subsequent development is organized in this portion of review of the literature. Analyses of Hip Hop’s cultural origins can be helpful to trace the exchanges among participants in its creation by various ethnic groups (Alvarez, 2007). Ethnic origins delineated for leading to the birth of Hip

Hop include: African-diasporic, Afro-Caribbean, and Latin American / American

Indigenous-based oral traditions. Instrumental factors which led to Hip Hop’s beginnings in New York during the 1970s are discussed next as the catalyst for an ever-expanding development, fueled by continuously developing music technology (Deepak & Biggs, 16

2011; Rose, 1994). Finally, the current globalized status of Hip Hop is underlined for its

utility to education of social work with diverse populations.

African Diasporic Art

Petchauer (2009; 2015) describes Hip Hop art as multilayered through processes

of accumulated cultural narratives, as exemplified through detailed progressions of

sampling recordings and techniques used to create a Hip Hop beat, and multiple

narratives and homages reflected in lyricism. The layers of Hip Hop narratives include

the pre-colonial African and African American historical accounts. Since the 1500s, the

racial prejudice and intolerance based off white hierarchies of privilege have afflicted

people of color. The pre-colonial African Diaspora forced the mixing of African,

Amerindian, and European cultures. These momentous social processes were provoked,

and led to contemporary cultural transactions between youth of color to facilitate the birth

of Hip Hop as an independent music genre. Alvarez (2007) identifies the current

developments spurred on by precolonial events as cultural meaning making, using the

terms: 1) mestizaje, about exchanges of Latin American youth and other minority

populations in a white dominant U.S. setting, or 2) mulataje which underlines the African

racial roots of youth in the post-industrial urban sprawls.

Structural forces of slave trade and racial hierarchies created the diaspora of

African peoples, primarily to the Americas. The black roots of Hip Hop are present because of African Diaspora. Rose’s (1994) seminal work, Black Noise, traces Hip Hop musical origins back to Afro Diasporic art forms such as various musical slave practices widely prohibited for their subversive tactics of communication. African-derived music 17 components such as percussion compositions are mirrored in the sounds of Hip Hop’s heavy bass. Various oral African traditions are carried on and mixed to form deep vocal percussions present in the beat box, popularized by artists such as Doug E. Fresh—the

“Human Beatbox” who provided the entire instrumental backing for the (Rose, p. 197;

Davis & Walters, 1985). The African traditional practices of using the body as an instrument is key in the beginnings of Hip Hop culture, and reflects the limited resources of the environments in which this genre was birthed.

Another signatory practice of Hip Hop music is sampling, or the use of sound recordings as an instrument. When sampling includes the use of previous recorded musical pieces, especially those by other artists, it may be dismissed as repetitive and monotonous, but Rose (1994) defines these definitions as perfunctory which fail to view sampling procedures not as a form of talent stasis, but instead a complex transformation of art through multifaceted constructions. The song “La Di Da Di”, for example, has been sampled in over 500 songs by artists of Hip Hop and other genres including: Notorious

B.I.G., Tupac and more recently, Miley Cyrus (Ronson, 2014). Rose references the song

“Night of the Living Baseheads” by Public Enemy as a prime example of multilayered sampling, with around 45 different song samples compiled to create the instrumental component of just the one, in addition to provocative lyrics about the U.S. “base” (slang for cocaine) epidemic of the 1980s. Beat sampling then, can be analyzed through a constructivist lenses as the construction of new narratives with dense thematic elements in lyrical themes, deconstruction of various music samples, and reconstruction of all vocal and rhythmic narratives created by multiple artists. 18

An exploration of American rapper, Tupac Shakur details the exploration of his

life and artistic work through the lens of the Maat Maafa Sankofa paradigm presented at

the National Association of Black Social Workers Academy for African Centered Social

Work Institute (Wells-Wilbon, Jackson & Schiele, 2010). Looking at Hip Hop through

this lens, the interconnectedness of African people is key and as such, black racial roots

worldwide because of African Diaspora are imperative to wellbeing. Per this concept

Maat represents the wellness of Africans around the world working in unison for

inclusivity; Maafa are the breaks and division among African people, and Sankofa is the

preparation to return to Maat, or unity and health (Wells-Wilbon, et al.). This paradigm

allows yet another understanding for culture and inclusivity to social work students and

practitioners alike. The concept of unity and the cyclical process which leads to the

wellbeing of those in unity allows for a different approach to understand and explain the

connectivity between the diverse human foundational roots of Hip Hop. Sankofa is, the

cultural source of people African people produce to restore their health and wellbeing

through spiritual healing (Wells-Wilbon, et al.). Maat, Maafa, Sankofa represents a way in which Hip Hop can, through its interconnectivity of multiple cultures and dialogues bring well-being to Black populations disaffected by the decadence of African cultures caused by imperialism.

Caribbean Causalities

Among the first sites of the African Diaspora along the western Atlantic were the

Caribbean islands. European colonialism forced interactions occurred between enslaved

Africans, Tainos (and other indigenous peoples), and European colonizers, leading to the 19 mestizaje/mulataje of these cultures in present day. The transactions have salience among the creation of Caribbean music styles which resonate in Old School and current Hip Hop styles (Brooks & Conroy, 2011). Widely regarded Hip Hop founders have personal ties to these cultures including: the Barbados family roots of both Grandmaster Flash and Afrika

Bambaataa, and DJ Kool Herc’s birthplace in Kingston, Jamaica (Rose, 1994).

Substantial forms of Hip Hop art (including music, graffiti, and breakdancing) are influenced and created by Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and other Caribbean communities.

Jamaican roots of Hip Hop are widespread, not just in the music, but in the use of culture as a collective resistance to political oppression (Chang, 2007; Rose, 1994).

Music genres like Ska, Reggae, and Dub became a major part of music entertainment in

Jamaica during the 1960’s. Dub, specifically was a subgenre of Reggae was created by pioneers including Osbourne Ruddock “King Tubby” and Lee “Scratch” Perry talking over beats, also known as toasting, deejaying, or chatting; heavy bass and percussion through larger and louder sound equipment; and musical sampling became a major part of the styles in Jamaican music that led to the development of Hip Hop (Rose). Caribbean sampling of music, much like in Hip Hop, is not a repetition of previous recordings but rather a form of homage where artist use the voice of others to help convey a new message (Rose). In this manner, the artist Kendrick Lamar Duckworth pays tribute to deceased fellow rappers in the track “Mortal Man” with a sampled audio recording of a

1994 interview with Tupac Shakur stating— “...we ain’t even really rappin’, we just letting our dead homies tell stories for us” (Duckworth, Bruner, Kuti, & Shakur, 2015).

Tupac's Hip Hop narratives go beyond the individual, to collective stories of 20

disenfranchised communities (Wells-Wilbon, et al., 2010). In one example, Tupac’s

interpretation of criminality as a product of racism, oppression, and cultural subjugation

is defined by one of his tattoos reading “T.H.U.G. L.I.F.E,” or The Hate You Give Little

Infants Fucks Everyone (Wells-Wilbon et al.).

Afro-Cuban Son, or Son Cubano, is a style of music originating in Cuba with

Spanish and African roots which has since been popularized by artists such as the Buena

Vista Social Club who gained international notoriety in the 1930s. Son Cubano blends

African roots in Cuba and eventually developed into various forms of Cuban-origin music including, but not limited to, Salsa and Cuban Hip Hop. Narratives of the African

Diaspora are perpetuated through Salsa music. For example, the song “Rebelin” by Joe

Arroyo details the account of an enslaved African who stands up to a Spanish slave owner for hitting his wife (1986). The narrative of protest and African slavery, is one which permeates from the genres influencing Hip Hop into contemporary examples such as in rapper J Cole’s music video for the song “G.O.M.D.,” where Cole portrays a house slave on a white plantation leading a rebellion (2015).

McFarland (2006) explores how Son Cubano also influenced important national

styles of Son Jarocho and Mariachi abroad, in Mexico. The regional sounds of the

Caribbean entered the U.S. through complex mixtures of these cultures such as those exemplified by creations of new ethnic identities like Nuyorican (Puerto Ricans in New

York), or Chicana/os (Mexicans in the US). In the early stages of Hip Hop, it was

Spanish-speaking rappers who held these cultural identities that began to bridge the gaps between black and brown styles of Hip Hop through bilingual Rap (Rose, 1994). The 21 multi-ethnic Latin Rap group Cypress Hill was formed in 1988, and developed a new slow and marijuana-influenced genre of Rap music that reached out to fans of rock in multiracial community alliances, or groups of people coming together for cultural exchanges through music in spaces where ethnic minorities have historically competed for limited resources like education (McFarland). “Mentirosa” the 1990 single release from Mellow Man Ace’s debut album Escape from Havana peaked at 14 on Billboard charts (Billboard, 2017) – and it exemplified cross-cultural influences by sampling

Santana, a known Mexican American rock artist, and using a lyrical interaction of both

Spanish and English language.

Latin American / American Indigenous Roots

People of indigenous American and African descent(s) interacted in such ways during colonial periods as to create new cultures through mestizaje and mulataje; the latter of which recognizes the official incorporation of Africa as a foundational racial identity of Mexico (McFarland, 2006). Latinos also participated during the 1970s beginnings of this musical genre through MCing (rapping or performing), DJing (creation of beats/rhythms), breakdancing, and graffiti (Rosario, 2015; Chang, 2007; Rose, 1994).

Hip Hop’s roots in historical oppression pose a significant benefit to social work andragogy to help instill an awareness of multiple identities and environmental factors. In

Los Angeles, the cross-cultural exchanges which led to the manifestation of Hip Hop culture in this area can be best understood through a historical lens of poverty. Legal practices such as economic discrimination through public policy as created by zoning laws created forced segregation throughout the nation (Hernandez, 2009; McFarland). 22

Documented segregation, either socially or legally, created complex situations for ethnic and gender minority groups throughout U.S. history (Garrow & Garrow 2014;

Hernandez, 2009; McFarland, 2006). The Repatriation Movement was a “crime against humanity” resulting in mass deportation of Mexican/Mexican-American citizens and immigrants between 1929 to 1936 (Johnson, 2005, p. 6). The Zoot Riots of 1943 were caused by increasing racial tensions between Latinos and whites when American servicemen and Mexican-American youth broke out in a series of hate crimes. Zoot suit culture encapsulated new styles of music (including jazz and swing), fashion (including rebellion of social conventions of gendered dress styles), and language (like Cab

Calloway’s The Hepster’s Dictionary, a lexicon of jazz musician nomenclature)—factors of a culture which took a stance against established hierarchies for race and gender.

Alvarez (2007) argues that the examination of experiences between ethnic minorities within shared spaces of history, play a crucial role in understanding organization of non- white groups, through cross-cultural music for example.

The social phenomenon that is White Flight, or the outward mobility of whites and middle class minorities and subsequent depletion of funding for local resources and contributed to segregation to the point whereby in Los Angeles from 1940 to 1970 the likelihood of African Americans and Caucasians being in the same neighborhood decreased by 30% (Garrow & Garrow, 2014). During the 1940s in Los Angeles racial tensions segregated minority ethnic and socioeconomic groups, but also created spaces of mixed cultural influence—Mexican, African American, Filipino and the Caucasian working class cooperation in the realm of political activism, and zoot suit culture 23

(Alvarez, 2007; McFarland, 2006). Alvarez argues that the examination of experiences between ethnic minorities within shared spaces of history, play a crucial role in understanding organization of non-white groups.

Zoot suit culture rebelled against dominant social conventions of dress styles, for example, and Pachucas (or Latina zoot suiters) were famously known for their defiance of gendered and racialized roles through unique dress that challenged femininity of the mainstream skirt ensembles at the time, and of speak using Cal--a mix of rhyme, slang,

Spanish, English, and indigenous dialects from Mexico (Alvarez, 2007). Latino zoot suit culture, however, did not occur in a vacuum and African American roots and customizations were evident to influence and be influenced by the Latin counterparts.

Cab Calloway’s The Hepster’s Dictionary was published in 1939 and served as a lexicon of jazz musician nomenclature, as well as the first book authored by an African American with dictionary in the title (Calt, 2009). Calloway’s “jive talk” alike helped move towards a culture which took a stance against established social hierarchies (Calt, p. 63).

Inter-ethnic studies that analyze the mixtures so prevalent in Latino, and other cultures poses an important window through which to view the processes of minorities responding to injustice and reclaiming identity. Though Hip Hop began from Afro-centric cultural practices, the scope of reach has largely grown. Understanding the various cultural and social movements of youth culture during the beginning stages of Hip Hop through a cultural relational approach which instead of dissolving black and Latino cultures as too distinctive, for example, underlines the importance of rhymes and beats as a reclaiming of identity in response to parallel experiences of systemic discrimination 24

(Alvarez, 2007). Latino culture was invoked in the early stages of Hip Hop by popular

Latin-origin artists such as Mellow Man Ace, the group Cypress Hill, and Kid Frost— who popularized Hip Hop on the West Coast of the U.S in the late 80’s and early 90s.

(McFarland, 2006). The Latino pioneers operated within various geographic locations and coming from diverse cultural backgrounds, all within the context of creating Hip Hop in the urban sprawls of the U.S.

Postindustrial Emergence

In 1948 construction of the Cross-Bronx Expressway began in New York City.

The development of this highway led to the white flight of Germans, Jews, Italians, and

Irish from impoverished Bronx neighborhoods (Garrow & Garrow, 2014; Tokaji, 1995).

Residents were evicted for the completion of the Cross-Bronx Expressway, and the parks

commissioner, Robert Moses, was not phased having this be not his first or last in a series

of large expensive developments leading to the displacement and consequent protesting

of impoverished ethnic minorities (Tokaji). After the Cross-Bronx freeway building

segregation led to chaos and violence and gangs such as the Black Spades and the Savage

Nomads emerged to offer refuge for youth, but also engaged in criminal activity such as

drug rings and prostitution. In 1973 Afrika Bambara, a member of the Black Spades, co-

created the Universal Zulu Nation as an option to give youth a sense of belonging outside

of criminal gang activity and instead work towards more prosocial goals like self-

improvement, spirituality, and community service. Since then, Afrika has come into

negative light for allegations of child sexual abuse—a representation of a representation

of the maafa, or schism between controversy and solidarity within the art (Wells-Wilbon 25

et al., 2010). The Zulu Nation gave rise to the awareness of ideologies of forming a

collectivist community, participating in social and political activism, and is famously

credited with coining the term Hip Hop (Chang, 2007; Rose 1994).

Concurrently, developments in technology and music innovation aided the

emergence of Hip Hop as a politically defiant force of discontent. The development of

sound systems of increasing capacity and growing disenfranchisement in the city helped

spark an era of louder music, first in Jamaica by its creator Thomas Wong (Rose, 1994),

and then the U.S. with increasing popularity of sound system presence for noise. James

Brown’s 1962 breakbeat, or repeated sound sampling of drumbeats, caught on eventually

in widespread fashion among the early Hip Hop community (Rose). On August 11, 1973

Kool DJ Herc hosted a pivotal party on August 11, 1973 in a high-rise apartment building

located right along the Cross-Bronx Expressway (Chang, 2007).

Attendees of Herc’s party included Grandmaster Caz, Grandmaster Flash, Afrika

Bambaataa, and KRS One, all of which went on to grow the early Rap scene through Rap

battles and unique styles (Rose, 1994). The rise of Hip Hop continued to develop in

several places throughout the 70s. In 1980 Kurtis Blow became the first rapper on

national television, topping sales for any other Hip Hop musician and led the music genre

into the world of business (Chang, 2007). Still, Hip Hop began as a catalyst for youth to

rebel against oppressive societal forces in urban environments, and it continues to be so

for younger populations. More socially conscious Hip Hop artists address issues relevant

to race, ethnicity, gender, class, and sexuality. Understanding the racial and gender

politics which elicited the creation of Hip Hop culture helps identify the participants 26

which may potentially benefit from these elements of social awareness. Hip Hop music,

including the most popular known subgenre of Rap, is a part of American culture that is underrepresented, much like the populations it encapsulates (Chang). Hip Hop art such as

Rap music and spoken word, create a more comprehensive picture of American narratives through the recounting of minority experiences.

