Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 14-27

Going Negative: Campaigning in Canadian Provinces

Alex Marland Department of Political Science, Memorial University of Newfoundland – Email address: [email protected]

Abstract The study of political communication in ’s provinces suffers from an absence of pan-Canadian information. This descriptive article bridges the gap by documenting some observable trends. It submits that negative is more intense in larger provinces than in smaller jurisdictions. Permanent campaigning is the new normal as electioneering ramps up in anticipation of a fixed date . Provincial parties and citizens avail themselves of new technology by communicating with digital video, which is not subject to the same financial, technical, content or regulatory constraints as . Similarities of political communication across Canada are noted, including copycatting of federal-level practices.

Keywords provincial , political communication, negative advertising, permanent campaigning, fixed date , new information and communication technologies, video communication.

Résumé: Les études en communication politique au Canada souffrent de l’absence d’observations pancanadiennes. Cet article descriptif comble cette lacune en documentant les tendances observables. Il soutient que la publicité négative est utilisée de manière plus intensive dans les grandes provinces que dans les plus petites juridictions. La campagne permanente est devenue la nouvelle norme, alors que l’électoralisme s’accélère dans l’attente d’une élection à date fixe. Les partis provinciaux et les citoyens tirent profit des nouvelles technologies en communiquant au moyen de vidéos, lesquels ne sont pas soumis aux mêmes contraintes financières, techniques et règlementaires qu’à la télévision. Les similitudes entre les pratiques de communication politique utilisées à travers le Canada sont constatées, incluant l’imitation des pratiques au niveau fédéral.

Mots-clés: politique provinciale, communication politique, publicité négative, campagne permanente, élections à date fixe, technologies de l’information et de la communication, communication vidéo.

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Theoretical Framework deem to be important information (Mark 2006: 2). The rule of thumb is that going Negative advertising is a scourge negative is risky if the message sponsor is of American politics (e.g., Ansolabehere ignorant of the believability of claims, and Iyengar 1995), and an unwelcome overlooks that voters scrutinize political phenomenon that has come to motivations and if there is a disregard for characterize Canadian politics. In recent a “sense of fair play” (Pinkleton 1997: 21). years the Conservative Party of Canada It is interesting that has deployed negative advertising is thought to be least effective in through multiple media platforms. This jurisdictions with small populations, was designed to damage the public image because voters may personally know of Stéphane Dion, Michael Ignatieff, Bob party leaders, or feel that they do, and Rae and as soon as each opposing politicians may be friends (Mark man became leader of the Liberal Party of 2006: 177). This suggests that what Canada. According to Ira Basren of the happens in Canadian federal politics is CBC, it is a practice that was inspired by not necessarily the norm in the diverse the U.S. Republican Party philosophy that, laboratories of provincial level “You do not sidestep around your campaigns. candidates’ vulnerabilities; you confront Controversy about negative them head-on. You do not attack your advertising is growing with the opponent’s weak points; you attack his prevalence of the permanent campaign. strengths” (Basren 2009). The concept is rooted in the party Conservative strategists recognize controlling the government leveraging the that negative advertising provokes fear. It perks of office including availing of highlights or distorts select policy government communications staff, positions of an opponent in a distasteful making spending decisions, coordinating manner. The objective of “fear ads” is to pseudo-events and commissioning stimulate voter anxiety and prompt publicly-funded advertising and market electors to reconsider who they should research (Blumenthal 1980). But pre- support (Brader 2006: 6). Such ads can campaigning has evolved to engage all also extend the reach of the party’s media major political parties’ personnel in a buy if they generate earned media with “media-intensive, leader-focused, and news organizations replaying or linking to round-the-clock style of campaigning” as party ads. The Conservative Party’s though the next election is already negative advertising was distasteful, but it underway (Gibson and Römmele 2001: introduced a critical lens through which 34). The advantages of relentless Liberal leaders were judged, and campaigning include shaping the personal contributed to the Liberal Party’s poor of a new leader, avoiding the performance in the 2008 and 2011 clutter of competing messages, federal elections. capitalizing on public attention to a Whether or not negative controversy and, in Canada, escaping the advertising is playing by the rules is a constraints of pre-campaign and matter of debate. Assessing the ethical campaign spending limits (Table 1). merits of negative communication is a subjective exercise because what one elector may deem immoral another may

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Table 1: Advertising Spending Restrictions and Fixed Date

