^^0^ ^oV^ '•^0^ 4^°^ '/ COPYRIGHT BY 1920 g)CU566029 ^ PUBLISHED BY CONCORD PUBLISHING COMPANY INCORPORATED NEW YORK, U. S. A. ^^^^^eM/uj^ v//^j^#<>tdio ^t^^u^^ " 1 683- 1 920 The Fourteen Points and What Became of Them— Foreign Propaganda in the Public Schools — Rewriting the History of the United States—The Espionage Act and How it Worked— "Illegal and Indefensible Blockade" of the Central Powers— 1.000.000 Victims of Starvation—Our Debt to France and to Germany—The War Uote in Congress — Truth About the Belgian Atrocities— Our Treaty with Germany and How Observed— The Alien Property Custodianship- Secret Will of Cecil Rhodes— Racial Strains in American Life — Germantown Settle- ment of 1683 And a Thousand Other Topics by Frederick Frankun Schrader Former Secretary Republican Congressional Committee and Author "Republican Campaign Text Book. 1898.** (i PREFACE WITH the ending of the war many books will be released dealing with various questions and phases of the great struggle, some of them perhaps impartial, but the majority written to make propaganda for foreign nations with a view to rendering us dissatisfied with our country and imposing still "•- -v,^^ ,it^^,n fiiA iVnorance. indifference and credulity of the Amer- NOTE The short quotations from Mere Literature, by President raised Wi -fvr'i oodrow Wilson, printed on pages II, 95, 166, 224, and 226 of ,, this volume are used by special arrangement with Messrs. Houghton g and Mifflin Company, A blanket indictment has been found against a whole race. That race comprises upward of 26 per cent, of the American people and has been a stalwart factor in American life since the middle of the seventeenth century. This indictment has been found upon tainted evidence. As is shown in the following pages, a widespread propa- ganda has been, and is still, at work to sow the seeds of discord and sedition in order to reconcile us to a pre-Revolutionary political condition. This propaganda has invaded our public schools, and can- not be more effectively combatted than by education. The contingency that the book may be decried as German propa- ganda has no terrors for the author, and has not deterred him from his purpose to deal with facts from an angle that has not been popular during the past five years. What is here set down is a statement of facts, directed not against institutions, but men. Men come and go; institutions endure if they are rooted in the hearts of the people. The author believes in the sacredness and perpetuity of our in- stitutions. He believes in the great Americans of the past, and in American traditions. He is content to have his Americanism measured by any standard applied to persons who, like Major George Haven PREFACE WITH the ending of the war many books will be released dealing with various questions and phases of the great struggle, some of them perhaps impartial, but the majority written to make propaganda for foreign nations with a view to rendering us dissatisfied with our country and imposing still farther upon the ignorance, indifference and credulity of the Amer- ican people. The author's aim in the following pages has been to provide a book of ready reference on a multitude of questions which have been raised by the war. It is strictly American in that it seeks to educate those who need education in the truth about American institutions and national problems. A blanket indictment has been found against a whole race. That race comprises upward of 26 per cent, of the American people and has been a stalwart factor in American life since the middle of the seventeenth century. This indictment has been found upon tainted evidence. As is shown in the following pages, a widespread propa- ganda has been, and is still, at work to sow the seeds of discord and sedition in order to reconcile us to a pre-Revolutionary political condition. This propaganda has invaded our public schools, and can- not be more effectively combatted than by education. The contingency that the book may be decried as German propa- ganda has no terrors for the author, and has not deterred him from his purpose to deal with facts from an angle that has not been popular during the past five years. What is here set down is a statement of facts, directed not against institutions, but men. Men come and go; institutions endure if they are rooted in the hearts of the people. The author believes in the sacredness and perpetuity of our in- stitutions. He believes in the great Americans of the past, and in American traditions. He is content to have his Americanism measured by any standard applied to persons who, like Major George Haven Putnam, feel prompted to apologize to their English friends for "the treason of 1776," or who pass unrebuked and secretly condone