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She Is Not a Criminal
SHE IS NOT A CRIMINAL THE IMPACT OF IRELAND’S ABORTION LAW Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. First published in 2015 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom © Amnesty International 2015 Index: EUR 29/1597/2015 Original language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Cover photo: Stock image: Female patient sitting on a hospital bed. © Corbis amnesty.org CONTENTS 1. Executive summary ................................................................................................... 6 -
Understanding Irish Spelling
Understanding Irish Spelling A Handbook for Teachers and Learners Nancy Stenson and Tina Hickey Understanding Irish Spelling A Handbook for Teachers and Learners Nancy Stenson and Tina Hickey i © Stenson and Hickey 2018 ii Acknowledgements The preparation of this publication was supported by a grant from An Chomhairle um Oideachas Gaeltachta agus Gaelscolaíochta, and we wish to express our sincere thanks to COGG, and to Muireann Ní Mhóráin and Pól Ó Cainín in particular. We acknowledge most gratefully the support of the Marie Skłodowska-Curie Fellowship scheme for enabling this collaboration through its funding of an Incoming International Fellowship to the first author, and to UCD School of Psychology for hosting her as an incoming fellow and later an as Adjunct Professor. We also thank the Fulbright Foundation for the Fellowship they awarded to Prof. Stenson prior to the Marie Curie fellowship. Most of all, we thank the educators at first, second and third level who shared their experience and expertise with us in the research from which we draw in this publication. We benefitted significantly from input from many sources, not all of whom can be named here. Firstly, we wish to thank most sincerely all of the participants in our qualitative study interviews, who generously shared their time and expertise with us, and those in the schools that welcomed us to their classrooms and facilitated observation and interviews. We also wish to thank the participants at many conferences, seminars and presentations, particularly those in Bangor, Berlin, Brighton, Hamilton and Ottawa, as well as those in several educational institutions in Ireland who offered comments and suggestions. -
Women's Legal Landmarks
Women’s Legal Landmarks Celebrating the History of Women and Law in the UK and Ireland Edited by Erika Rackley and Rosemary Auchmuty HART PUBLISHING Bloomsbury Publishing Plc Kemp House , Chawley Park, Cumnor Hill, Oxford , OX2 9PH , UK HART PUBLISHING, the Hart/Stag logo, BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2019 Reprinted 2019 Copyright © The editors and contributors severally 2019 The editors and contributors have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 to be identifi ed as Authors of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. While every care has been taken to ensure the accuracy of this work, no responsibility for loss or damage occasioned to any person acting or refraining from action as a result of any statement in it can be accepted by the authors, editors or publishers. All UK Government legislation and other public sector information used in the work is Crown Copyright © . All House of Lords and House of Commons information used in the work is Parliamentary Copyright © . This information is reused under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 ( http://www. nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3 ) except where otherwise stated. All Eur-lex material used in the work is © European Union, http://eur-lex.europa.eu/ , 1998–2019. -
Ireland, Abortion Access and the Movement to Remove the Eighth Amendment
“#Repealthe8th”: Ireland, Abortion Access and the Movement to Remove the Eighth Amendment SINÉAD KENNEDY*1 Abstract Abortion is illegal in almost all circumstances in Ireland, permitted only where there is a risk to the life of the woman due to the eighth amend- ment to the Irish Constitution. While abortion is banned, women living in Ireland do access abortion; they do so legally by travelling abroad, and illegally within Ireland by accessing the abortion pill online. This access is highly mediated by race, class and migration status. This article will consider the politics of Ireland’s abortion ban through the prism of public debates around abortion, reflecting on the discursive devices employed to both chal- lenge and uphold the status quo on abortion. This conclusion will focus on different dimensions of the “Repeal” movement; a movement that pro- pelled Ireland to finally face up to the reality of abortion and change it laws through removing the eighth amendment from the constitution. Keywords: Abortion; Migration; Repeal; Movement; Ireland On Friday 25th May 2018 the Irish electorate voted by two to one majority to remove Article 40.3.3, the prohibition on abortion, from the Irish Con- stitution. While opinion polls had suggested that those who campaigned to remove the ban on abortion would win, it was predicted to be a close result; no one predicted the sheer scale of the victory and the support from every section of society, young and old, urban and rural. In the immediate aftermath of the referendum the result was heralded as nothing short of revolutionary by journalists and activists alike who understood it to be part of a major gender and generational shift in Irish political life. -
Discourse and Power in Ireland's Repeal the 8Th Movement