The processes of racial and/or cultural transactions which occurred in the 1970s urban landscapes of the U.S. was fueled by social injustices upon which the social work profession frames its purpose to help populations disadvantaged due to demographics, socioeconomic conditions, discrimination, and other difficult situations. Hip Hop music steps into an activist role through politically defiant discourse. In some cases, research has found negative perceptions of Hip Hop music to correlate with opposition to policies that benefit African Americans. In one study, white participants who held negative attitudes of Hip Hop music as well as socioeconomic stereotypes of African Americans

(Reyna, Brandt, & Vickie, 2009). As a racial and political practice that is shared by so many diverse cultural groups, shared experiences of discrimination in urban U.S. environments are the underlying factor which qualifies Hip Hop as a useful tool for diversity education and self-awareness of social status for social work students, educators, and practitioners. Youth of color in the urban sprawls of the U.S. began to use

Hip Hop as a political outlet during the 1970s, in response to President Ronald Reagan’s

“War on Drugs,” also referred to as the “War on Youth of Color” due to the ensuing criminalization through increased police brutality against adolescent black males specifically until present day (Cooper, 2015; McFarland, 2006). In the early stages of Hip 27

Hop music, youth of color contested the policies which prohibited their congregation or other civil liberties by consuming and producing Hip Hop. It is through politically defiant discourse that Hip Hop has emerged as a social movement for black youth.

Embree (2009) provides a framework for understanding the social construction of political identity through analysis of public opinion polls shortly after the 2008 national election of President Obama. The study incorporates how social constructs, i.e. language, are learned within the context of social life experiences and then accessed through personal reflection. The perceptions of individuals regarding constructs such as motivation and political choice, are studied through multiple phenomenological lenses, including an appreciation for culture. From a social constructionist lens, content analysis of Hip Hop exposes the power of speech. Wells-Wilbon et al. (2010) elaborates specifically on how acclaimed rapper Tupac Shakur challenges white dominant ideologies in society through his music lyrics and poems which recount narratives of

African cultural values of collectivism and group survival. Another example is the intentional misspelling of words by rappers to challenge cultural and linguistic white supremacy (Nielson, 2010). These, and other literary works on Hip Hop give a voice to hidden narratives that are necessary to help improve the social, physical, and psychological living conditions for disenfranchised populations. Because rappers are often targeted unjustly as a group, documentation of their narratives as well as the stories they adopt for their communities is important. Nielson details the local and federal levels of surveillance on rappers and producers as they are addressed in popular Rap songs such as 2pac’s “Can’t C Me” and others which cover dualistic themes of hyperbolic claims of 28 identity and fame through invisibility.

In a study by Hunter (2010), both female and male adolescents in a sample of 480

Dutch students, found Hip Hop music to be correlated positively with gender stereotypes, but with explicit focus on content without critical discourse. Hip Hop lays a foundation for critical discourse about gender constructions and sexual politics particularly through the narratives of Tupac and other male and female rappers that talk about women in low- income circumstances (Wells-Wilbon et al., 2010; Rose, 1994). Tupac emerges as a perpetually polarized figure with complex ideological constructs in his artistic messages and life experiences. Through his complex existence critical analysis of the legendary figure offers opposing ideologies of socioeconomic conditions. On one hand, Tupac’s legacy of hyper masculinity can be examined as a glamorizing criminality in the search for capitalistic success (Iwamoto, Creswell, & Caldwell, 2007). Likewise, Tupac is well- known as a conscious figure in society with lyrical critiques on racism stemming from family roots of his mother’s and godfather’s roles in the Black Panthers (Stanford 2011;

Wells-Wilbon). His personal family tree serves yet another contextual piece from which to analyze his lyricism and poetry in relation to female leadership, black identity, and social oppression.

Gl alization ob

The earliest marketed form of Hip Hop, or Old School, and today’s forms of the genre alike are made up of complex cultural transactions through the main artistic components including: beat production, Rap lyricism, and graffiti visual arts. The dearth in knowledge surrounding critical understandings of Hip Hop culture in a global context 29 allows for more opportunity to explore more prosocial themes in the genre and their application within the realm of social work. Today’s Hip Hop reaches worldwide.

Researchers must understand the history of Hip Hop’s emergence in social systemic discrimination and its continued use as a voice for those that are oppressed. Specifically, this section reviews the cultural exchanges which occurred historically, and continue to be facilitated by contemporary technological advances in communication to allow Hip

Hop culture to be present globally. Rose (1994) highlights the use of sampling audio recordings in Hip Hop as a form of deconstruction and reconstruction of cultural messages. It continues to expand since its creation.

Today’s “Hip Hop nation” (McFarland, 2006) is made up of people of color, specifically youth, who identify with Hip Hop content. Through technological advances,

Hip Hop content has been globalized and reaches a broader mass. Hip Hop involves the tactful selection and assembly of audio recordings using various technology developments such as turntables, tape machines, and professional samplers. The process of deconstructing recorded audio and music and then reconstructing these pieces within new contexts is one that creates new cultural meanings (Rose, 1994). Brooks and Conroy

(2011) analyze the transformation of Hip Hop culture from a neighborhood local practice to globally expansive through communications technologies such as growing media industries. The commercialization of Hip Hop has led to the creation of some controversial and vilified subgenres, such as Gangsta Rap (often criticized for promoting violent and misogynistic ideology); with minimal exploration, as to the complexity of cultural mixing which has created such a popular cultural phenomenon. DeCarlo (2012) 30 further hypothesizes how future research can further investigate and contribute to the reconstruction of Hip Hop meanings, particularly those of violent ideology, for their influence on behavior and emotion; as potentially evidenced by neurochemical measurement alongside exposure.

Previously, the Latin American / Amerindian roots which influenced Hip Hop were discussed. Through globalization, Hip Hop has been deconstructed and reshaped around the world and has reached back to the Latin American roots which originated it.

Swinehart (2012) details the influence that rapper 2pac has on Bolivian youth who create

Hip Hop in both Spanish and indigenous languages. The Hip Hop culture arrived to this region in the early 1990s through pirated cassette tapes and subsequent recognition of

MC’s of Bolivian origins (Swinehart). 2Pac resonates with many populations because of transnational messages of critiquing social conditions, and of course, his name stemming from the last Inca monarch and leader of a radical revolutionary movement, Tpac

Amaru. The broad reach that 2pac has with discounting socioeconomic conditions reaches communities worldwide and exemplifies the global reach of just one Hip Hop artist (Prestholdt, 2009). Through identification with cultural ideologies and leaders, marginalized communities can claim Hip Hop as a site for oppressive resistance and a declaration of strength. Tupac’s political activism earned him a role in the Hip Hop community as a motivator and educator for vulnerable populations such as the impoverished, to defend themselves against social injustice (Stanford, 2011). After highly controversial circumstances led to the untimely death of Tupac Shakur on September 13,

1996, his music was popularized around the world, more so than his already successful 31

stardom during life. Prestholdt (2009) points out how the rise of commercially produced

music coupled with the mysterious murder of Tupac, led to an increase in artistic

expressions of the slain artist in places around the world including: Tijuana, Lima,

Tokyo, Johannesburg, Cape Town, the United Arab Emirates and Nairobi.

Hip Hop in Social Work Practice

A conceptual framework for the various contexts under which Hip Hop has evolved is important, and simply reviewing some of the cultural history poses significant information. One source of potential is in the identity construction and deconstruction, regarding the implications of systemic discrimination on specific populations such as the historic movement of African peoples throughout various parts of the Americas. The historic situations which influenced Hip Hop’s origins and continue to have a part in the creation and consumption of media content are a source of opportunity for research. This to analyze the benefits of further investigate the culture and compile the existing evidence of expansive practical applications.

Hip Hop has been created and divided into countless subcategories. Over decades,

Hip Hop has grown increasingly inclusive of sub genres among different geographic locations. Current research focuses on its relevancy and fostering critical thinking among its creators over generations—urban community-dwelling adolescents (DeCarlo, 2012).

With Don Elligan’s (2004) Rap Therapy with groups (GRT) DeCarlo discounts the major

focus of academia on Rap music correlations with maladaptive behaviors for its existing

limitations in understanding of human response to music such as: 1) physiological (i.e.

effects on respiration) and 2) behavioral responses (i.e. overcoming anxiety). GRT is 32

presented as a cost-effective way for highly impacted community health and education settings to induce self-disclosure, and refine coping and prosocial skills (DeCarlo). To

utilize Hip Hop as relevant to the populations it serves, social work practitioners must

acknowledge stakeholders’ opinions.

Music lyrics are used in Rap therapy to help clients make meanings of the

complex barriers in society. Hip Hop’s relationship to individual clients is a focal point of

therapy interventions because there are underlying as well as overt expressions about

oppressive forces for cultural and ethnic minorities in low-income urban settings (Kobin

& Tyson, 2006; Elligan, 2004). However, it can be applied in more broad settings, such

as education among learners reflecting its now global reach. Because Kobin and Tyson

present Rap lyrics as a useful mechanism for establishing an alliance in the relationship

between a therapist and a client, this research seeks to build from this and analyze the

ways in which learners of helping professions relate to Hip Hop themselves within a

learning environment.

GRT is incorporated in school counseling settings to serve a social justice youth framework (Gonzalez & Hayes, 2009). Hip Hop benefits at-risk youth populations as: 1) a timely method for building rapport between social workers and clients, and 2) a cost- effective tool for promoting engagement in counseling service (Gonzalez & Hayes). Hip

Hop promotes engagement from at-risk youth in this study by Gonzalez and Hayes, but the implications for its efficacy within other educational settings can be tested among adult learners of social work andragogy. Rap therapy specifically benefits clients of diverse non-white cultural and ethnic backgrounds because it is client-centered and 33

primarily created by these communities (Kobin & Tyson, 2006). Hip Hop as an art from

has expanded across the world and is inclusive of countless populations for which social

work as a profession seeks to support.

Previous research focusing on media exposure ties Rap and Hip Hop with

violence. As media with aggressive content exposure grows, physiological and behavioral

adverse effects are noted (Greitemeyer, 2009a; Greitemeyer, 2009b), specifically towards

women (Greitemeyer, Hollingdale, & Traut-Mattausch, 2015). Greitemeyer (2009a;

2009b) looks at the reversed hypotheses of this which asks if exposure to prosocial media can determine reflected outcomes such as prosocial thoughts, empathy for others, and helping behavior. Given that social work is a helping profession, the potential for

Greitemeyer’s (2009b) findings for their learning model is an effective component for seeking to foster these characteristics in adult learners of helping professions. For female populations, prosocial lyrics in Hip Hop music encourages more positive perceptions of and approaching behaviors towards women (Greitemeyer et al., 2015). Weinstein (2007) used lyrics as well as poetry created by African American and Latino urban youth to gage perceptions and cognitions of gender and sexuality. The utility of Rap lyrics and prose as

it pertains to feminine identity construction introduces a new look at a misogyny-tied

culture. This is a previously understudied area of Hip Hop’s reach and so future research

must seek to break the consistency of focusing on antisocial lyricism as it relates to

misogynistic attitudes and actions, without looking at the reverse effect prosocial lyrics

have, especially as misogyny in Hip Hop is highlighted absent of female artistry.

Hip Hop’s origins lie in populous urban community locales. Research on Hip Hop 34

in therapy interventions points to its value in identity construction, but also group

settings. Hip Hop’s place in social work practice is moreover cost-effective in group

settings. The positive effects of music in general focus on group settings in which

interventions include listening to music, analyzing lyrics, and performativity because music is a useful tool for helping groups compare the group work actions and interactions to greater skills applied to daily life (Olcon & Beno, 2016; Olson-McBride & Page,

2012). Hip Hop is effective in teenage groups for self-disclosure, connection, and self- expression and in advancing prosocial behavior among teenagers with a history of violence and crime because a manifestation of perceptions as held by members of this population improve the group experience for clients (Olson-McBride & Page). Though

Hip Hop has evolved over generations, youth still act as gatekeepers for its creation as a section of the population that actively and continuously evolves culture.

Hip Hop in Education

Learning environments should be supportive and inclusive of diversity to reflect the work required of social work practitioners. The Council on Social Work Education

(CSWE) Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards (EPAS) emphasize the importance of self-awareness, with relation to working with diverse clients (CSWE,

2015). Hip Hop culture holds a multitude of interdisciplinary assets to social work andragogy.

Pedagogic Qualifiers

Hip Hop content is a useful tool to engage learners. Individual and societal

mindfulness as illustrated in the research of pedagogic values of Hip Hop music among 35 youth (Tyson, 2006), underlies the theoretical principles of social work that highlight the importance of practitioner self-awareness and acknowledgement of diversity to improve relationships in practice with clients. The effect of using music as a tool for creating self- and community-awareness helps to effectively build rapport with clients. Human services for those experiencing societal issues and oppressive forces allows can benefit from the use of Hip Hop music for a more rapid establishment of rapport, based on both client and practitioner genuine interest and understanding of the presented issues (Tyson). The cadence, delivery, and tones of speakers in Hip Hop music also have value in promoting relevance, and having a stronger impact than reading music lyrics alone.

The use of Hip Hop in therapy has been explored for its potential to improve therapeutic outcomes among at-risk and delinquent youth, for among whom this genre is increasingly popular. Pedagogic values of Hip Hop music are seen through practical applications in the promotion of individual and group empowerment (Travis Jr &

Deepak, 2011; Williams, 2009; Tyson, 2006), and sociopolitical awareness (Williams;

Flores-Gonzalez, Rodriguez, & Rodriguez-Muniz, 2006; Stovall, 2006). Therapeutic benefits of Hip Hop music are shown by helping to strengthen the trust between a client and a therapist (Kobin, Caroline, & Tyson, 2006; Elligan, 2004; Tyson, 2002). The practical implications for using Hip Hop music in educational settings are important to consider through a multidimensional lens, from social work students and practitioners can seek to understand and develop interventions for diverse populations.

Existing Hip Hop education programs focus on racial injustice to increase consciousness, and promote identity among individuals that relate to the concepts 36 presented through music lyrics and videos (Tyson, DuongTran, & Acevedo, 2012; Tyson

& Porcher, 2012; Deepak & Biggs, 2011). The social justice goals of social work education can benefit highly of Hip Hop’s ability to provoke awareness surrounding these tenants through a focused learning modality. Hip Hop content is framed as an important new method for intersecting social education concepts around the world, and placing importance on the level of degree the researcher and educator are self-aware themselves of their privileged roles within the context of their work (Dimitriadis, 2015). Within the context of this study, the researcher is actively engaged in the subject as both an avid Hip

Hop listener and an adult learner of social work education among various intersecting identities. Despite its variety, Petchauer (2015) defines Hip Hop’s characteristic stratums in the aesthetic senses—a detailed inspection of visual, auditory, and kinesthetic learning styles. By acknowledging multiple learning methods Hip Hop as a classroom tool is not subjected to one single teaching modality, and is a culturally inclusive education approach.

Hip Hop is used successfully across developmental continuum of pedagogy.

Petchauer and Love (2015) are exponents of Hip Hop-Based Education (HHBE) in training early childhood and elementary teachers for improved education methods and programming like imparting critical thinking skills. For educators of urban community- dwelling Hip Hop is a useful tool, and it is appropriate to further investigate how such improvements can be applied to the same community across levels of educational development. A study of 351 Black and Latino adolescents tested exposure to Hip Hop music video content, and increased abilities of critical comprehension in positive and 37 negative social situations correlated to better school outcomes through higher youth engagement in education related to Hip Hop’s socially empowering content (Tyson et al.,

2012). Recognizing learners as able to create the meanings of their own social reality is a useful ability practitioners and educators can benefit from having further research explore

Hip Hop’s potential for meaning construction by content interpretation.

Pedagogy is addressed in non-school settings as well, for learners that are at-risk students unable to go to school. Hallman (2009) describes school processes of promoting literacy among teen parents or pregnant teens. In learning literacy, both within and outside of traditional school settings, remedial level students wrote about their cultural surroundings and recited reflected on their personal choices for Tupac prose (Hallman,

2009). Kumasi (2012) elucidates Hip Hop’s use in library education settings, emphasizing literacy promotion through cultural inclusivity of Hip Hop content such as

Tupac’s poetry in school library programs. Hip Hop’s utility among female populations is a counter to dominant argument signaling towards the violent and misogynistic constructs of some mainstream Rap content. Another study of focused on youth’s constructions of meaning of their social environments by using Hip Hop as a tool for exploring perceptions towards gender-based relational violence (Hernández, Weinstein, & Muoz -

Laboy, 2012). The study found a youth sample of men and women between 15 and 21 to be highly incongruent in any understanding of violent behaviors and presents Hip Hop as a conceivable arm for cultivating more clear constructions of violence as it relates to gender (Hernandez et al.). The many prospects of diversity in Hip Hop education curriculum options across the age continuum for pedagogy boosts the chances of 38 incorporating more research for the use in andragogy as well.

Andragogic Qualifiers

The role of art and activism is a key component missing from academic literature.