the statement of former Senator James Hamilton Lewis, that the Con- stitution is an obsolete instrument. Statements of fact may be controverted; they cannot be disproved by an Espionage Act, however repugnant their telling may sound to the stagnant brains of those who have been uninterruptedly happy because they were spared the laborious process of thinking for themselves throughout the war, or that not inconsiderable host which derives pleasure and profit from keeping alive the hope of one day seeing their country reincorporated with "the mother country"—the mother country of 30 per cent, of the American people. It is to arouse the patriotic consciousness of a part of the remaining 70 per cent, that this compilation of political and historical data has been undertaken. European issues and questions have been included in so far only as they exercised a bearing on American affairs, or influenced and shaped public opinion, prejudice and conclusions. To the extent that they serve the cause of truth they are entitled to a place in these pages. THE AUTHOR. New York City, January, 1920. 10 Allied Nations in the War.—The following countries were at war with Germany at the given dates: Russia 1 August, 1914 France 3 August, 1914 Belgium 3 August, 1914 Great Britain 4 August, 1914 Servia 6 August, 1914 Montenegro 9 August, 1914 Japan 23 August, 1914 San Marino 24 May, 1915 Portugal 9 March, 1916 Italy 28 August, 1916 Roumania 28 August, 1916 U. S. A 6 April, 1917 Cuba 7 April, 1917 Panama 10 April, 1917 Greece 29 June, 1917 Siam 22 July, 1917 Liberia 4 August, 1917 China 14 August, 1917 Brazil 26 'October, 1917 Ecuador 8 December, 1917 Guatemala 23 April, 1918 Haiti 15 July, 1918 The following countries broke off diplomatic relations with Germany: Bolivia April 13, 1917 Nicaragua < May 18, 1917 Santo Domingo Costa Rica Sept. 21, 1917 Peru. October 6, 1917 Uruguay October 7, 1917 Honduras July 22, 1918 Alsace-Lorraine.—Dr. E. J. Dillon, the distinguished political writer and student of European problems, in a remarkable article printed long before the end of the war, called attention to the general mis- understanding that prevails regarding Alsace-Lorraine. He said that the two houses of the Legislature in Strasburg made a statement through their respective speakers which, "however skeptically it may be received by the allied countries, is thoroughly relied upon by Ger- many as a deciding factor" in the vexatious question affecting those provinces. The president of the second chamber, Dr. Ricklin (former mayor of Dammerkirch, then occupied by the French), declared solemnly in the presence of the Stadthalter that the two provinces, while desiring modification of their status within the German empire, also desired their perpetuation of their present union with it.. "The people of Alsace-Lorraine in its overwhelming majority did not desire war, and therefore did not desire this war. What it strove for was the consummation of its political status in the limits of its dependence 11 upon the German empire, and that settled, to resume its peaceful avocations. In this respect the war has changed nothing in our coun- try. We make this confession aloud and before all the world. May it be everywhere heard, and may peace be speedily vouchsafed us." "The speaker of the First Chamber, Dr. Hoeffel," continues Dr. Dillon, "also made a pronouncement of a like tenor, of which this is the pith: "Alsace-Lorraine particularly has felt how heavily the war presses upon us all, but selfless sacrifice is here, too, taken for granted. Our common task has knit the imperial provinces more closely together than before, and has also drawn more tightly their links with the German Empire." Under date of January 17, 1917, Mayor North, of Detweiler, was quoted in the press of that day: "Alsace-Lorraine needs no liberator. After the war, I am confident, it will know how to guard its interests without the inferference of any foreign power. The sons of the country have not bled and died in vain for Germany." North is of old Alsatian stock, as is also Former Secretary Petri of Alsace, who said, when the issue of the war was still undecided: "In view of the military situation, the reply of the Entente to Presi- dent Wilson's peace note is simply grotesque. It could hardly have used other words if the French were in Strasburg, Metz, Mayence, etc." At the National Congress of United Socialists, March 24, 19L3, Gustave Herve (quoting a dispatch from Brest to the New York "Times" of the day following), declared, "Alsace was German in race and civilization, and had been an ancient possession of Germany. One of the provinces naturally belonged to Germany and the other to France." Francis de Pressense, ex-deputy, declared: "Time has done its work.