Jamaica Under Seaga: 1981-1983 Linus A

New Directions Volume 12 | Issue 4 Article 17 10-1-1985 Jamaica Under Seaga: 1981-1983 Linus A. Hoskins Follow this and additional works at: http://dh.howard.edu/newdirections Recommended Citation Hoskins, Linus A. (1985) "Jamaica Under Seaga: 1981-1983," New Directions: Vol. 12: Iss. 4, Article 17. Available at: http://dh.howard.edu/newdirections/vol12/iss4/17 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Howard @ Howard University. It has been accepted for inclusion in New Directions by an authorized administrator of Digital Howard @ Howard University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Jamaica Under Seaga: 1981-1983 26 By Linus A. Hoskins rime Minister [Edward] Seaga viewed his [1980] election as “a declaration against Commu Pnism in Jamaica” and promised a moderate government following a nonaligned policy of good relations with all.1 Describing his party’s victory in the October 30, 1980 general elec tions as “an overwhelming mandate by the people of Jamaica,” the prime minister has insisted that the victory enabled his government to “give the people the policies and programmes necessary to restore the economy.” In his first official address to the people, he said: . .. We hope to offer, in this new era o f our political life, the people of famaica a principled government. We hope to offer the people o f Jamaica in this new era creative government. We hope to offer a government o f sanity. We hope to offer a government that knows where it is going and can say so with conviction and with credibility. We hope to offer a govern ment that will not have hostile relations with the international fora o f the world, but will have good relations with the international community of nations and we hope to offer a government that has no quarrel within our domestic situation with those particular segments o f our society which are the roots o f our demo cratic system and our constitutional proc ess . .2 According to some political observ ers, Seaga’s landslide election victory represented “a mandate for (his) free enterprise programmes and a rejection of the socialist experiment of the former Michael Manley administra tion, which was accused of spreading poverty instead of wealth”.3 The prime minister has indicated that his victory and similar conser- NEW DIRECTIONS X T O B E R 1985 vative swings in the Caribbean were “a ment but is also determined not to take obsession with the spread of “Com- 27 message that we are ready to contain a “high profile in any single direction”. munist imperialism” is directed the expansion of Cubanism” and that By adopting this “constructive role”, toward Castro’s Cuba. Indeed, the move away from the influence of the administration seeks to avoid “the throughout the 1980 campaign, Seaga the Soviet Union and Cuba has gained advocacy of one cause or the other threatened the Cubans by warning that momentum because of economic mis which could prejudice (its) ability to they would not be welcomed “if they management under socialist regimes. conciliate” its own national interests. are becoming involved in (Jamaica’s) Seaga has said that another reason that domestic politics” and are bent on ex he Seaga administration is also Cubanism has failed to win support in porting revolution to the region. determined to stymie the the Caribbean was due to socialism’s “interference of foreign . I f Castro wants to be accepted in “ideological incompatibility” with powers in (its) domestic this region, then he must be able to prove Caribbean peoples’ thinking and he T his credentials by not exporting revolu affairs” and guided by the “greater reassured Jamaicans that with his elec principle of moral judgement”, it has tion or ideology. We are rather firm in toral victory they were now “free of vowed always to commit itself “to the our belief that he exported revolution to ideological adventurism”. struggle against racist regimes, wher Greruida, and. .to Nicaragua. We . .T he economic and ideological mis ever they may be” and likewise those believe that Cuban expansionism will con adventure of the Marxist system was not “regimes which violate human rights.” tinue through its role as a proxy for the acceptable to a people accustomed to the The government is also adamantly Soviet Union. The Cubans set up Jamaica lifestyle and expectations o f the market against “racist oppression and as their espionage center o f the Caribbean system. .4 colonialism.” According to the govern so they could have easier access to subver As an unabashed proponent of the ment’s manifesto: sives on other islands, who could come free enterprise system, Seaga is con here to deal with them rather than going vinced that Jamaica’s bread is buttered . We support liberation movements to Havana and risking exposure. How can in Washington and not, as his pred against racism, oppression and colonial