As administrators and educators seek to provide quality education to adult learners, the role of artistic voice and how it is perceived among the relevant population must be valued. The social context of education takes place within political institutions and relationships to privilege. The power of identity is important in community based research seeking to gain knowledge on intervention strategies to combat systems of privilege that favor certain groups and disadvantage others. Relationships of identity and privilege within the educational institutions are important avenues to seek more relevant policy.

Ethnic studies, for example, emerged from sociopolitical struggles for cultural representation in academia to reflect the student body. Students had increasing access to educational structures and take an activist role in creating change for education programs which reflected their narratives. Alvarez (2007) critiques the vertical mode of ethnic studies in grouping cultural groups without incorporating the horizontal exchanges between different groups. Travis Jr. and Bowman (2012) present research on understanding how exposure to Hip Hop music in educational contexts allows the field of social work to expand its relevance through exploration of listener perceptions in relation to social environments, such as at-risk youth and socioeconomically disadvantaged communities. The results indicated that high school and college students with strong ethnic identities exposed to Hip Hop music proved to have higher correlations with 39 empowering perceptions of connecting to others and helping their communities through musical influence (Travis Jr. & Bowman).

Past studies on Hip Hop as it relates to behavior focused on adverse effects without exploring factors that may mitigate negative constructions of social reality.

Petchauer (2009) frames the importance of studying literacy in Hip Hop as a key motivator for creating meanings in educational settings; Hip Hop lyric analysis helps critically analyze culture. In social work education knowledge is informed by multiple theoretical lenses to work with socially diverse people in their various environments.

Theory informs practice and vice-versa for social work, and research on educational methods for engaging students in theory can ultimately have practical implications in the helping profession. Elkins, et al. (2015) use Tupac Shakur’s song, “Brenda’s got a baby” to situate a fictional narrative based on ecological realities of poverty, teen pregnancy, and other social problems. For pre-practice setting social workers, education on Hip Hop content can be a tool that relates to the construction of so many adverse realities for clientele populations around the world. The findings that Hip Hop can inspire social empowerment is particularly necessary for education of social service professions seeking to help others in their environments.

The effects of pro equality music were observed specifically among students at a university in Britain, and found that more positive attitudes towards women were correlated to the lyrics of more egalitarian songs (Greitemeyer et al., 2015). The intersectionality of multiple social issues in Hip Hop music content is effective for fostering an educational setting of critical consciousness among adult learners (Elkins et 40

al., 2015; Gradiometer et al., 2015). However, studies are currently limited in their

evidence for this positive learning medium due to sampling that is not generalizable to

larger populations. Deepak and Biggs (2011) fill in this gap by emphasizing technology

as an approach to increasing access to and contribution to knowledge about this teaching modality. Because music video content is readily available to anyone with internet access, the potential for adding to this research is substantial and this research builds upon the use of YouTube videos to help illustrate this teaching tool.

Socially relevant themes in Hip Hop music promote more comprehensive

analyses of the genre (Travis Jr. & Bowman, 2012; 2011; Travis Jr. & Deepak, 2011;

Tyson, 2006). For social work, Hip Hop video content can be a tool for reaching sensitive

content on racism in compliance with the EPAS standards set forth by CSWE that pertain

to engaging in diversity and difference in practice (EPAS 2.1.4) and Advance Human

Rights and Social Justice (EPAS 2.1.5) (Deepak & Biggs, 2011). This research borrows

the concepts that social work students come with pre-established information and lived

experience around relevant social issues in their educational curium. Despite having

multiple backgrounds differing attitudes towards Hip Hop as a genre, priming students

with videos based on their relationship to their education can help deliver content on

social groups they will serve but that they do not necessarily have affiliation with or

previous experience.

Hip Hop music videos help de-center difficult experiences through their creative portrayal of artists’ experiences without limiting the focus to the professor’s position and vision of understanding and reaction to oppressive systems (Deepak & Biggs, 2011). This 41

process of shifting focus of knowledge creation and sharing to Hip Hop artist and adult learner interpretations of this content is used in this research to begin an exploration of social work student perceptions and attitudes in addition to the researcher’s role and influence in research design. Though the context for collecting data on perceptions of Hip

Hop was a research-based design, organic interactions between adult learner stakeholders of social work andragogy have a say in how they perceive Hip Hop content through qualitative exploration of emotions in reaction to exposure to Hip Hop in educational settings.

Gaps in the Literature

Current research on Hip Hop as a viable tool in social work interventions poses a

significant key role from which the content germane to the field. However, much of this

research centers on Hip Hop with urban youth, despite the genre’s growth since its

creation by New York youth of color. DeCarlo (2012) builds upon clinical

neurophysiological research in a study of Rap therapy with a group of youths convicted of homicide to argue for Rap Group Therapy (GRT) use with ethnic minority youth in high-risk environments. This study builds on the referenced neurophysiological responses as they present themselves among peers in an adult learning environment and through the lens of hip hop in music video content, or artistry beyond Rap music.

Kobin & Tyson (2006) created a subjective suggestion for thematic interpretations for use of readers to understand Hip Hop music in the context of social work practice, as a tool to facilitate urban setting therapy. Lyrics are used for thematic analysis by the researcher, but in this study the perceptions of study participants are analyzed from a 42

measured scale and through qualitative analysis of group discussion. Group discussion is

modeled after Kobin and Tyson’s suggestions which dialogue includes opposing

interpretations about lyric meanings to be more culturally significant. While a solid proof

of changes in client behavior within the context of therapy is not present, Kobin and

Tyson draw upon previous research studies on the overall cognitive effects of various Hip

Hop intervention approaches and focuses on the effects of dialogue on cognitive function

as influenced by introduction to political themes in Hip Hop content. Olson-McBride and

Page (2012) observe how poetry therapy techniques using Rap lyrics help facilitate interventions with at-risk youth, but more research is needed on the ways social work practitioners perceive hip hop content themselves to substantiate use of this in counseling groups. This study pushes for the use of distinctive terminology that situates adult learners as active participants of the knowledge creation process, or andragogy (Forrest

III & Peterson, 2006).

Weinstein (2007) looks at the ways that studying youth poetry, prose, and song lyric writings can prove insight towards identify construction of gender and sexuality.

Critical analysis of creative and international Hip Hop writings and other forms of artistic content can be particularly perspicacious for adult learners of social work because the diversity of the genre facilitates the CSWE Educational Policy 3.0 for diversity by introducing a continuously expansive resource affirmative and supportive to persons of diverse identities (CSWE, 2015). Using Hip Hop can present diversity in learning content which can bridge canonical curricula with the lived experiences of growing diversity of student bodies (Weinstein; Williams 2009). Williams’ Critical Cultural Cypher (C³) 43

project incorporated Hip Hop into education by letting students share personal

experiences within complex systemic and structural hierarchies by including the counter-

narratives of Hip Hop and students as they can relate, critiquing the initial perspectives as

they arise, and subsequently developing a more critical awareness of culture, including

the mainstream academic culture.

The literature of Hip Hop in education is expansive, yet often situated within the

context of pedagogy. Petchauer and Love (2015) dissects elements of the Hip Hop

community to be interpreted as controversial, as well as potential ways to promote

reflective teaching and learning by students and educators of early childhood and

elementary classrooms, but more research is needed on social work adult learner populations in relation to Hip Hop Based Education (HHBE), so that it is used in the most productive way to benefit vulnerable communities like urban youth. Following

Petchauer’s (2009) call for future research of HHBE, this study moves beyond the context of urban youth communities towards a more inclusive construction of the transcultural and intergenerational locations of the Hip Hop nation. The incorporation of a historical context based on multiple races and ethnicities is inclusive the black identity and its presence in non-black communities alike during the early creations of Hip Hop.

Petchauer (2015) goes on to add the importance of focusing research of HHBE on specific concepts related to Hip Hop content manifestations in areas of study like: visual,

sonic, linguistic, and kinesthetic learning methods. This social research study explores

visual, sonic, and linguistic manifestations of Hip Hop content in the form of three music

videos and analyzes the impressions and perceptions of these aesthetics on adult learners 44 in social work education.

Tyson et al. (2012) also used a non-generalizable convenience sample of adolescents to look for a correlation between students’ perceptions of Hip Hop and their school outcomes. No causal relationships were determined from the cross-sectional study and the specifics on music subgenres were not incorporated in study data. Although this study uses another non-generalizable convenience sample of students in a vastly different age group and learning setting, specific Hip Hop content was selected for its relevance to social work thematic elements pertaining to discrimination. There is a significant difference between stimuli in education research when it comes to effects of video media and audio media. This study specifically incorporated video media to allow students an opportunity to dissect sonic, visual, and linguistic components in media content.

Rodriguez’s (2009) recommendations for universities is threefold starting with 1) an examination of how Hip Hop is addressed in curriculum and calling for the inclusion of students, professors, and the wider community in this endeavor, 2) for investments be made for spatial and financial resources to address Hip Hop in curriculum that includes artists as experts on content, and 3) to open discourse between educators and students surrounding the facilitation of these processes. In many ways, the goals of this study are similar by starting a dialogue within the field of social work education for peers to speak freely on their perceptions of Hip Hop content in relation to their curriculum. Because so little is known about Hip Hop within social work andragogy, starting with the student population is an early intervention strategy to gather baseline data from students within a familiar setting. Iwamoto et al. (2007) explores the potential use of Hip Hop, particularly 45

Rap music, among ethnically diverse Midwestern college students identified as

knowledgeable fans of hip hop and Rap music. The implications for bias are great based

on the limited sample, yet important as a foundation in a subject that has limited research.

This study uses one form of Intimate Technology—Hip Hop artist music videos—

for students to observe for thematic elements relevant to personal educational experience

(Deepak & Biggs, 2011). In this adaptation of artist music videos are presented to

students without setup up Internet-user video diaries, and instead students are provided

optional access to videos before discussion of them amongst peers. Understanding may

not be necessary on the basis that social work students are prompted to pay attention to

relevant techniques at micro-, meso-, and macro- levels of relevant policies and group

relations. In addition to a qualitative analysis of discussion, a structured psychometric

survey component is included in this study to measure student perceptions about Hip Hop

content in general.

Travis Jr. and Deepak (2011) propose a set of tools to help social workers engage in a helping relationship, particularly with youth populations by using Hip Hop to

increase practitioners’ cultural competence through a critical analysis of self-awareness related to biases towards Hip Hop, and growing knowledge on different cultures encapsulated in the realm of Hip Hop. The controversial elements of Hip Hop are a component of this learning modality, in that contradictions can be critically analyzed in the classroom to foster positive youth development (Travis Jr. & Deepak). The aim of this research is to take one step back before examining the utility of this learning tool with at-risk youths, and explore how pre-practitioners engage with Hip Hop content on a 46

personal level. Alvarez (2007) details a complex history of both cooperation and conflict

among ethnic minorities in a postindustrial U.S., and argues a need to break down

parameters between different fields of study to further explore inter-ethnic relationships

with a focus on Ethnic Studies. This study builds upon Alvarez’s call to action for

disciplines and speaks primarily to social work education which is also confined to its

own area of expertise despite the reality of interdisciplinary cooperation in practice of the

profession. This study uses group discussion guided by reflective questions, one of the

musical interventions described by Olcon and Beno (2016) for use with social work

groups, and adds on music video content to lyrics to expose participants to multiple art

forms that are not just verbal. The incorporation of nonverbal media is a unique task

presented to increase social work practitioner awareness of clients (Olcon & Beno).

Stovall (2006) calls for more critical evaluation of the ways in which Hip Hop is

incorporated in classrooms by pointing specifically to the facilitator song-selection process, and instead calling for students to include their own choices in material; as well as a focus on moving away from a dominant heterosexual male aesthetic in Hip Hop content. In this study, Hip Hop music video content was selected for its currency (all music videos selected were released in 2015) and salience to the student-researcher. All three videos were fronted by black male artists, but selected for components related to gender expression: 1) Lupe Fiasco’s “Madonna (And Other Mothers in the Hood)” features a female singer Nikki Jean and has lyrical and video content about mothers, 2)

Kendrick’s “For Free? (Interlude)” features background vocals by Anna Wise and a female character named Darlene Tibbs with a noteworthy opening sequence in the video 47 of Tibbs’ audio recording paired with a visual representation of this monologue in the video, and 3) Flatbush Zombies’ “Blacktivist” video ends with a female character whose presence in the content was actively deliberated over in the focus group. The opposing views which emerge from critical analysis of the female presence in Hip Hop content selected for this study are an example of the ways that analysis of Hip Hop can combat a romanticized or criminalized view of Hip Hop artistry and incorporate a more critical view of the cultural phenomenon, specifically one that looks at misogynistic components and perceptions more in depth rather than dismisses the motifs as offensive or goes as far as to censor this content from critical academic discourse. This study follows Stovall’s suggestion to focus on political, social, legal, and economic dynamics in Hip Hop situates these within social work education specifically.

Travis Jr and Bowman (2015; 2012; 2011) point to a markedly important limitation in adequately defining Hip Hop among study participants for whom R&B may or may not be considered Hip Hop. Travis Jr and Bowman reference their Individual and

Community Empowerment (ICE) Inventory as well as Tyson’s (2006) RAP scale as potentially viable for producing valuable psychometric data to quantify attitudes about

Rap. The qualitative methodology used in this study builds on quantitative methods seeking to understand how individuals perceive Hip Hop content, and incorporates for in- depth data surrounding how individuals engage in response to this cultural phenomenon.

Travis Jr and Bowman’s (2012) suggestion to use measures over time for evidence of changes is incorporated in this study with pre- and post- testing methodology of the RAP scale. The overall nature of this study qualitative intersecting themes can be more closely 48 examined such as those suggested by Travis Jr and Bowman (2012) to be of importance for future research to focus on: ethnic identity, religious identity, and sexual identity.

Tyson (2006) noted ethnic group differences among respondents who took the

RAP Scale measure and found African American respondents had higher global scores

(translating to more favorable views) on all constructs in the scale. The study had several limitations in methodology such as being a convenience sample that is non-generalizable beyond the sample. For this study, demographic information was not obtained on the basis that the convenience sample of six would in no way be generalizable data as well.

Instead, this study was qualitative to allow an opportunity for participants to volunteer relevant demographic or lifestyle information based on how they perceived themselves in relation to Hip Hop content presented. A major limitation of the RAP scale is its lack of representation for wide-ranging views of Rap music, or even Hip Hop. The dialogue among the participants in the current study added the chance for individuals to elaborate on their attitudes and perceptions while also responding to, and incorporating input from their peers. Tyson and McLaughlin (2012) tested for psychometric gender-bias in the

RAP, finding it to be a valid research tool, yet limited in its scope to incorporate data on perceptions of Hip Hop content in the context of gender beyond the violent-misogynistic

(VM) construct in the scale. Because Hip Hop appears in many aspects of culture beyond music, it has gained worldwide notoriety. Tyson and McLaughlin detail how interpretation of VM subscale scores alongside global RAP measure scores can bring forward different findings in terms of differences in perceptions of Rap music between males and females. Overall, females held more negative views in terms of misogynistic 49 and violent content in Rap music, but further evidence is needed to give men and women a space to elaborate on these perceptions through dialogue through more qualitative data collection methods as in this study.

Tyson and Porcher (2012) found a cross cultural sample to hold generally similar favorable opinions about Rap music, with black respondents holding slightly more affirmative views, and white respondents being slightly more critical of violent content.

The data was not generalizable because it came from a convenience sample, but the RAP

(Tyson & Porcher) delineates positive (i.e. appreciation of art value in the genre) and negative attitudes (i.e. dislike of violence and sexism in content) of Rap. A call is made to test the RAP on younger populations to assess its utility among these populations, but instead this study uses the RAP among other small, convenience sample of adult learners.

Though the nonrandom sample is no more generalizable than earlier sample populations it has been tested on, the addition of a qualitative component after testing allows for more insight of participant perceptions, attitudes, and opinions beyond the 24 questions of the

RAP. Qualitative focus group methodology allows for the most resourceful collection of complex data about participant perceptions of Hip Hop—beyond the RAP scale which is limited to psychometric ratings of attitudes toward Rap music, and three different perception constructs (empowerment, violent-misogynistic, and artistic-esthetic).

Summary

In this section, the foundations in various ethnic roots were examined closely for the evolution in the creation of Hip Hop by individuals and communities globally. The inclusion of various demographics within Hip Hop culture underlies its importance and 50 value in social work andragogy. Discovering the various elements of Hip Hop that can serve as social commentary on inequality and oppression can help formulate more complex understandings of relevant populations included in Hip Hop culture. Chapter 3 reviews the methodology that was used in this study.

51

Chapter 3

METHODOLOGY

The research design and methodology employed in this study are described in this

chapter. The specifics on the research study population and instrumentation utilized to

answer the research questions are enumerated. Steps taken to ensure the protection of

human research subjects are included in the final section of this chapter.