Interface: a journal for and about social movements Article Volume 13 (1): 193 – 224 (July 2021) McKimmons and Caffrey, Ireland’s Repeal movement Discourse and power in Ireland’s Repeal the 8th movement Elaine McKimmons and Louise Caffrey Abstract Understanding the success of social movements in terms of their situatedness in the social and historical context is a necessary direction for social movement research. In Ireland, much of the research on reproductive rights activism since the 2018 referendum that legalised abortion has examined distinct aspects of the movement that might be improved going forward. The present study endeavoured to examine the discursive strategies used by the Repeal campaign. Qualitative data, collected from 23 activists from the ‘Repeal the 8th Campaign’ at a critical moment in time - ten months before the referendum - were subjected to critical discourse analysis. Situating the Repeal movement within a theoretical framework, we propose that initial pro-choice activism since 1983 maintained the abeyant movement until the receptive environment re-opened. From 2012 to 2018 pro-choice activists capitalised on the newly receptive environment to remove Article 40.3.3 from the Constitution of Ireland successfully. Findings demonstrate how activists created social change by mainstreaming discursive categories that were not previously culturally dominant, drawing on discourses of feminism, modernity versus traditionalism and approaches of strategic consciousness-raising. Keywords: Feminism, Pro-choice Activism, Repeal the 8th, Intersectionality, Social Movement Lifecycle, Critical Discourse Analysis. Introduction In 1983, the Irish public voted to enact the Eighth Amendment to the Irish Constitution (Article 40.3.3). The Eighth amendment was deemed by Irish law to make abortion illegal in all cases – except where there was a ‘real and substantial risk to the life of the mother’ (Attorney General v. -
Reproductive Justice in Ireland: a Feminist Analysis of the Neary and Halappanavar Cases
UCC Library and UCC researchers have made this item openly available. Please let us know how this has helped you. Thanks! Title Reproductive justice in Ireland: a feminist analysis of the Neary and Halappanavar cases Author(s) McCarthy, Joan Editor(s) Donnelly, Mary Murray, Claire Publication date 2016-02 Original citation McCarthy, J. (2016) 'Reproductive Justice in Ireland: A Feminist Analysis of the Neary and Halappanavar Cases', in Donnelly, M. and Murray, C., Ethical and Legal Debates in Irish Healthcare: Confronting Complexities, Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press. isbn: 978- 0-7190-9946-5 Type of publication Book chapter Link to publisher's http://www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk/9780719099465/ version Access to the full text of the published version may require a subscription. Rights © Manchester University Press 2016. While copyright in the volume as a whole is vested in Manchester University Press, copyright in individual chapters belongs to their respective authors, and no chapter may be reproduced wholly or in part without the express permission in writing of both author and publisher. Item downloaded http://hdl.handle.net/10468/6260 from Downloaded on 2021-10-04T00:17:03Z 1 Reproductive justice in Ireland: A feminist analysis of the Neary and Halappanavar cases Joan McCarthy Introduction This chapter analyses two Irish case studies concerning reproductive justice and maternal health that raise serious ethical and legal concerns. These are, firstly, unnecessary hysterectomies that were carried out at Our Lady of Lourdes Hospital, Drogheda; and secondly, the case of Savita Halappanavar whose 17 week pregnancy ended in miscarriage and her death in University College Hospital Galway (UCHG) on the 28th October 2012. -
Constitutionalizing Fetal Rights : a Salutary Tale from Ireland.', Michigan Journal of Gender and the Law., 22 (2)
Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 21 April 2015 Version of attached le: Accepted Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: de Londras, Fiona (2015) 'Constitutionalizing fetal rights : a salutary tale from Ireland.', Michigan journal of gender and the law., 22 (2). pp. 243-289. Further information on publisher's website: http://repository.law.umich.edu/mjgl/vol22/iss2/1 Publisher's copyright statement: Additional information: Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk CONSTITUTIONALIZING FETAL RIGHTS: A SALUTARY TALE FROM IRELAND Fiona de Londras I. Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 1 II. Abortion in Ireland: The Current Legal Regime ............................................................. 4 III. The Constitutionalization of Fetal Rights -
A Health and Rights Approach to Abortion in Ireland Irish Family Planning Association
Submission to the Citizens’ Assembly A health and rights approach to abortion in Ireland Irish Family Planning Association 16.12.16 Contents IFPA position on the Eighth Amendment .................................................................................... 4 Glossary of terms ............................................................................................................................... 6 About the IFPA .................................................................................................................................. 10 A leading provider of sexual and reproductive health services ...................................... 10 Vision .............................................................................................................................................. 10 Mission ............................................................................................................................................ 10 An advocate for the right to reproductive health ................................................................ 11 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 12 1.1 Why does the IFPA believe the Eighth Amendment should be repealed? ............ 12 1.2 Why the IFPA is not in favour of reform that allows abortion only in exceptional cases .............................................................................................................................................. -
Constitutionalizing Fetal Rights: a Salutary Tale from Ireland