you normalize relations with a country ecessor seemed to believe, in Havana ism. We do not accept that liberation acting like that. ?7 movements can justify our support in any or Moscow. As a result, he wasted no To demonstrate that he meant busi country whose nationals freely vote to time in reversing Jamaica’s political ness, Seaga’s first act as prime minister establish or continue any political rela course in order to undo the damage was to expel Cuban Ambassador Ulises tionship. Nor do we support expansionist which, he charges, has been caused by Estrada, who left Jamaica on Novem movements operating under the guise of eight years of mismanagement and ex ber 3, 1980 along with several other liberation movements; and we condemn perimentation with Cuban-type solu Cubans. In addition to the accusation all the disguised attempts to infiltrate tions.5 that Cuba was “instrumental in smug and exploit any country. 6 In the foreign policy area, the Seaga gling arms and ammunition into administration is staunchly anti-Com- And finally, with regard to regional Jamaica” during the 1980 election cam munist and stresses that its “first interests, the [Seaga] administration paign, the Seaga government specifical priority is to re-establish confidence in regards the Caribbean as its “natural ly accused Estrada of being involved in Jamaica as a stable pro-Western na area of interest” with emphasis placed a scheme that illegally shipped 200,000 tion”. According to the government’s on the role of CARICOM, the Carib shotgun shells and .38 caliber pistol am election manifesto, its policy is to halt bean Bank and the University of the munition to Jamaica from Miami and of what it sees as “the expansionist West Indies (UWI). Its overall policy stockpiling M-16 rifles in the Cuban movement of Communist imperialism” position on the Caribbean is that “with Embassy—rifles which were allegedly and to “combat the threat of alien ideol closer cooperation for mutual benefit”, used to attack supporters of the ogies” in the region. Caribbean governments “can halt the Jamaican Labour Party (JLP) and the On the issue of nonalignment, unlike expansionist movement of Communist security forces.8 the Manley administration, the Seaga imperialism operating under the In January 1981, the Jamaican gov administration not only does not intend pretext of a liberation movement.” ernment terminated the “brigadista” to play an aggressive role in the move Prime Minister Seaga’s paranoid program and immediately recalled all NEW DIRECTIONS OCTOBER 1985 Jamaican students who were in Cuba tion member of Parliament D.K. Dun he Cuban government categori under the program. According to a can for “behaving in a manner pre cally denied the Jamaican State Department report, under the judicial to the national interest.” The government’s charges that it “brigadista” program, Cuba “trained government’s Minister of National Tharbored criminals wanted by about 1,400 Jamaican youths in Cuba as Security and Justice, Winston police in Jamaica. Cuba responded by construction workers.” Furthermore, Spaulding, accused Duncan of making charging that the break in diplomatic “political indoctrination in Cuba formed public statements “supportive of a relations “was carried out by the part of this group’s curriculum” during foreign power with which Jamaica had government of Seaga but was decreed which the “youths received military severed diplomatic connections for in Washington.. .as one more step in training while in Cuba, including in behaving in a manner prejudicial to the Yankee government’s aggressive struction in revolutionary tactics and Jamaica’s interest and particularly in anti-Cuban strategy.” The Cuban use of arms.”9 respect to the island’s security.” The government also accused Seaga of government’s position was that by sen attempting to be “the most loquacious n October 29, 1981, after one ding the top-level delegation to Cuba, leading choir boy of imperialism in the year in office, the Seaga Caribbean”. administration did the ultimate by breaking diplomatic rela Domestic Policy tionsO with Cuba, claiming that Havana When he became prime had sheltered/harbored criminals The cardinal features of the Seaga wanted for prosecution by police in minister in 1980, Edward administration’s supply-side economic Jamaica.10 Seaga stated that he philosophy are that “the private sector And in December 1982, the Jamaican inherited a nation that must save the country and that market government refused to extend the work forces would be allowed to have full permit of Cuban journalist Godefroid was ‘lurching from crisis play”.16 The government is guided by Tchamlesso, who had been covering to crisis’. the belief that “the first lesson is that the Caribbean for eight years as chief Socialism cannot produce economic correspondent for Prensa Latina.

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