Research Question

This study seeks to provide further evidence to qualify the efficacy of Hip Hop

music content for use by social work educators and practitioners. The research aim of this

paper is to explore the qualifiers of Hip Hop music for application in social work

andragogy. To gather preliminary data of Hip Hop andragogic qualifiers the following

research questions were invoked: 1) What are the benefits of Hip Hop to the MSW

student body at CSUS? and 2) Do participants’ perceptions surrounding Hip Hop music

change after participating in a focus group containing music video content related to

systemic discrimination?

Research Design

This is primarily a qualitative study that includes 1) a focus group discussion regarding Hip Hop content with relation to social work andragogy, and 2) a Likert formation scaling to measure social work student knowledge and perceptions of Rap

music. Both components of data collection for this study complement each other in the

knowledge that is to gain from students’ perceptions as noted on a standardized scale and

in rich context derived from transcripts of verbal and nonverbal data from a focus group 52

discussion. The Rap-music Attitude and Perceptions (RAP) scale was developed by

research Edgar H. Tyson (2006). Use of this measurement tool expands on previous

research on the topic of Hip Hop music within social work andragogy. This study

innovates previous use of the RAP scale by incorporating a novel process change of using

pre- and post- testing with this tool. The previous use of RAP scale testing has yet to

incorporate pre- and post- tests within one group.

Subjective perceptions surrounding negative and positive, or anti- and prosocial,

can be better understood through qualitative knowledge about student beliefs and

experiences about hip hop music content. A focus group was used to elicit information

from a relevant group within the social work student community. Research subjects

included six students enrolled in the MSW program for at least one year because of an

existing rapport among participants as well as the researcher through concurrent

enrollment in the same program.

Exploratory Studies

This study will provide preliminary data about social work student perceptions

and knowledge of Hip Hop musical content. The underdeveloped nature of Hip Hop

literature pertaining to prosocial and empowering themes justifies the exploratory nature

of the study to identify emerging and understudied concepts (Rubin & Babbie, 2016).

Exploring the andragogic values of Hip Hop music content in the field of social work can

provide a more critical analysis for application in service. This study seeks to answer the

objective which asks how intimate technology, in the form of Hip Hop music video

content, can be used to benefit social work student comprehension of complex content 53

related to social work curriculum (Deepak & Biggs, 2011).

Since a pervasive amount of literature relating to Hip Hop’s educational qualifiers

focuses on antisocial content, this study aims to further investigate Hip Hop by opening a

discussion among stakeholders of its potential use--social work students. Literature that

analyzes positive attributes of Hip Hop content and its application in social work is

minimal. An exploratory research design is best suited to begin to understand these

phenomena preliminary findings about Hip Hop music content and perceptions of the

content in relation to social work education utility, to develop tentative ideas about any

real-world applications that support future practical uses (Rubin & Babbie, 2016).

Qualitative Approach

This is a qualitative research study which aims to explore how adult students in a

Masters of Social Work graduate-level program, perceive Hip Hop in the context of their education. A qualitative approach is best suited to understand in-depth data derived from subjects about their attitudes and opinions because the main goal of qualitative research is to gain deeper knowledge of a social phenomenon (Creswell, 1998). A RAP Scale is used to measure perceptions and attitudes about Rap music. However, study seeks to gather

data about Hip Hop and in the context of social work education. Qualitative data will

provide baseline information on how this population feels about the incorporation of Hip

Hop learning tools in their educational community. Creswell details eight ways in which

to conduct and analyze qualitative research for greatest quality of findings. It is suggested

to utilize at least two of the eight methods in qualitative research. Primarily, persistent

observation and rich, thick description are employed in this study to obtain data. 54

A social constructionist lens is employed with a qualitative approach for this study because both recognize that multiple realities exist. Per Bowen (2008), the natural situations which are observed in qualitative studies allow for these realities to permeate and be observed without research manipulation. Lincoln and Guba (1985) detail how qualitative methods of inquiry use various methods of observation to obtain credible research findings. “Participant observation” includes the active involvement of the researcher with participants in a lived setting, while maintaining professionalism to accurately record and observe the collection of data (Fetterman, 1998, p. 34). I took on the role of “the participant as observer”, as a student enrolled concurrently in the same program as the research subjects (Gold, 1958, p. 217).

Extensive observation can lead to transferability or finding applicability of findings to other social contexts (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Thick description, which

Lincoln and Guba describe as detailing how social and cultural relationship conclusions are drawn from the research phenomenon in question, is one technique for achieving transferability. Utilizing rich, thick description is also another way to detail study procedures for auditing processes that check the trustworthiness of collection and analyses, and for future researchers to replicate the study in different settings.

Transferability is not the same as generalizability and so a major drawback to this study is its lack of such to wider-spread populations. However, the purposes of this research are not to quantify any standard for Hip Hop use across all social work education but instead gain a preliminary understanding of its potential. The researcher’s purpose for investigating Hip Hop’s potential use in education stems from personal experience 55

growing up immersed in Hip Hop. A certain degree of self-awareness is then necessary

for this study to verify these motivations for research.

The research questions employed in this study are products of the researcher’s

preconceptions about Hip Hop as an empowering and motivational art form. It is

important to note that “preconceptions are not the same as bias, unless the researcher fails

to mention them,” (Malterud, 2001, p. 484). All research has a degree of subjectivity

pertaining to its construction in methodology. Reflexivity is utilized in this study avoid

harmful bias by placing a constant degree of alertness surrounding researcher’s external

influence through two methods: 1) keeping a personal audio journal in which the

researcher recorded methodological decisions, logical reasoning for decisions, and

reflection of personal values (Lincoln & Guba, 1998), and 2) stating how my

preconceptions in favor of Hip Hop’s utility in social work andragogy might have come

into play at various states in the research process (Malterud).

Content Analysis

Qualitative data is interpreted through content analysis, which involves categorizing qualitative material into quantitative data (Rubin & Babbie, 2016).

Qualitative content in the form of oral and written communication is classified in this study according to a social constructionist framework. Social constructionism places importance on language for constructing reality. To categorize qualitative data in content

analysis for this study, operational definitions are constructed as to andragogic qualifiers

of Hip Hop are based on what participants said, to whom they responded, why they

responded, and to what effect these responses are related to the research question (Rubin 56

& Babbie). Following a social constructionist framework allows for one to consider

multiple realities and so a multitude of definitions available to emerge in content analysis.

This study employs two methods of content analysis which include analysis of

“manifest” and “latent” content; the first of which is counting the frequency of words

within a set of data, and the latter of which is exploring the deeper meanings of concepts

as they are presented in data (Rubin & Babbie, 2016, p. 421). One disadvantage to this

approach is that one researcher is analyzing the data which poses a barrier to reliability.

However, the fact that content analysis can be adequately conducted by one researcher is

a significant advantage to the feasibility of this project in terms of time limit and limited

funding. Variability can also be limited because of having only one researcher, but the content analysis method does allow for even one lone researcher to vary definitions throughout the content and so analysis must be a continuous process (Rubin & Babbie).

The iterative process of collecting, coding, and analyzing data results in the main themes to be determined through substantiation of the study’s constructionist framework. The main categorizations, or codes, connect the many themes which emerge through triangulation of multiple data sources including: the focus group transcript, field notes, and the RAP questionnaires (Bowen, 2008). The act of revisiting data in a continuous coding process allows for deeper knowledge which is a great advantage of the content analysis methodology. Finally, reliability is limited by the fact that content analysis is not triangulated among multiple researchers, but the risk of not collecting this data would be

greater in terms of simply leaving this potentially useful tool as understudied in the field

of social work education. 57

Study Population

The study population was adult learners of social work who had to meet three criteria to be eligible. First, participants had been over 18 years of age to consent.

Participants were limited to English speakers to understand study materials and actively participate in the focus group discussion with other English-speakers. Finally, students had to be enrolled in the Masters of Social Work program at CSU Sacramento for at least one year. Demographic information pertaining to race, sexual orientation, gender, or age was not collected because data would not be generalizable to the wider population and for consideration in the interest of maintaining participant confidentiality in a small population of MSW students enrolled in the 2016-2017 school year.

Sample Population

Human subjects were recruited from California State University, Sacramento

(CSUS). The sample consisted of Masters of Social Work (MSW) program, enrolled for two previous semesters at the point of recruitment in Fall 2016. As students enrolled in the same school program, the student researcher had ample resource for recruitment as well as sufficient premise to establish a certain level of homogeneity among the participants. According to Morgan (1996), ideal focus groups are made up of participants with similar backgrounds. As students in the same program, participants of the group had a clear understanding of the purpose of the study and its relevance to their education. As members of the same community, participants were familiar with each other to various extents through the nature of their interactions stemming from the MSW program.

Though certain levels of familiarity might have influences disclosure in the focus group, 58

not collecting this data would have been of greater risk to not have the opportunity to

hear from the target audience that is social work students.

The purposive sampling strategy was used to find participants having knowledge

about the topic of social work andragogy, as stakeholders (Bowen, 2008). Qualitative

research methodology for this study calls for a smaller, nonrandom sample, to look at

quality of data rather than quantity (Bowen). Participants were recruited via flyer

distribution on the CSUS campus and on social media. A convenience sample of six was

used for this research study. The final sample of six (N=6) was in line with typical focus

group sizes ranging from 6 to 10 people (Morgan, 1996). The sample size, though not

generalizable to a wider population, can converse comfortably in a smaller group with

sufficient opportunities to pause and let each person participate (Morgan, 1996). The

small group also fit in line with space resources available to a student researcher for this

project.

Instrumentation

RAP Scale

The RAP scale (Tyson & Porcher, 2012; Tyson, 2006) will be utilized to test social work students’ thoughts and feelings about the effects and content of Hip Hop music (see Appendix A). The “RAP scale is a 1-page, 24-item instrument of a person’s

thoughts and feelings surrounding the effects and content of Rap music,” (Tyson, p. 211).

A 5-point Likert scale format is used for each item on the scale: “1=strongly disagree,

2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, and 5=strongly agree,” (Tyson, p. 215). The measurement tool has three different constructs to represent Rap music: 1) violent- 59

misogynistic (VM) construct is a negative view of Rap pertaining to violence, criminality, misogyny, and homophobic imagery; 2) empowerment (EMP), the idea of

Rap as a stance against oppressive social conditions to motivate listeners; and 3) artistic- esthetic (AE), Rap as an art form. The last two constructs are positive notions of Rap

music which counter the more mainstream representations of Rap in media and scholarly literature. Negatively worded items are reverse coded, and a total score on the RAP is a measurement of a respondent’s overall attitude and perception--where higher scores allude to more positivist views of Rap (Tyson).

This assessment tool was designed for use in youth programs and practitioners

that seek to use Hip Hop culture for work with individuals, families, and communities

(Tyson & Porcher, 2012; Tyson, 2006). This is the only tool developed to measure Rap,

or Hip Hop, music attitudes and perceptions that has been tested for validity of

psychometric properties for use among scholars and practitioners alike. The nature of the

questionnaire is culturally based and sensitive for its practical applications leading to

testing the efficacy of Hip Hop music perceptions. This tool was selected for this study

as a reliable method to gage individual attitudes towards as well as perceptions about

lyrics in the Hip Hop genre and in response to a majority of media and academic

representation of Rap music in a negative and antisocial light (Tyson).

Statistic procedures, including the confirmatory factor analysis, was utilized by

Tyson (2006) to test the validity of RAP scale constructs among various samples.

Tyson’s results testing the RAP scale’s utility found the three constructs to be statistically

valid and reliable, after modification to the 24-item version, for producing scaling of Rap 60

music attitudes and perceptions. As a psychometric tool, the RAP has criterion validity,

as well as reliability, based on multifaceted methodology employed to test it (Tyson).

However, the samples upon which this measurement has been tested on have been

convenience, nonrandom samples. Using this measurement on a new population, social

work adult learners, calls into the question the reliability of this tool for use of new

respondents.

There is another shortcoming to this tool since this study looks at adult learners’

attitudes and perceptions about Hip Hop. Because the RAP scale is a survey, it is limited

in capturing more complex emotions and views about Hip Hop beyond Rap music, and

beyond the three constructs. To make up for this shortcoming, this project added the

qualitative focus group discussion as an opportunity for respondents to fully express their

opinions and incorporate this richer data. The RAP scale is a novel response to most

literature which indicates Previous use of the RAP scale did not include pre- and post-

testing of a single group. Despite its limitations, Tyson (2006), has suggested future use

of the RAP to be helpful in social work practice. Testing the tool upon pre-practitioners is

a necessary area of exploration before applying this tool in the field of practice.

Focus Groups

The focus group method of inquiry has been used in social science since the

1930’s to go beyond the limits traditional data gathering methods led by close-ended

interviewing techniques -- it has since grown considerably in use by market researchers,

evaluators, planners, and educators (Morgan, 1996). Cultural assumptions regarding the

reality that is numbers and controlled randomization of research samples has created a 61

case for leveraging quantitative over qualitative research (Morgan). This research study

emphasizes the qualitative data from focus groups to avoid assumptions regarding the

research population and gather data in a more relevant approach.

The focus group method was chosen to gather data in a feasible manner for the

student researcher. Data was collected from six subjects at one period over the duration

of 1.5 hours. In addition to providing a wealth of diverse data, this method proved to be

most cost effective given the research resources. This focus group is an opportunity to

gather data more relevant to the realities of the participants. The baseline data gathered in this research study is obtained from a group within the community selected for research inquiry: adult social work students.

Research participants of a focus group can elaborate more than that which is provided in a structured and direct method of inquiry (Morgan, 1996). It is in the best interest of higher education programs to consider the students which they serve. Focus groups can produce relevant data for decision makers of higher education programs.

Through the interactions between participants of focus groups researchers can learn about the attitudes and perceptions of a population relevant to the research question (Morgan).

Social work students are held of importance for their opinions and beliefs that may differ

from the intentions of the researcher.

Opinions that are formed in a focus group are done so with variation based on

opinions of others with different points of view; and through the sharing of opinions

researchers can analyze shifted perceptions and the sources of social influence that create

these shifts (Morgan, 1996). This study asks if the focus group does influence 62

participants to change perceptions surrounding the content they are presented: Hip Hop

music videos with themes of systemic discrimination in video and lyric format. Research

subjects with existing rapport through the program had diverse identities within the group

which promoted a dynamic discussion. The group interactions allowed participants to

build ideas off each other related to the discussion topic of systemic discrimination -- a

topic very much involved in the competencies of social work education. Data collected

from participants included verbal and nonverbal information related to participant’s

feelings and ideas.

This group sample of six was small enough for everyone to have an opportunity

share their opinions and contribute to the data, but also restrictive to a smaller pool of

ideas among the limited number of participants. Variation occurs when more groups are

conducted and so data from multiple groups can then be analyzed for common trends

(Morgan, 1996). Due to limited resources, this study only held one focus group which has

the possibility of being classified as a “cold” group, or a session in which respondents are

reluctant and factors that are not always apparent to the researcher can bring forward

outlier results that would best be identified through comparison of a series of focus

groups (Morgan, p. 17). The single focus group was conducted despite these drawbacks,

because of the potential value of in-depth data to be obtained with the limited resources.

A single focus group is relatively low in cost to conduct, and yields speedy results

necessary for a limited research time frame.

A focus group is unlike other methods of data collection in that consumers of the study’s main purpose--exploring a learning tool for social work adult learners--are 63 brought to the forefront of exploring the responses and reactions to this proposed intervention. Unlike an individual interview, focus groups model natural, real-life social situations in which participants can influence and be influenced by each other (Morgan,

1996). Knowledge is built by the research participants in a social context and there is no need for all to reach agreement in line with the deliberative questioning process that is crafted by the researcher (Morgan). Even though questions were drafted to lead the group and focus discussion on how Hip Hop music video content may be of use in the social work classroom, respondents can deliberate and craft a more fluid conversation from which to approach the topic. This places greater emphasis on cognitive processes through open discussion, but at the same time limits the researcher’s control of the group interview which can detour the conversation with irrelevant issues (Morgan).

Focus group data results are more understandable than quantitative statistical data because terminology is produced by participants through natural conversation (Morgan,

1996). However, data analysis can be difficult because the interpretations derived from participant interactions must be carefully situated within the social context in which they occurred (Morgan). For example, selecting phrases/terms for analysis is subjective and so leaving out certain components of the conversation can derive new meanings.