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Michigan School of Law Michigan Journal of Gender & Law Volume 22 Issue 2 2015 Constitutionalizing Fetal Rights: A Salutary Tale from Ireland Fiona de Londras Birmingham Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjgl Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Family Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Medical Jurisprudence Commons Recommended Citation Fiona de Londras, Constitutionalizing Fetal Rights: A Salutary Tale from Ireland, 22 MICH. J. GENDER & L. 243 (2015). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjgl/vol22/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of Gender & Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CONSTITUTIONALIZING FETAL RIGHTS: A SALUTARY TALE FROM IRELAND iona de ondras In 1983, Ireland became the first country in the world to con- stitutionalize fetal rights. The 8th Amendment to the Constitution, passed by a referendum of the People, resulted in constitutional pro- tection for “the right to life of the unborn,” which was deemed “equal” to the right to life of the “mother.” Since then, enshrining fetal rights in constitutions and in legislation has emerged as a key part of anti-abortion campaigning. This Article traces the constitu- tionalization of fetal rights in Ireland and its implications for law, politics, and women. -
Abortion and Reproduction in Ireland: Shame, Nation-Building and the Affective Politics of Place
Provided by the author(s) and University College Dublin Library in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite the published version when available. Title Abortion and Reproduction in Ireland: Shame, Nation-building and the Affective Politics of Place Authors(s) Fischer, Clara Publication date 2019-07-01 Publication information Feminist Review, 122 (2): 32-48 Publisher Sage Item record/more information http://hdl.handle.net/10197/11202 Publisher's statement Fischer, C. (2019). Abortion and Reproduction in Ireland: Shame, Nation-building and the þÿAffective Politics of Place. Feminist Review, 122(2), 32 48. https://doi.org/10.1177/0141778919850003 Reprinted by permission of SAGE Publications. Publisher's version (DOI) 10.1177/0141778919850003 Downloaded 2021-09-27T06:00:30Z The UCD community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters! (@ucd_oa) © Some rights reserved. For more information, please see the item record link above. Abortion and Reproduction in Ireland: Shame, Nation-Building, and the Affective Politics of Place Clara Fischer [This article was published in Feminist Review, Vol. 122, No. 2, 2019, pp. 32-48] In 2018, Irish citizens voted overwhelmingly to repeal the 8th Amendment to the Constitution to allow for the introduction of a more liberal abortion law. In this article I develop a retrospective reading of the stubborn persistence of the denial of reproductive rights to women in Ireland over the decades. I argue that the ban’s severity and longevity is rooted in deep-seated, affective attachments that formed part of processes of postcolonial nation-building and relied on shame and the construction of the Irish nation as a particular, gendered place. -
Contesting the Cruel Treatment of Abortion-‐Seeking Women
Contesting the cruel treatment of abortion-seeking women Ruth Fletcher Dr Ruth Fletcher, Senior Lecturer in Medical Law, Queen Mary University of London Mile End Road London E1 4NS UK http://www.law.qmul.ac.uk/staff/fletcher.html Please cite the published version: (2014) Reproductive Health Matters 22(44): 10-21; DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0968-8080(14)44818-3 via http://www.rhm- elsevier.com/article/S0968-8080(14)44818-3/fulltext Abstract This article draws on legal arguments made by civil society organisations to challenge the legal reasoning that apparently produced the decision in the Ms Y case in August 2014. I show how legal standards of reasonableness and practicality ought to be interpreted in ways that are respectful of the patient’s wishes and rights. The case concerned a decision by the Health Service Executive (HSE), the Irish public health authority, to refuse an abortion to a pregnant asylum seeker and rape survivor on the grounds that a caesarean section and early live delivery were practicable and reasonable alternatives justified by the need to protect foetal life. I argue that the abortion refusal may not have been a reasonable decision as required by the terms of relevant legislation for four different reasons. First, the alternative of a caesarean section and early live delivery was not likely to avert the risk of suicide, and in fact did not do so. Second, the consent to the caesarean section alternative may not have been a real consent in the legal sense if it was not voluntary. -
Accessing Abortion in Ireland: Meeting the Needs of Every Woman
Accessing Abortion in Ireland: Meeting the Needs of Every Woman National Women’s Council Accessing Abortion in Ireland a b National Women’s Council Accessing Abortion in Ireland Contents Acknowledgements 2 Foreword 3 Introduction 5 1 Context: Repeal of the Eighth Amendment 6 2 Implementation of Abortion Services 13 3 Provision of Abortion Services in Ireland 16 4 Assessment of Abortion Provision 32 5 Abortion Access and Equality 42 6 Outstanding Issues on Reproductive and Sexual Health 48 7 Recommendations 51 Appendix 1 57 Appendix 2 58 Bibliography 61 National Women’s Council Accessing Abortion in Ireland 1 Acknowledgements The National Women’s Council (NWC) commissioned Dr Sinéad Kennedy to write this report. We would like to extend our sincere thanks to her for leading this project and providing such a cogent and robust analysis of the development of Ireland’s abortion care since the introduction of the Health (Termination of Pregnancy) Act 2018. NWC gratefully acknowledges the funding provided by the Centre for Reproductive Rights which has made this work possible. Special thanks are also due to our members who supported this project, including those who sit on the Abortion Working Group. Some members and experts generously gave their time for interviews to inform this analysis. Their insights were integral to this work and are very much appreciated. We would also like to extend special thanks to Disabled Women Ireland, the Abortion Rights Campaign, Doctors for Choice, the Irish Family Planning Association and Mara Clarke from Abortion Support Network. In addition, the ongoing legal analysis work conducted by Lawyers for Choice, and in particular, Mairead Enright, was of specific importance to this project.