Additionally, conducting the interview itself poses challenges because groups are difficult to assemble. A list of twenty potential respondents was collected for this study and a known on-campus was selected for the location of the discussion. It was expected that people would drop out and 14 did at various times for schedule and location conflict issues. Additionally, a series of open-ended questions was drafted to keep the interview 64

focused on the main topic, with areas for probing highlighted to allow for the exploration

of unanticipated issues brought up by the group (Morgan). This strategy is not available

in standardized questionnaires and it was apparent when respondents came to the group

wanting to elaborate on their RAP scale answers.

Intimate Technology

All the videos selected for the focus group discussion were released in 2015 and the discussion held on October of 2016. Deepak and Biggs (2011) introduced intimate technology as a teaching modality to help students comprehend racism and antiracism in accordance with the Council on Social Work Education (CSWE) Educational Policy and

Accreditation Standards (EPAS) related to diversity and social justice. Intimate technology is an umbrella term for the use of technology and social media to create change in cultural values as described by constructivist theory which looks at social contexts in learning (Deepak & Biggs, 2011). This study takes a constructionist framework, which follows constructivist theoretical assumptions that learners create their own cognitive tools and external realities, but differs in that knowledge is deconstructed with opposing world views which exist in a diverse society and then later adjusted by individuals to encompass newly gained knowledge (Pernecky, 2012).

Intimate technology incorporates instantaneous modes of communication that are

available in present day using sites such as YouTube, where information is shared rapidly

and captures the intimacy of emotionally intense content (Deepak & Biggs, 2011).

Deepak and Biggs exemplify the use of intimate technology through video content which

“reveals self-disclosure, a deep emotional response, and it is accessible to students at any 65

time or place by simply clicking on a link of visiting YouTube,” (2011, p. 46). Hip Hop music stresses the importance of self-expression and truth in storytelling (Elligan, 2009).

Additionally, hip hop artists use lyrics as vehicle for socio-political commentary on

economic and racial inequalities (Elkins et al., 2015). As such the three music videos

selected were contemporary pieces completed by artists that have spoken publicly

regarding the personal inspiration for the social context of their art and which were

genuinely admired by the researcher for another layer of authenticity.

The first video was the song “Madonna (And Other Mothers in the Hood)” by

artist Lupe Fiasco (2015). In one interview, Fiasco labeled the song, among others from

the same album, as “social portraits as opposed to political diatribes” (Golianopoulos,

2015). With multiple instances of religious imagery in both lyricism and video content,

“Madonna (And Other Mothers in the Hood)” (Fiasco, 2015) is useful as a genuine portrait of a mother-son dyad afflicted by crime with lyrics pointing to a male protagonist’s criminal activity and video content displaying a mother who is also a drug addict. The contrast between lyrics and video in terms of which member of the dyad is partaking in criminal activity presented an optimum opportunity for discussion to deconstruct these narratives and transform the meanings through a group discussion.

The second video shown to participants was Kendrick Lamar’s “For Free?”

(2015). The piece is part of the album titled To Pimp a Butterfly which Lamar described

as concept piece highlighting “the idea of being pimped in the industry, in the community

and out of all the knowledge that you thought you had known, then discovering new life

and wanting to share it” (Hale, 2016). Lamar’s recurring themes of being “pimped” by 66 the entertainment industry are instances of self-disclosure and have salience to the topic of systemic discrimination related to race. As a black male, Lamar’s piece “For Free?” asks the question which can be interpreted as pertaining to his own worth in the industry, or rather of other black males and so the concept of whom or what exactly is for free is ever changing and another great piece for discussion within the context of social work.

Finally, the video “Blacktivist” (Elliott, Darko, & Juice, 2015) by the group

Flatbush Zombies was screened to incorporate a more macro-level view of society which was more apparent than seen in the previous videos which could be interpreted as individual-level narratives. Blacktivist is a single release, with a video that aimed to directly take a stance on current events (Pfeifer, 2015). As part of a U.S. art exhibition, the video was a collaborative project directed by the Rap group and other artists to convey scenes of systemic discrimination through use of “found footage, documentary shots, and 3-D animations to form a critical analysis of our times. At its core, [the video] asks how violence and repression are negotiated and reappraised in a supposedly post- racial society” (Pfeifer, 2015). Discussion of the intimate technology in the form of Hip

Hop music video content allows for social work students an avenue to explore multiple complex topics related to social justice and diversity. Morgan (1996) stresses the importance of the information which emerges out of the interaction when participants brainstorm. In response to intimate technology as a stimulus, participants have a grounding from which to approach a difficult topic such as systemic discrimination.

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Data Gathering and Procedures

MSW students currently enrolled at CSU, Sacramento were recruited by flyer distribution at the CSUS campus and on social media (Facebook). Students who are interested in knowing more about the study contacted the student researcher who explained the nature of the study and confirmed their interest in participation. Eligibility was determined by identification of enrollment in MSW program. Interested participants were asked for general availability and a set focus group discussion time was determined by the researcher based on the provided information. Participants who confirmed their availability were sent a copy of the RAP questionnaire for them to complete and informed consent for them to review and keep for their records. A list of 20 participants was secured with names and contact information. Participants received individual details on the location and time of the focus group, so as not to publicly announce the location and time where nonparticipants may be able to view. Potential participants also received email and/or phone call reminder for the group to promote retention. Participants provided a signed copy of the informed consent and a completed RAP questionnaire to the discussion. Informed consent confirmed all participants’ willingness to be video and audio recorded during the discussion.

Prior to the discussion, participants were also provided a list of YouTube video links for them to view optionally prior to the focus group. The focus group took place on

October 28, 2016 in a CSUS campus classroom and lasted 1.5 hours. The discussion opened with a 30-minute presentation which included the intimate technology video content, and a 15-minute contextual introduction surrounding the focus group rules of 68 confidentiality and the topic of systemic discrimination, a subject which all participants were familiar with at the very least through school curriculum after one year of enrollment in the MSW program. To allow room for spontaneity in the 60-minute discussion that followed the researcher incorporated the following open-ended questions:

1. What visual content made an impact? How?

2. What audio/lyrical content made an impact? How?

3. Did videos make it easier to digest the topic (systemic discrimination)?

Why/ why not?

4. Did this further your understanding of social work education? If so, which

topics?

5. What was most and least helpful about this discussion?

Data Analysis

Data collected from the RAP scale questionnaires was analyzed for descriptive statistics to characterize the sample and complement qualitative data analysis. Qualitative data from the focus group was collected via digital recordings of the session. Analysis was conducted in iterative fashion, together with data collection so as not to delay the process, and continuing after collection as well (Morgan, 1996; Bowen, 2008). Field notes were taken by the researcher during and immediately after the focus group discussion to capture first impressions of the data collected. Next, audio from the focus group discussion was transcribed together with field notes of descriptions regarding nonverbal observations. Identifiers such as names were removed from all transcripts.

Triangulation of data is obtained through the analysis of RAP scale scores, video, 69 audio, and field note data to ensure there is a richness to the data analysis of respondent perceptions of Hip Hop (Creswell, 1998). Patton (2001) describes four different types of triangulation and suggests using more than one form to best analyze data. Two methods were incorporated for triangulation purposes: 1) methods triangulation compares findings from different data collection methods-- focus group data with the psychometric RAP scale--, and 2) triangulation of sources which included providing the RAP at two time points and pairing this information with qualitative data from six different participants

(Patton). Thematic analysis began with initial impressions through research field notes to prevent loss of early impressions as time passes after data collection and the feel of the group is lost (Morgan, 1996). Thematic analysis is a useful method if the researcher is investigating an under researched topic, or if the researcher is collaborating with participants whose views on the topic are not known (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Analysis will happen in phases beginning with initial impressions of themes or recurring patterns, and honing in on more explicit meanings for broader themes (Braun & Clarke, 2006).

Themes created will be reviewed to create definitive articulation of their meanings in a final report of the data. Both latent and manifest content analysis are conducted.

Protection of Human Subjects

Prior to data gathering procedures, a human subjects research application was submitted to the Research Review Committee of California State University, Sacramento,

Division of Social Work. The study gained approval under the review category of

“exempt,” indicating minimal risk to prospective subjects. The approved research project was assigned a human subjects protocol number of 16-17-001. No subjects were sought 70 and no data were collected prior to committee approval.

Participation in this study was voluntary for all human subjects who agreed to their involvement before the commencement of the study via informed consent (See

Appendix B). Subjects had the right to refuse participation in any part of the focus group, including video or audio recording, and maintained the right to withdraw at any time after consent was given. Minimal risk was deemed about confidentiality, but participants were informed of steps taken to ensure this data was secured to the best extents possible of the researcher’s capacity. Personal identifiers were removed from transcripts used to analyze data and from RAP questionnaires when input into digital format. Audio and visual data collected from human subjects was stored on password-protected technology devices personally owned by the researcher. Raw recorded data was destroyed by August 31,

2017—a year after the study’s inception. Rights and privacy of human subjects were verified and agreed to prior to conducting research.

Summary

Chapter 3 details this project’s research methodology. This is a qualitative- exploratory study and the qualitative approach to an exploratory study is detailed, including the content analysis processes. Next, the specific study population and techniques to obtain relevant sample are explained. A description of the three instruments used: the RAP scale, focus group discussion, and Intimate Technology in the form of Hip

Hop music video content are described including the advantages and disadvantages of each of these tools. Data gathering procedures with the use of these instruments are outlined as well as the methods for analyzing the collected data content. Finally, the 71 chapter ends with a summary of steps taken to ensure the protection, including safety and privacy, of human research subjects. 72

Chapter 4

DATA ANALYSIS

This chapter will describe the significant findings of the study through detailed

analyses of the participants’ perceptions surrounding Hip Hop music video content they

are presented with including the benefits and impeding factors to andragogic qualifiers.

To begin, there is a description of the sample demographics of this study. Significant

findings of the study are then discussed. Basic, or manifest, descriptions of the intimate

technology are included in the form of visual and textual content from the music videos,

and initial participant reactions by six participants are presented first. For confidentiality

purposes the participants are given the following pseudonyms (taken from stage names of

members from the Rap ensemble Wu Tang Clan): RZA, GZA, Raekwon, Ghostface,

Method Man, and Cappadonna.

Latent content is then included in the analyses in the form of emergent themes inferred by the researcher of participant perceptions of Hip Hop, based on a triangulation from different data sources including (See Figure 1): (a) focus group participants

(including the transcript produced by the discussion and interactions between group

members, and RAP scale measurements); (b) the researcher (including researcher field

notes about group dynamics and emergent themes), and (c) intimate technology, or the

music video content. The process of researcher’s selection of and incorporation of music

video content as the presented teaching modality for the focus group and the ensuing

reactions and dynamics of the group is discussed. Qualitative analyses will seek to

provide critical analyses of emerging prosocial (i.e. empowerment, resiliency, and 73 cultural identity) and antisocial (i.e. promotions of misogyny, homophobia, and violent criminal activity) themes in hip-hop music lyrics as referenced by focus group participants.

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Figure 1. Meaning-making research process

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Focus group transcript data is analyzed for manifest (explicit) and latent (implicit) data. Data from the focus group discussion (digital recordings and researcher notes) in the form of text is thematically coded to identify emergent themes as well as variations and commonalities across participants (Krueger, 1994). In the first phase of data analyses, the researcher read through this data without coding, followed by an initial coding which identified main and sub categories predetermined by the study conceptual framework focused on social structure and an exploration of andragogic qualifiers. Qualitative software CATMA (2016) was used for coding and analyses of the discussion. These categories were validated by their manner, or lack of presence, in the focus group discussion. Subsequent analyses further identified relationships among themes, subthemes, and participant characteristics. (Krueger) Finally, the relationship dynamics among group members and the researcher as the facilitator are discussed. The chapter ends with a summary of findings provided by participants.

Demographics of Study Participants

The focus group was conducted with six students (N = 6) over the age eighteen that were enrolled in the Masters of Social Work Program at CSU Sacramento for at least one year at the time of the discussion on October 28, 2016. Based on Krueger’s (1994) guidelines for the size of a focus group, six participants fall within the recommended range of six to twelve. Specific demographics on the research participants, such as age, gender, and ethnicity were not collected because the small sample size is not meant to be generalizable to those populations. Instead, all research participants were selected based on their identity as current social work graduate students. Information was collected on 76 participants’ perceptions of Rap and/or Hip Hop music using the RAP scale at baseline and after participation in the focus group discussion.

The primary objective the discussion was to explore answers to the following research questions: (1) What are the benefits of Hip Hop to the MSW student body at

CSUS? and (2) Do participants’ perceptions surrounding Hip Hop music change after participating in a focus group containing Hip Hop music video content related to systemic discrimination? A contextual presentation lasting fifteen minutes prefaced the screening of the three music videos. The presentation covered a brief definition of Hip

Hop and examples of systemic discrimination such as mortgage lending patterns of

Sacramento, Ca (Hernandez, 2009).

Intimate Technology: Social Commentary and Initial Reactions

Unobtrusive observation in the form of content analyses (Rubin & Babbie, 2016) of existing hip-hop music songs is necessary to identify effective and tangible components of utility for social work practitioners and continuing academic research. The songs selected by the researcher for the group discussion will be used to identify its salience for use with the sample population in adult learning settings. The overall purpose of this analyses section is to identify what the artists are communicating about social structures alongside the initial reactions of participants to this content.

This study’s framework looks at the ways that people construct realities in collective and individual ways. In the practice of social work, adult learners must experience content, context, and the processing of knowledge and skills. In andragogy, the experiences of learners are incorporated as part of the dissemination of information. Personal 77 experiences are interpreted through multidimensional lenses. In this study, music video content is presented as a potential teaching modality for adult learners to interact with and evaluate. The researcher observed and recorded responses to this content which was pre- selected to specifically fit within the context of understanding systemic discrimination through social, spiritual, cultural, interpersonal, and intrapersonal domains.

Research participants were invited to view three music videos including: (1)

“Madonna (And Other Mothers in the Hood)” by Lupe Fiasco, (2) “For Free?” by

Kendrick Lamar, and (3) “Blacktivist” by Flatbush Zombies. All three music videos were released in the year 2015, and selected by the researcher for auditory and visual representations of socially relevant and contemporary issues at the time of the focus group discussion on October 28, 2016. The intimate technology pieces were selected for their presence of what the researcher considered more positive lyrics, that do not focus on more mainstream conceptions of Hip Hop, or Rap, which focuses on misogyny and capitalistic desire with little insight on the negative aspects of these ideologies.

Participants were informed of the expectation to participate in a collaborative and dynamic conversation about the topic of systemic discrimination in relation to the music video content that they saw. Specific images of music video screenshots are included with initial reactions, and subsequent emergence as frequent points of discussion which emerged in transcript analyses. To augment comprehension, readers of this thesis are invited to view music video content used use of music video content for the three songs by following links provided in the reference list (video citations).

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“Madonna (And Other Mothers in the Hood)”

Lupe Fiasco, né Wasalu Muhammad Jaco, was raised in Chicago and became a popular rapper in the 2000’s by disavowing the components of the Rap industry which

profit off of the presence of misogyny and vulgarity. Tetsuo and Youth is Lupe Fiasco’s

fifth studio album released on January 20, 2015. It is a concept album in which multiple

tracks feature the titular theme of youth. Four interludes are focused on the time of year

(“Summer”, “Fall”, “Winter”, and “Spring”) and divide the album’s sixteen tracks;

“Madonna (And Other Mothers in the Hood)” is the thirteenth track, situated between

“Winter” and “Spring”. The song title reflects the central theme; Madonna is derived

from the Italian ma donna, meaning “my lady”, and is a representation of Mary, mother

of Jesus, in the New Testament and the Quran religious texts.

The researcher’s pre-conceived notions for including this video were to incorporate content which allowed participants to critically analyze the experiences of mothers and/or female guardians of children. This included religious and spiritual conceptualizations of female identity, but also video and lyrical content about socioeconomic conditions such as neighborhoods riddled with bad influences and risky conditions. There was only one reference to religious iconography in the discussion about this song, when GZA stated that a quick Internet search for Madonna pulled up more readily information about the famous pop singer rather than anything else.

This video, the first screened, was the least talked about during the focus group. A

verse-driven song, Lupe Fiasco tells the story of a mother and son, the latter of whom

dies at the end of the narrative. The lines, “Died like Ricky on his mama couch Right 79

there in his mama house Only child, the holy mama's your mama now,” are a reference to

the film Boyz in the Hood, where the character Ricky is an aspiring college student shot

by gang members in Compton, Ca and ultimately bleeds to death in his mother’s living

room. The lyrics are paired alongside a visual of a female injecting an illegally purchased

substance into her veins, becoming unconscious, and then carried home by a younger

male with the similar hair color and style as the woman. References to work ethic and

individual drive alongside criminal activity and adverse social circumstances are the

reasons for the incorporation of this content by the researcher.

“For Free? (Interlude)”

Kendrick Lamar Duckworth, formerly known as K-Dot, began his rise to

notoriety before his first studio album release in 2011. To Pimp a Butterfly is Lamar’s

third studio release which references social injustices to the African American

community, and unveils a poem line by line with each track on the album. The second

track, “For Free? (Interlude)”, is a spoken-word jazz interlude. The video for the track begins with a female character, Darlene Tibbs, who contemptuously barrages Lamar’s character with dissatisfaction about his provisions of materials goods with included references of another character, Darlene’s Uncle Sam. Kendrick responds to the character

Tibbs with a spoken word style verse, beginning with:

This dick ain't free

You lookin' at me like it ain't a receipt

Like I never made ends meat, eatin' your leftovers and raw meat

This dick ain't free 80

Livin' in captivity raised my cap salary

Celery, tellin' me green is all I need

Evidently all I seen was spam and raw sardines (Duckworth, 2015)

The refrain “this dick ain’t free” is repeated throughout making the assertion that his person is not to be held captive (not free), subjected to poorer quality nutrition and quality of life. Lamar’s lyrics make several comparisons to the main themes of empowerment versus systemic racism.

The video progresses with Lamar, “running around everywhere like crazy,”

(Method Man) chasing Tibbs, and later taking on the patriotic Uncle Sam outfit while shoveling coal that red, white and blue costume to shovel coal into the estate's heating system which Raekwon determined to be based in Atlanta. GZA had the only recorded nonverbal response to any of the songs occurring synchronized with the auditory stimulus, or occurrence of groove, a major component of connection to musical stimuli

(Hurley, Martens, & Janata, 2014).

“B lacktivist”

Flatbush Zombies is a Hip Hop trio consisting of rappers Dimitri Simms (Meechy

Darko), Antonio Lewis (Zombie Juice), and rapper-producer, Erick Elliott (Erik the

Architect). The newly formed group stemming back to 2010 collaborated with recognized visual artists to create the video for “Blacktivist” as a video installation in the U.S from

September 9, 2015 through October 25, 2015. The video was released on the Internet deliberately on September 11, 2015 as a social commentary piece on police brutality and enforcement based on bias, and the right to self-defense. 81

More participants looked at the lyric sheets provided during the screening of this third and final video. When participants were asked the first question of the discussion, which visual content made an impact this video was the first one referenced and the one which was talked about the most. The video showed a compilation of found footage of

African Americans, or portrayals of black culture: including commercials, music videos, and documentary-style police surveillance recordings. Another component of this video follows a factory process for creating hand guns. Verses by rapper Darko state, “Second amendment, nigga, grab your gun Invest in a vest when you’re from those slums,” the latter half of the statement which was quoted by GZA during the discussion. Participants began the discussion with Method Man stating the most impactful of the images was those including violence.

Emergent Themes in Systemic Discrimination

This qualitative study was formed in response to the National Association of

Social Workers (NASW) call for social work organizations, including NASW and schools of social work, to acknowledge and act on the presence of institutional racism within these organizations to properly address them in society (NASW, 2007). Intimate technology was decidedly selected for its inclusion of social commentary about current issues related to systemic discrimination. The use of the Hip Hop music video teaching modality emphasizes diverse cultural content in social work curriculum. The focus group discussion and RAP scales were analyzed for processes of change by presenting a potential adult learning tool for individual professional development through interpersonal collaboration. 82

Triangulation of data sources was employed to account for the significance of these findings for future research about this understudied topic. The findings of this study spotlight participant perceptions to point to the gravitas of perceptions about Hip Hop. In both the questionnaire and focus group (including nonverbal and verbal) data, participants expressed negative attitudes towards Hip Hop music. This alludes to possible biases about the genre, which do not consider more critical analyses of social commentary presented to some degree by the intimate technology screened for participants. Participation in this focus group created some changes in perspectives about

Rap music among the six participants between pre- and post-RAP scale testing. For the purposes of this research both latent (implicit) and manifest (explicit) content is analyzed from the transcript text of the focus group discussion. The themes enumerated from this data were drawn from analyses of the Hip Hop content selected, and then further refined through revision of initial reactions and discussion processes by the research participants.

The following themes were identified as key components to the discussion: identity construction, social agency versus oppression, and the educational merits of Hip Hop.

Social Identity

“For Free?,” “Madonna (And Other Mothers in the Hood),” and “Blacktivist” are discursive pieces on social identity. Social identity, whether of gender, race, or other constructs, determines the phenomenological aspects of manifestations of socioeconomic status. The discourse of student participants included the assignment of social identity to characters from the audio and visual narratives in the content, per the following categories: gender, race, and socioeconomic class. 83

Femininity. Pre- and post- testing for the violent-misogynistic RAP scale construct showed that overall opinions did not change for the group, with the average score in this construct remaining at 23.5 out of 45 at both time points. Higher overall and subscale results indicate more favorable views of Hip Hop music (Tyson, 2006). In the violent-misogyny subscale represents the perceptions about Hip Hop content being composed mainly of “violent, criminogenic, misogynistic, and homophobic images”

(Tyson, p. 212). Most participants scored lower after the second testing, meaning they had less favorable perceptions about the presence of violent and misogynistic components in Hip Hop content. (See Table 1).

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Table 1

RAP Violent-Misogynistic Subscale Individual & Mean (Standard Deviation) Scores

ID Time 1 Time 2

RZA 22 25

GZA 19 29

Method Man 20 16

Ghostface 33 30

Raekwon 21 15

Cappadonna 26 26

M(SD) 24(5.2) 24(6.5)

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The gold-digger. In relation to the Darlene Tibbs character (See Figure 2), five

respondents (N=6) shared conceptions about the character’s identity across intersections

of socioeconomic class and race. Participants collected data from song lyrics and physical

attributes of this character to identify key information about the different levels of

diversity in this piece of intimate technology. Tibbs denounces Kendrick the artist in a

verbal tirade directed at his lack of material goods. Group members who spoke about

Darlene presented unfavorable remarks about her diatribe with varying constructions of

the parallels to race and socioeconomic class. A third of participants described Tibbs’

visible and sought-after physical appearances were pursuant of highly-sexualized, and more white/European physical qualities; RZA and Raekwon cited “that Brazilian, wavy, twenty eight inch,” hair extension that she requests from Kendrick and Raekwon added her manner of dress as “scantily clad”. This type of behavior was significant for labelling Darlene a gold digger, or a woman consciously using sexuality for personal economic gain (Ross & Coleman, 2011).

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Figure 2. “For Free?” (left to right) front row: Kendrick, Uncle Sam, and Darlene

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The lens for this study focuses on adult learners in response to complex thematic

analyses of Hip Hop music video content. Adult learners identified the presence of

content representations of African American female sexuality. The context of the

discussion tied this narrative with one of socioeconomic class, but group discussion about

the content pushed initial conceptions of Darlene Tibbs as a representation for black

femininity with varying degrees of negativity, it also included a personification of

Darlene as American society dynamics in relation to black males. Still, all participants

conceded this was a derogatory portrayal of a woman in some way because of where her

relationships lay in correlation to Lamar’s character.

For Method Man, the term gold-digger was an accurate, albeit incomplete portrayal of Darlene who is also “a black woman asserting her power.” This comment exemplified the frame of reference of misogynistic imagery as on a spectrum, rather than a positive-negative binary of identification. Darlene had many layers of personality, dissection of which required discussion with peers reflective of peer-review learning

exercises in practicum course. Incorporation of peer feedback for first impressions of

character, allowed for more complex and full assessment of the persona beyond pre-

practitioners’ self-identifications. Method Man stated that “it’s still offensive to portray a

woman in that way, but if I was a black woman, I’d be more offended” reflecting a

process of making sense of oppressive forces at multiple factors in the intersections of

social identity.

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The half-naked goddess. Participants discussed a second female character from the intimate technology, seen in the latter portion of the “Blacktivist” video (see Figure

3). GZA had the lowest violent-misogynistic construct score in the RAP scale before the discussion took place, and the highest increase of score in the same subscale; the change reflected a widened spectrum in interpretation of misogyny in the intimate technology through discussion of what GZA later referred to as “power of the woman.” Regarding this character’s presence GZA detailed their learning process by stating, “I don’t understand why the woman had to be there in the end, half-naked.” Method Man and

Raekwon pointed to aspects of the imagery as more complex visualizations of diverse spirituality by calling her a “goddess” and an “orisha”. Method Man added this as a call to action to counter “white dominant patriarchy” with a matriarchal representation of femininity. By describing spirituality as a component for assessing this piece, participants incorporated cultural awareness towards adding to their peers’ conceptualizations of the imagery.

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Figure 3. Woman in galaxy and the Flatbush Zombies’ heads

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Social Agency Versus Oppression

NASW (2007) articulates that to address institutional racism and other forms of discrimination within a learning environment, it must be assumed that social work pre- practitioners purposefully enroll in educational programs to combat these issues.

Therefore, the intent of this focus group is not to identify discriminatory remarks made by participants. Instead, participants were provided a contextual representation of macro- level forms of discrimination to direct conversation about these oppressive forces to bring awareness to adult learners of their individual roles to support clients and constituencies against these entities.

Individuals were provided baseline information about different forms of societal and political discrimination and asked to react to intimate technology with this background context in mind. All respondents were aware of different forms of racism as presented by the content. The RAP Empowerment subscale provided information on the degree in which participants believed that “Rap music critiques oppressive conditions in the social environment and can motivate people to better understand how to counteract those conditions” (Tyson, 2012, p. 212). Findings pointed to an overall change for more favorable perceptions of Hip Hop in this subscale.

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Table 2

RAP Empowerment Subscale Individual & Mean (Standard Deviation) Scores

ID Time 1 Time 2

RZA 26 39

GZA 44 51

Method Man 50 45

Ghostface 49 52

Raekwon 40 47

Cappadonna 38 38

M(SD) 41.2(8.82) 45.3(5.89)

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Participants engaged in the discussion centered around identification of social,

political, and economic structures that impede social mobility for marginalized groups.

Specifically, components of empowerment were further elaborated on during discussion

for their presence in specific videos. Research participants, in line with a social

constructionist approach, contributed to the knowledge created by discussion. They

engaged in the assessment of informational content from the intimate technology to

describe people experiencing oppression. Overall, the discussion about oppression

centered on participants’ thoughts about oppressive forces affecting African Americans,

specifically young males, and moved towards interactive deconstructive opportunities

with each interaction.

“Oh America, you bad bitch”. In the Kendrick Lamar video, Darlene Tibbs was identified as United States of America incarnate as a metaphorical manifestation of the nation’s historical and current maltreatment of African Americans. “She is the one who is introduced as the powerful one… then she became the one that lost power, because he was the one that was just doing what he wanted instead of obeying her” (Method Man).

Students participated in interpreting a macro-level layer of this content where Darlene and Uncle Sam characters were personifications of American consumerist culture and

Kendrick a symbol of African American culture.

Historical references to institutional discrimination were underlined in lyrical content when Method Man pointed to several of Kendrick’s lines including “Oh America, you bad bitch, I picked the cotton that made you rich” and “I need 40 acres and a mule, not a forty ounce and a pit-bull.” The lines stem from references to slavery and the 1865 93 declaration by General Sherman in Special Field Orders No. 15, calling for forty acres of land for settlement by freed slaves after the Emancipation Proclamation; it is a key factor for consideration regarding reparations in the form of addressing historical social injustice towards African Americans in the U.S. (Darity, 2008). This led to the conclusion of Darlene as a representation of America, and further description that

“America is a ho,” an “antagonist and not someone who loves [Kendrick] or values him or is going to do something that’s in his long-term best interest.”

Through interactive discourse, participants could add to, without negating, their deductions of the negative female stereotypes portrayed by the Tibbs character. Lyrical information was drawn upon for participants to create conclusions about the video content by augmenting the point of view from a limited narrative between two individuals, to more critical analyses of metaphorical representations of institutional racism. Remarks from Tibbs’ character is a representation for “cultural appropriation and how society can take, like grab from the Black community,” as exemplified by Darlene’s threat, “I’m going to get my Uncle Sam to fuck you up,” (Ghostface). The lyrical allegory for U.S. society in relation to the black community was further deduced by four of the six participants.

Racism in the Obama era. At the time of the focus group discussion, President

Obama was serving his second term as president of the United States, and the 45th and current president had yet to be elected. Participants reacted to the “Blacktivist” video for the image of President Obama as a kidnapping victim held captive by the Rap group (See

Figure 4). Participants discussed U.S. policy and social constructs about the U.S. 94 government’s consideration of African American communities. Primarily, discussion was centered on institutional racism, and the perceptions of discrimination from shared experiences of the focus group participants. Four of six participants engaged as experts of their own realities in encountering racism against African Americans, and with four of six participants articulating their position as learners of those experiences as explicitly defined from an outsider’s point of view.

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Figure 4. President Obama in “Blacktivist”

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The video ends with the rappers cutting off their heads and moving into the

galaxy scene described earlier. Their heads float into the body of the female situated in

the galaxy (See Figure 3) who then becomes “pregnant”. The final image in the video are the rappers walking across the Brooklyn Bridge, accompanied by many youth, a reference identified by GZA to the Civil Rights era where unarmed marchers encountered violent State Troopers on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama. Historical instances of oppression and civil rights achievements for enumerated, but participants led the discussion in a way that focused on current events and the status of black/white racial dynamics in the U.S.

Empowerment in Context of the Black/White Binary

The Lupe Fiasco video for “Madonna (And Other Mothers in the Hood)” was the

least discussed video in the focus group. One key component of referencing this piece

showed participant’s attitudes towards systemic discrimination in the form of

environmental resources and personal resilience despite lack of said resources.

Discussion about this piece focused mainly on the video content, specifically the young

male character. Participants RZA, GZA, and Method Man described the video setting as

an impoverished area, void of healthy food providers and other resources. RZA and

Method Man reacted with “sympathy” towards the child, but felt a disconnect between

the portrayal of the family dyad as white was conflicting. Method Man hypothesized that

having the characters be black “would elicit less sympathy from audiences in general

than being white.”

RZA expanded on this conjecture, stating they were “bothered” by the video 97 representation of a mother-child dyad as white (See Figure 5). Specifically, what they described as offensive was that the male in the video displayed various acts of resilience in a low-socioeconomic environment, “whereas I’ve never seen that done within young,

Black male in a video before. I might not be watching the right videos, but I’m just saying I’ve never seen that image portrayed and so I don’t know it just bothered me that they chose to do that.” Deductions as to the extent to which RZA was offended by this image as a “white woman” herself cannot be theorized.

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Figure 5. Mother-child dyad in “Madonna (And Other Mothers in the Hood)”

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However, RZA’s comment displays how this participant engaged in a discussion

about self-awareness regarding their own attitudes in regards to the content which further

expanded feelings of discomfort in the context of discussing racism. RZA described

having a lack of exposure to content exemplifying black resilience and so the video

representation of a white young male displaying these traits in a low-socioeconomic

neighborhood contrasted with notions that participants RZA and Method Man had for the

presence of black mother-child family dyads in high-risk environments.

Educational Merits of Hip Hop

Addressing the issue of systemic discrimination in the social work classroom, this researcher calls upon collective discourse to include diverse adult learners as collaborative participants in each other’s education. As experts of personal experiences, research participants navigated through individual biases against Hip Hop. Participants provided data for the evaluation process by identifying factors of the discussion about the

Hip Hop content that supported or impeded their understanding of systemic discrimination. The exploration of andragogic qualifiers included data from every participant who engaged in the discussion from one solidifying point of view as social work students, and practitioners in work and/or internship experience.

Participant students did not embrace the teaching modality of using music video

content to help digest content on institutional discrimination. Five of six stated they had

some sort of lack of appreciation aesthetically for Hip Hop, and that the video content did

not help to discuss sensitive topics. The RAP artistic-esthetic construct measured for the

view of Rap music as “art and like other music forms fundamentally is patronized 100 because of its entertainment value” (Tyson, 2006, p. 212). Participants’ perceptions of

Rap music, as measured by this subscale found only a slight increase in favorability for the aesthetic value of Rap music (See Table 3).

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Table 3

RAP Artistic-Esthetic Subscale Individual & Mean(Standard Deviation) Scores

ID Time 1 Time 2

RZA 16 16

GZA 19 20

Method Man 18 18

Ghostface 18 20

Raekwon 19 20

Cappadonna 16 18

M(SD) 18(1.4) 19(1.6)

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On the other hand, all the participants participated in the discussion to talk about discrimination regarding intersecting social identities. Because students had been exposed in their program to the concept of white privilege, some felt the content did not add to their repertoire of knowledge for this reason. Learners referenced social structures as part of the curriculum/discussion. The concept of self-emerged when participants discussed their own experiences of oppression from an outsider’s perspective and with privilege firsthand. RZA related,

Because I’m a White woman who has some privileges I feel uncomfortable

talking about what that might mean for other people. I can just talk about it from

my perspective and where I’m socially located so there’s levels of discomfort for

me. There’s levels where I don’t feel like I have a right to even talk about why

this might be oppressive. And then there’s the perspective of maybe being able to

use some of my privileges to be a change agent and then just like as a mom being

afraid for my kids growing up in the social context that we live in. So, there’s a

few layers for me.

The candid description of RZA’s multi-layered privileges and vantage points, and the added levels of discomfort because of multiple social identities was presented as an impediment for understanding the context of the discussion of systemic discrimination.

However, this comment is exemplified as an andragogic qualifier for RZA’s engagement in the discussion from a self-aware point of view that is honest and open about the possible feelings of towards the experience of privilege. Additionally, it is poignant when considering a later remark of RZA working with youth populations whom identify with 103

this content through local programs of spoken word and Hip Hop awareness. The

knowledge from the culturally and linguistically diverse intimate technology is thus a

viable source of skill development for other social workers working with various service

populations who identify with Hip Hop culture.

In addition to self-awareness, participants described the experience of art as

cultural knowledge. Ghostface detailed growing up listening to Hip Hop, yet being

scolded by parents for listening to “msica de negros” or Black people music and having

an aesthetic like for it, while still “thinking how even some of 2Pac’s songs they remain

back then and those issues that he would sing about are still really relevant now after so

many years.” In other words, years of aesthetic appreciation for the entertainment value

of Rap allowed some participants to be familiar with the concept of critical analyses of

lyrical content.

While some participants agreed, music allowed for a way to participate in cultural

appreciation as a group outsider, they differed in terms of the genre for which this

statement was relevant listing reggae, RnB, and classical. The benefit of Hip Hop is that

a main component of the genre utilizes sampling techniques which allow for the

incorporation and influence of all types of musical styles. GZA stated the spoken-word,

fast talking styles exemplified content that they would not organically gravitate towards

for entertainment and aesthetic appreciation, “unless [they] would have listened to it a ton

to capture a different glimpse at each time.” GZA’s self-awareness about their bias towards the aesthetic was brought into the discussion in an honest fashion after engaging in the music and dialoguing with peers about perceived meanings. It was one inclination 104 of participant engagement in the proposed teaching modality, as well as a sign of transitions in perceptions about the content. GZA admitted bias, a fundamental skill for social work practitioners, and recounted their changes in perceptions about how they were interested in content that otherwise might have turned them off in the past.

Additional Findings

Manifest content analyses of participant responses evaluating their experience in the focus group did not identify intimate technology as a valuable teaching modality in the context of the topic of systemic discrimination in the social work classroom.

Exploration of andragogic qualifiers, however, focused more on the processes of adult learner discussion as prompted by the proposed teaching modality, rather than the initial responses to evaluation questions. The focus group participation dynamics incorporated various levels of changes in opinions, engagement in the presented teaching modality, and acknowledgement of individual bias against Hip Hop.

The focus group proved learner engagement, a valuable component to andragogy.

Participant GZA was the most engaged in terms of having the highest frequency of speech of the research participants, the highest instances of nonverbal synchronization to tunes of the intimate technology, and the only participant who had seen the videos before participation in the discussion. The option was offered for participants to choose whether they saw the videos beforehand. Though GZA was the only participant who had chosen to pre-emptively view the content, most the participants suggested in having viewed the videos as a requirement to promote more critical analyses of complex topics in visual and lyrical content. The accessibility of videos online makes this a feasible option for use of 105 the teaching modality.

All participants expressed a like for having a space to talk to peers in a nonjudgmental conversation about uncomfortable topics like discrimination. For this reason, it was imperative to have small intimate number of participants who knew each other so they can disclose thoughts about discrimination and feel a sense of trust among other participants regarding judgement of experiences and perceptions. The focus group identified areas of oppression in educational spaces which privilege white male points of view versus Hip Hop content’s recognition of diverse voices.

Of the six students who participated, all completed the RAP questionnaire at both time points and responded to at least one of the open-ended questions in the focus group.

Participants interacted with each other in various instances of: agreement, contesting, and clarification. For example, most agreed to liking an introduction to new music albeit a common consensus that it did not help disquiet the discomfort surrounding conversations about racism. In the context of these uncomfortable situations, participants engaged in clarification of responses to avoid misinterpretation of what their peers were saying.

Some disagreed with each other’s interpretations of the content, such as

Ghostface’s contest to GZA’s declaration that Darlene Tibbs’ presence in the Kendrick

Lamar videos was more so a “comedy factor” rather than of any real importance.

Ghostface expressed that in fact Darlene is a major component to the overall meaning of the piece. The differing opinion presented an important piece of Hip Hop culture otherwise unknown to those unfamiliar with the culture, which is the importance of “Hip- hop’s debt to hundreds of years of black humor traditions practiced from cotton fields to 106 street corners, from vaudeville stages to comedy clubs” (Vognar, 2011, p. 104). The literature review section of this research details the foundational roots of Hip Hop in

African diasporic cultures. Most participants responded affirmative in the post-test RAP question 7 stating “Rap is a progression of African American storytelling” (Tyson, 2012, p. 218). Two of four affirmative respondents changed from negative responses in the pre- test taken before the focus group discussion. The change in more favorable views of Hip

Hop overall proved at least a gaining of cultural knowledge of participants from discussion processes.

Summary

In this chapter, the data from the study was analyzed and discussed. Chapter four described analyses of social commentary in the intimate technology content, and participant conceptualizations of multilayered social identities, social agency versus oppression, and the educational qualifiers of Hip Hop. The following chapter presents the conclusions and recommendations for future researchers and the potential use of intimate technology as teaching modality in social work andragogy. The limitations of the study and the implications for social work practice and policy are also considered.

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Chapter 5

CONCLUSION

The following chapter elucidates conclusions drawn from Hip Hop Helps, as well as the implications for social work policy and practice. A discussion of the iterative process of collaborative meaning-making which produced the major themes of the study including: constructions of social identity and structures, and an exploration of andragogic qualifiers of Hip Hop intimate technology. It shall consider how these themes and the data sources in which they were produced relate to each other, and to the population of adult learners of social work. Finally, the limitations and relevant recommendations for future researchers and practitioners of social work are listed.

Summary

Hip Hop Helps yields insight into a widespread cultural phenomenon that is virtually understudied in the field of social work andragogy. The results are in line with research which identifies educational qualifiers of Hip Hop in other academic disciplines and age groups, as well as current practical use of Rap therapy models with youth populations. The NASW (2008) Code of Ethics details the core valued of the social work profession uses interdisciplinary approaches to education and practice, as well as holding diversity of utmost importance (NASW code of ethics). Despite its global significance and efficacy for helping diverse marginalized populations, Hip Hop remains absent from social work curriculum. Limited resources for education at the university and college levels remains a significant area of concern for the various fields in the social sciences

(Alvarez, 2007; CSU Student Academic Support, 2017; Rustin & McLeod, 2010). It is 108

imperative for more research to spotlight Hip Hop as a rich source of knowledge that is

an accessible teaching modality in the form of intimate technology, such as music videos

accessible online. Academic literature is growing on the benefits of music, specifically

Hip Hop, in various academic disciplines and in practical use by various health

practitioners. The aim of this study is to illuminate the importance of further investigative

endeavors undertaking the utility of this content in social work andragogy to better

prepare pre-practitioners for using this tool with diverse populations.

Study results analyzed for manifest data found that no participant singled out any benefit that Hip Hop content added to their educational experience. When asked if the music videos shown helped better understand social work curriculum in the context of the topic of systemic discrimination, many responded no, and not one respondent stated the

affirmative. However, the additional context of the discussion revealed participants

admittedly had limited understanding of Hip Hop culture, proving somewhat of a bias

towards the content. In this study, participants identified areas of discomfort pertaining

to their constructions of racial and gender identities in response to prompting by Hip Hop

music video content and ensuing discussion.

Discussion

Hip Hop adds a greater immensity to NASW’s (2008) ethical competencies for practitioners to engage in cultural competencies and social diversity through one unique teaching modality. The genres of Hip Hop cover unlimited dimensions of social identity.

In gender, there is variance in content produced by female rappers, sometimes called femcees. Porno Rap, or dirty Rap, focuses on sexuality. Christian Rap takes a specific 109

stance from a religious perspective. Hip Hop artists create content in every continent of

the world. In the U.S., specific regions have led to even more diversification of sub

genres, with each region (South, West, Midwest, and East) producing its own variants of

Hip Hop music styles. Hip Hop crosses racial lines, with artists who sometimes label

their own racial identity through their music. One example is Native American Hip Hop.

Hip Hop also combines multiple genres of other music, with fusion sub genres like Jazz

and Country Hip Hop, or the very nature of most Hip Hop which uses sampling

techniques to incorporate found audio in instrumental components.

Although Hip Hop foundations and contemporary examples are rooted in youth enjoyment and practice, Hip Hop has been around for multiple decades now and reaches multiple sub genres across different time periods dating back to the cultural roots of the

African Diaspora, to the foundational Old School Hip Hop, and more contemporary styles such as New Age Hip Hop. Indeed, the sheer range of style validates the richness in simply social knowledge that is available in Hip Hop content. For this study, the researcher selected content with social commentary to promote discussion of institutional forces. In the songs “For Free?” and “Blacktivist” the participants identified moments of perceived stereotyped images of women. In line with RAP scores, misogynistic and violent posturing components of Hip Hop were viewed by participants as less favorable aspects of the genre. Much like Vognar’s (2011) references to violent comedy by Hip

Hop greats from the Golden Age, which borrow elements of black folklore that incorporate the violence on black bodies from slavery into the production of dark humor, at the expense of the subject. 110

All three videos contained serious audio and/or visual manifest content about U.S.

systems of discrimination, at times specifically towards black males. In “Blacktivist” and

“For Free?” there was an additional layer of levity alongside the sobering consciousness,

described by Vognar (2011) as the intersection, much as in black humor present in

literature and film, where “rage and laughter can coexist” (p. 102-103). In both songs,

satirical references social injustice caused by the revoking of Sherman’s Special Field

Ordinance No.15, allocating land to newly freed African Americans as part of reparations

for the atrocities of slavery with the provocative lines: “Somebody tell Uncle Sam I want

my reparation, 40 acres and a pearl white slave bitch,” by Meechy Darko, and “I need 40

acres and a mule, not a 40 ounce and a pit bull,” by Kendrick Lamar. The recurring

imagery of the iconic Uncle Sam character is a reference to the World War 1 era

character representing the United States. Uncle Sam, aka U.S., has been used by artists as

a popular icon since the 1800s, and the character’s politics depend the artist use.

All three videos reference U.S. politics in some way and participants picked up on some of these references by discussing social policies affecting ethnic minorities, and people of lower socioeconomic means. Ethical competencies were invoked by all participants who participated in discourse about feminine imagery. Participants joked and laughed about the Darlene Tibbs character being a “ho” yet expressed discomfort towards the blatant expressions of misogyny which sexualize women; GZA began a conversation about misogynist posturing in the video by physically mocking the movements of the woman in the galaxy with the Flatbush Zombies. Participant reactions to comedic content were significant towards investigating how adult learners react to comedy. Lyrical satire 111

is used to reference historical oppression, but “how can unabashed misogynistic, violent, and otherwise offensive content be a fount of humor?” (Vognar, 2011, p. 106).

This study explored participant perceptions of comedy; while GZA described the portrayals of the females in the videos as frivolous in nature, others differed about the

purpose of these satirical components towards critiquing culturally-specific social

structures which foster discrimination against African Americans. Incorporating this

complex cultural content into social work education challenges students’ conceptions

because it shows flaws in the system through humor. For example, since the focus group

took place, President Donald Trump was elected with several satirical providing

discourse on absurdities in the U.S. government. Rapper Snoop Dogg released the video

“Lavender” which showed a clown President Ronald Klump, who is shot by the rapper

with a toy gun extending a flag with the word “Bang” on it; even if it is not funny enough

to laugh out loud to, audiences are exposed to the satirist’s viewpoint which points out

the government as a farce without saying so. For pre-practitioners, it is necessary to

challenge social injustice as a major tenet of the NASW (2008) code of ethics, and

conversations of humor can promote competencies through productive discourse

opportunities that incorporate the challenges of social issues alongside diverse levity.

Implications for Social Work Practice and Policy

The implications for not researching Hip Hop are significant in missed

opportunities to benefit practice and policy of social work. The micro-level practitioner

skills that are to be supported by critical discourse of Hip Hop content in the social work

classroom are extensive and cover topics as wide-ranging as the musical subgenres. 112

Social work students to learn competencies towards future practice setting skills to work with clients. Specifically, cultural competence and social diversity underlines the importance of the social work practitioner’s role to highlight the strengths of each culture, have a knowledge of different groups, and have an overall understanding of diversity and discrimination in society (NASW, 2008). Having a firmer grasp of the Hip Hop world can facilitate a learning process that incorporates diverse experiences into curriculum, as well as helps students identify manifestations of strength and resilience in cultural content which may sometimes be deemed as inappropriate, offensive, or obscene.

Additionally, Hip Hop can open different modes of communication between social work colleagues as they respond to content in different ways including collaboration through critical discourse, and respect towards different perceptions and beliefs (NASW, 2008). The ability for social work practitioners to discern content for constructive analyses among peers, even when they have admitted biases about the content allows for illustrative advantages to teaching where adult learners can actively respond to audio and visual information and incorporate their own experiences, opinions, and values to class discussion. The literature review section covered other disciplines where Hip Hop is gaining academic acknowledgement, and adding it to the social work curriculum would help to bridge the gaps between various social work students and their interdisciplinary peers and team members in practice. Students exposed to diverse content can learn to analyze complex social problems from points of view that incorporate various disciplines, theories, and methodological traditions to then consider more complex, viable solutions. 113

On the meso level of practice, hospitals and organizations offering mental health

services are encouraged to employ culturally competent workers. The evidence-based

practice for changes with at-risk populations that can occur through use of Hip Hop

requires for more practitioners to engage in learning about this culture through relevant

teaching modalities. For the wellness of populations that are marginalized such as

females and ethnic minorities, Hip Hop content can provide relevant material that

captures the realities of the communities in which these groups dwell. Bringing

community awareness can be a major benefit that Hip Hop content can provide to the

social work classroom.

At the macro level, educational systems need to train practitioners that can enter

agencies by having the various levels of individual, community, and societal awareness

of diversity. Social workers and mental health clinicians can collaborate to inaugurate or

modify policies directed toward the wellness of populations for whom Hip Hop culture is

a part of life, yet the culture is not yet validated by the disciplines seeking to provide

service. Policies that incorporate Hip Hop teaching modalities into social work

curriculum can do so in seeking to ally disciplines that are engaged in the research of

human behavior, social systems, history, public policy, and social services. Seeking to

address the issues of systemic discrimination even within the educational institutions,

confronting a lack of diverse knowledge can be best addressed by acknowledging an

internationally-known culture and its various art forms and ways of expression.

To change exploitive systems in greater society, social work must be prepared to challenge discrimination within itself including the constant evaluation of knowledge 114 dissemination; which according to NASW (2008) competencies must “demonstrate cultural competence, and promote policies that safeguard the rights of and confirm equity and social justice for all people.” Hip Hop is a global culture that is rooted in the political and social oppression of ethnic minority populations in New York. Since its conception, it has become a tool for countless oppressed groups living in poverty or other problematic social conditions. As part of their service to the greater society, social work practitioners must promote policy changes that garner diverse cultural knowledge to inform practice

(NASW). Hip Hop is already used as a tool for social justice among so many communities worldwide, and social work practice must reflect this reality.

Practitioners of Social Work, Mental Health, and Medicine

Clinical recommendations derived from this study include a promotion of NASW

(2008) ethical competencies with clients by learning to recognize social diversity through a wide realm of Hip Hop content. Through interdisciplinary collaborations Hip Hop can be used a teaching modality that also promotes ethical competencies of adult learners working with diverse colleagues. There is profoundly rich content to be found in Hip Hop that is in line with the core values of the social work profession striving to help people in need, challenge social injustice, and remain mindful of diversity. The constructive discussion that can be derived from adult learner exposure to diverse content with these concepts in mind can help promote stronger relationships between future practitioners and their clients from different backgrounds. Participants all shared their take on the content and attributed different cultural, spiritual, economic and various other identifications in social domains to the characters in the story. This helped to promote 115

skill application that students would use such as in vignettes for social work practice courses--the awareness of social discrimination and the confrontation of biases to promote overall group honesty.

An ethical responsibility as professionals is for social workers to have

competency. Practitioners can better participate in programs that already exist using

varying models of Rap therapy or Hip Hop in education. One participant, RZA, made a

reference to their client population by describing a local agency which serves the

community of all ages and backgrounds through use of music, art and Hip Hop culture. It

was of salience for this participant, and others alike, to receive curriculum content that is

relevant to their practice and thus can foster more useful skills. RZA stated the focus

group video content was one of very few and new exposures to positive Hip Hop.

Practitioners in social service agencies utilizing Hip Hop must then be exposed to Hip

Hop content through class curriculum so they may be better equipped to apply learned

skills and knowledge in the field. Elligan’s (2000) guide for practitioners utilizing Rap

therapy for example, asks not for practitioners to agree with Rap content messages, but

participate in critical analyses of the content to build rapport with clients effectively.

Utilizing Hip Hop content with appropriate populations, groups, and individuals can

strengthen relationships between clients and practitioners as they collaborate to critically

analyze content for prosocial merits and more in-depth acknowledgement of negative

ideologies, such as misogyny; thus, promoting wellbeing through a more meaningful

client-practitioner relationship, a key to social work practitioner skill sets.

It is important for stakeholders to participate in discourse surrounding course 116

content for the field of social work. Students can provide insight towards evaluation of

existing educational content. In a focus group setting, students could participate in a

process of assessing and exploring their own educational experiences and systems of

knowledge building. The sources of knowledge were critiqued for lacking diversity as a

source of systemic discrimination within the school of social work. Allowing students to

contribute to their own knowledge base through productive discourse is an opportunity

for promoting competency. Research on Hip Hop in social work andragogy can provide a

new component for expanding educational development as new content is built

continuously for educational and professional development.

For the social work profession, evaluation is an ethical competency accomplished

through research that may inform policy (NASW, 2008). Research on Hip Hop content in

social work andragogy allows for the profession to be a part of policy evaluation through

continuing research searching for more inclusive teaching modalities to apply to a growing diversity of student populations. Hip Hop is now global, but is founded in U.S. populations that were disenfranchised. The growth of the musical genre and culture as w hole can be a great benefit to society yet local and global levels of Hip Hop are not validated in social work education. As social welfare seeks to help local and global populations, a wide-reaching culture like Hip Hop advances research possibilities.

Recommendations

The purpose of this study was to highlight the importance of exploring the

understudied cultural phenomenon that is Hip Hop in social work andragogy. The study

results showed that participants engaged with content through critical discourse which 117 produced insight into their perceptions and attitudes towards the music genre. It is imperative for future research endeavors to explore the conceptualizations of anti-Rap attitudes among social work students and practitioners to further operationalize areas of discrimination in the educational system. The study results offer insight about perceptions of adult learners as part of one focus group. Hip Hop content can be a useful teaching modality in the social work classroom.

It is recommended for research to continuously investigate the andragogic qualifiers of Hip Hop by incorporating interdisciplinary educators and students. Future research can benefit from the interdisciplinary knowledge to be gained from the diverse content selection available globally from Hip Hop. Additionally, community stakeholders of the local surrounding area can be incorporated in future focus groups. This includes local Hip Hop education program educators/coordinators, and artist collaborative and individual artists. Major improvements can be gained from holding repeated focus groups to gage better any changes within groups. This study made use of the RAP Scale (Tyson,

2006) to supplement and further describe qualitative data. Other studies can replace or even add measurement tools like the Individual and Community Empowerment (ICE) inventory, assessing the impacts of risk-enhancing versus empowering manifestations of

Hip Hop music (Travis & Bowman, 2011).

Educators can participate as researchers by promoting analyses of this teaching modality in actual classroom settings. Elkins, et al. (2015) study had students in BSW,

MSW, and PhD in Social Work programs viewing and discussing the video for Tupac’s

“Brenda’s Got a Baby”. Similar focus groups can be held within the social work 118 classroom and across different degree programs, especially dual degrees that would benefit from more interdisciplinary curriculum content. Short of presenting the content to entire classes, varied sized focus groups can employ this content as a focal point for discussion. Longitudinal data can strengthen the knowledge to be derived from studies of

Hip Hop content in social work andragogy. Repeated focus groups can help to promote more in-depth knowledge on even more Hip Hop content.

Additionally, it is recommended for future studies to incorporate resources that will allow for additional research resources such as a different facilitator for the focus group than the researcher to lessen the probability of bias between data collection and analyses. In the group setting, it was helpful to promote casual discussion with an openness to incorporate humor. Comedy is a part of Hip Hop and important critical content discourse. Established rapport among participants and researcher, as well as availability of food during the discussion, made room for comfort around disconcerting topics. It is recommended for these characteristics to be adopted for repeated groups specially to maintain group rapport.

Limitations

Study limitations can be attributed to the overall deficiencies of qualitative research. Drawbacks that are inherent to this approach are that the findings are not generalizable to the great population of adult learners. The purpose of this study was to explore an understudied topic, and so the findings cannot be applied to any specific demographic. Instead, in-depth data was sought out from participants to get a more complete look at individual perceptions and attitudes, which are difficult to quantify 119

because such examples of human behavior are not static. The study used focus group

interview methodology to collect data from multiple participants at one time, and allow

for interactions between participants to produce more data that is relevant to the

classroom setting. However, these results are limited to the small sample of six

participants. Non-probability sampling further limits the validity and generalizability of the results, and the diversity of experiences among participants.

Participants discussed the content that they saw and heard. The focus group

methodology was employed to allow participants a space to engage with each other and

the researcher in the co-construction of critical analyses of three music videos. The

concurrent enrollment of researcher and participants in the same educational program

allowed for established rapport enough for participants and the researcher to interact in a

classroom setting on a concentrated topic of systemic discrimination. The focus group

approach to data collection also poses room for bias on multiple accounts. First,

participants’ relationship to the researcher and facilitator of the group was conducive to

the discussion topic which benefited from established rapport among participants.

However, it might have also limited responses from participants because of feelings of

discomfort sharing opinions to the researcher and their peer participants for fear of

affecting existing and continuous peer relationships.

Another gap of data collection process was the methods for conducting the RAP scale measurements. Findings from the RAP Scale point more towards the second study question which looks at changes in perceptions about Rap music, after participation in the focus group discussion. Some participants took the RAP scale pre- and post-tests on the 120 same day, before and after participation in the focus group. All participants took the post- test right after the focus group. All participants were allowed more time before and after the discussion to complete the questionnaire. The proximity of testing to the actual discussion might have affected the availability of information and selection of responses that participants made.

The subjective nature of qualitative research analyses also allows for bias on the part of the researcher. The study was limited in terms of triangulation of data analyses; advisor and researcher instead of between different coders and readers. The analyses were limited to one researcher, which significantly limits processing of audio and visual raw data relying on the researcher’s impressions of individual as well as group attitudes, actions, dynamics. The researcher also conducted the focus group which posed a significant barrier to the subjective collection and analyses of data. Having the researcher conduct the group among peers allows for constructive conversation to occur about shared educational experiences, yet can also leave room for bias in the manner of conducting the group. The researcher had the highest frequency of speech in the group discussion, not including the contextual introduction. Every focus group member spoke out at least once, but not all responded to every question. This severely limited the quantity of data produced by participants and could have had behavior effects that limited the depth of conversation.

Finally, a limitation to productive discourse was time. Participants expressed not having enough time to discuss all three music videos in one hour. This was apparent as not every participant may have understood some of the cultural idioms in the Hip Hop 121

content and more time would have allowed to explore this knowledge. This limited the

collaborative critical discourse about the Hip Hop videos, and as many participants

expressed, they would have preferred choosing the option to view content beforehand in

preparation for the discussion.

Conclusion

Hip Hop Helps was designed to explore the lack of literature that is present in social work education about Hip Hop. Though Hip Hop culture and its many art forms are present in the world we live in and studied more recently in areas of ethnic studies and mental health, a focus on Hip Hop in social work education is lacking. As more practitioners in social services utilize the art form with youth populations it cannot be ignored that curriculum needs to evaluate its relevance to the field of practice and update accordingly to allow adult learners a space to learn competency skills for using this as a treatment. Music therapy is now an accepted form of treatment among many social work and other health professionals. In a growing field of interprofessional teams, social work education must utilize the benefits of Hip Hop to promote allyship between academic disciplines. Results from this study, though not generalizable, provide a foundational framework for ancillary investigative endeavors to validate a globally-reaching culture and bring diversity into the social work classroom. The final chapter introduces the implications of future research on Hip Hop in social work as it relates to practice and policy at the micro, meso, and macro levels. One major implication is that Hip Hop content can provide necessary skills to promote cultural competency among social work practitioners in multiple settings of practice with clients and colleagues. There are 122 significant limitations to the generalizability of these findings, but the exploratory nature of the research provides inaugural insight towards overlooked cultural origins and ever- expanding diversification of Hip Hop content.

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Appendix A

Rap-music Attitude and Perceptions (RAP) Scale

Name______Date ______

1. Some Rap music has positive themes that uplift and empower people

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

2. Some Rap music teaches youth how to make it through bad times

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

3. Many youth relate to Rap music because it is about their reality

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

4. Most Rap music represents a form of resistance to oppressive conditions

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

5. Sexually explicit Rap music causes males to be sexually explicit with females

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

6. Violent Rap music videos can lead males to be more violent

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

7. Rap music is a progression of African American storytelling

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

8. There are very important messages in most Rap music

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

9. Most Rap music expresses negative attitudes toward homosexuality

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

124

10. Most Rap music suggests that women are just for male sexual satisfaction

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

11. I like Rap music for its beats and use of sound

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

12. I like Rap music for its content and its messages

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

13. Rap music is not a real form of music, it’s just talking over sounds

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

14. Rappers are not as talented as most musicians and other musical artists

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

15. Most rappers have creative intelligence

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

16. Competition between rappers is dangerous and leads to violence

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

17. Most Rap music projects macho attitudes

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

18. Most Rap music helps youth cope with their reality

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

19. Some Rap music encourages ethnic group pride

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

20. Rap music is a healthy resistance against the system

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree 125

21. Violence in Rap videos contributes to aggressive behaviors

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

22. Sexism in Rap videos contributes to sexist behavior

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

23. Most Rap music glorifies drugs and violence

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

24. Rap reflects the realities of drugs and violence in society

1 =strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neutral, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree

126

Appendix B

CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH

STUDY TITLE: Hip Hop Helps: Systemic Discrimination in Social Work Andragogy

I. STUDY PURPOSE My name is Yarin Gomez, and I am a graduate social work student in the Division of Social Work conducting research to fulfill the requirements for a master’s thesis project at California State University, Sacramento. You are invited to participate in a research study which will involve a focus group to obtain your perceptions about the use of Hip- hop music video content in social work education, particularly pertaining to the topic systemic discrimination. Some of your peers currently enrolled in the Master of Social Work program at CSU Sacramento have been invited to participate. In social work, music is used as a part of treatment among communities, families, groups, and individuals. Hip- Hop is a multicultural practice that includes music, but also transcends to a greater global movement that reaches many cultural mediums. However, a majority of existing literature on hip- hop music focuses on solely perceived negative imagery in popular Rap music, with minimal academic research exploring more critical analyses of recurring prosocial themes in hip-hop culture as whole. More research must combat the negative classifications of the genre as a whole and provide more comprehensive analyses of hip- hop culture to identify potential benefits for educational and practical use in social work education. The purpose of this research is to: 1) explore your perceptions about Hip-hop content and its potential use in social work education, and 2) address the social issue of systemic discrimination and its relevancy to the social work profession through exploration of this topic as it appears in Hip-hop content.

II. STUDY PROCEDURES If you decide to participate, you will be asked to complete the Rap-music Attitude and Perceptions (RAP) scale, a questionnaire developed by Edgar H. Tyson (2005) that attempts to measure views toward Rap music. Completion of the RAP will occur at two different time points before and after participation in a focus group discussion. The focus group discussion will last approximately 1.5 hours and will be led by this investigator. You will be presented with a 15- minute contextual introduction on the focus group flow/rules and the topic of systemic discrimination. The flow of the focus group will include the contextual introduction lasting which will have focus group rules, and a brief background on Hip-hop and systemic discrimination. The focus group rules include the expectation of confidentiality among participants to not disclose any information from the focus group session to outside parties, and requests to speak one at a time for optimum discussion and analyses of data without too much interferences of multiple speakers at one time. You will then view 15 minutes of music video content. After viewing the music videos, you will be asked to discuss for up to 60 minutes in response to open-ended questions about the use of the music video content in relation to 127 social work education. The discussion will be audio and visually recorded and transcribed following the session, but you will not be identified individually on the transcripts. You will be assigned a pseudonym for the purposes of this study that may be used in the focus group and the study materials. Your total participation in this study will last approximately two hours (with 1.5 hours spent at the focus group and an estimated 20 minutes spent completing related questionnaires).

III. RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS OF THE STUDY Risks associated with this study are not anticipated to be greater than those risks encountered in daily life. Risks associated with participation in this focus group primarily involve the possibility of psychological distress associated with the discussion of sensitive topics. However, you may skip any question you do not want to answer, ask for clarification if questions are unclear, or stop your participation at any time. In the case of mental health emergencies, you will be provided with a list of resources with available free services. In cases of imminent harm or emergency, the researcher may call the local Crisis Line or local law enforcement for assistance. There is also a potential risk of breach of confidentiality of focus group responses and study data. All data collected for this study will be edited to remove information that can identify participants (e.g., the names of persons or addresses). Just as with other personal information kept by health providers, banks, and others, certain safeguards cannot be guaranteed absolute protection of data. If private information gets into the wrong hands, it can cause harm. However, the researcher will store study records and other information about participants in a secure location, password protected, and will grant access only to authorized research advisor. These precautions will be taken to ensure confidential/voluntary participation among participants and minimize risks to participation. Potential benefits to of study participation may include advancing knowledge on this topic area.

IV. BENEFITS You will receive no direct benefit from your participation in the study other than the knowledge that your participation may assist researchers in advancing knowledge on this topic area that may be used to develop programming. Your voluntary participation in this study may assist academic graduate schools to design academic curriculum to assist a diverse student population. In addition, some people do derive benefit from being able to share their thoughts and feelings, and it is likely that some participants in this project will have this experience.

V. LEAVING THE STUDY Your participation in this project is voluntary. You have the right not to participate at all or to leave the study at any time without penalty or loss of benefits to which you may otherwise be entitled. Your name will not be on the transcripts of the focus group or your questionnaire(s). In addition, your responses will not be seen by course faculty or by faculty with any direct decision making regarding course progression. If you leave the 128

study, your relationship with CSU Sacramento will not be negatively affected. Your participation or nonparticipation will not affect your academic standing.

VI. CONFIDENTIALITY Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your permission. Measures to insure your confidentiality include the de-identification of any identifiers. . A master list of names and identification numbers used on the surveys will be kept in a locked file cabinet by the principal investigator. However, personnel from the Institutional Review Board may examine my records and study data. You will not be identified in any reports or publications resulting from this study. The data obtained will be maintained in a safe, locked location for a period of three years after the study is completed.

VII. CONTACT If you have any questions about the research at any time, please contact me at Yarin Gomez: Phone 408-XXX-XXXX E-mail [email protected] Or Maria Dinis: Phone 916-278-7161 E-mail [email protected] If you have any questions about your rights as a participant in a research project please call the Office of Research Affairs, California State University, Sacramento, (916) 278- 5674, or email [email protected].

VIII. CONSENT Your signature below indicates that you have read and understand the information provided above and consent to participate in this study. Signature ______Date ______Do you consent to be audio/visually recorded for the focus group Yes___ No___

129

Appendix C

HUMAN SUBJECTS APPROVAL LETTER

CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO DIVISION OF SOCIAL WORK

To: Yarin Gomez Date: September 20, 2016

From: Research Review Committee

RE: HUMAN SUBJECTS APPLICATION

Your Human Subjects application for your proposed study, “Hip-hop Helps: Systemic Discrimination in Social Work Andragogy”, is Approved as Exempt. Discuss your next steps with your thesis/project Advisor.

Your human subjects Protocol # is: 16-17-001. Please use this number in all official correspondence and written materials relative to your study. Your approval expires one year from this date. Approval carries with it that you will inform the Committee promptly should an adverse reaction occur, and that you will make no modification in the protocol without prior approval of the Committee.

The committee wishes you the best in your research.

Research Review Committee members Professors Teiahsha Bankhead, Maria Dinis, Kisun Nam, Francis Yuen

Cc: Dinis

Revised Sept 2016 ww 130

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