Jurisdiction Pre- restrictions Campaign Fixed date election spending limit* legislation Canada None. Political and election advertising $21 million Passed 2006 are exempted from The Canadian Code of Advertising Standards, which does not hold the force of law. NL None. $1.6 million Passed 2004 NS None. $1.7 million No PEI None. $0.8 million Passed 2007 NB Parties may spend no more than $35,000 $1.1 million Passed 2007 annually on non-election advertising (Political Process Financing Act, sec. 50). QC None. $4.8 million Passed 2013 ON Government advertising must be vetted $7.4 million Passed 2005 by the Office of the Auditor General to verify that the ads are non- (Government Advertising Act). MB In a fixed-date election year there is a $1.4 million Passed 2008 limit of $268,000 for pre-campaign party advertising (Election Financing Act, sec. 58). Government advertising is prohibited 90 days before Election Day (sec. 92). SK In a non-election year, party advertising is $0.9 million Passed 2007 capped at $274,898 (Election Act, sec. 243). Government advertising is subject to limits in the four months prior to an election and is restricted 30 days beforehand, with some exceptions (sec. 277). AB None. No limit imposed Passed 2011 BC In the 60 days prior to a fixed-date $4.6 million Passed 2001 election, political parties may not incur more than $1.1 million in expenses (Election Act, sec. 198). *Official campaign spending limit normally pertains to parties fielding candidates in all electoral districts. Dollar amounts are subject to inflation adjustments. Information is for most the most recent completed campaign as of 2014. Intended for illustrative purposes only. Sources: Election agencies and election legislation.

However, permanent campaigning of election being signed (again, Table 1) is a suspect use of public resources and its and all jurisdictions have campaign criticism contributes to negative spending limits. Concerns about political democratic discourse. In some provinces communication are not magically solved there is legislation restricting such through regulation, given that section behaviour immediately prior to the writ 2(b) of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms

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Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 14-27 guarantees the “freedom of thought, there is a particular dearth of provincial belief, opinion and expression, including level research. The following case study in freedom of the press and other media of the period surrounding the 2011 crop of communication” (Canada 1982). provincial campaigns also considers Another reason for the prevalence politicking in a new era of fixed date of permanent campaigning is that the election legislation. Knowing the speed of communication has intensified. anticipated date of the next election puts The 24/7 nature of political news, the the parliamentary and extra- expanding online sphere, and the mobility parliamentary wings of all political of smartphones enable political actors to parties on a stronger organizational engage in rapid exchanges of text, photos footing and encourages them to actively and video. The considerable mobilize rather than develop policy ideas developments associated with new (Perrella et al. 2008: 78-79).1 The election communication technology are too readiness of opposition parties pressures extensive to list here. Suffice it to say that the governing party to engage in constant an emerging phenomenon is the growth communication, which intensifies as the of digital video, which has become legislated election date approaches. inexpensive to create, edit, and disseminate. sites like Methodology Facebook, Twitter and YouTube lack the gatekeeping that pervades traditional This invites a number of questions media, which levels the playing field for about political communication in small political parties, local candidates, Canadian provinces that are discussed in and interest groups (e.g., Dylko et al. the following descriptive study. What 2012). It also opens up opportunities for evidence is there of permanent citizens to participate and potentially campaigning at the provincial level? To attract mainstream news coverage, except what extent is negativity a feature of they often lack the skills and resources to provincial politics? In what ways are produce high-quality content. provincial actors employing e- One outcome is that e-campaigning communication as part of permanent features material that is not suitable for campaigning and negative messaging? mainstream media. Digital video can be Indicators of these connected trends can longer than 30 seconds, can speak to a be demonstrated by documenting narrow segment of the electorate, and campaign activity before the writ drop, by push the creative envelope. This includes documenting examples of message tone, the creation of political parody videos, and by remarking on cases of e- some of which can be well-received and campaigning. Provincial campaigns are go viral, even if the intent was to inflict not insulated from global trends and we damage on an opponent without should anticipate finding evidence of each revealing the true identity of the video’s of these phenomena. Changes in sponsor (Lim and Golan 2011). communications technology mean that All of these interconnected topics – each activity is increasingly negative advertising, permanent interconnected, and strategies and tactics campaigning, and digital video are transcending jurisdictions and communication – warrant study at the political parties. However, we lack a pan- federal level of Canadian politics, but Canadian comparative account of their

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Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 14-27 existence, and should anticipate contacted to verify rules for pre-campaign variations that reflect local political political advertising. dynamics. The trend towards inter- provincial and intra-party convergence is Findings beginning to be understood through the lens of political branding (e.g., Wesley and 1) Permanent Campaigning in the Moyes 2014), which warrants separate Provinces study. A descriptive approach is Provincial parties have a history of employed to gather baseline indications leveraging public resources for of these phenomena at the provincial electioneering purposes. The British level. What follows is a qualitative Columbia NDP used polling and account of a series of election case advertising to persuade citizens to studies. It offers colour about support the Nisga’a Treaty which became campaigning dynamics and sets up a key policy plank in its 1996 election empirical analysis for other studies. The platform (Ponting 2006), and the Alberta method categorizes observations for the PCs availed of the government’s Public development of theory and testable Affairs Bureau for political generalizations in future undertakings. purposes (Taft 1997). Conversely, The gathering of qualitative data Perrella et al. (2008) observed that in began with a review of provincial political ’s first fixed-date election in 2007 studies. New evidence was collected from there was little evidence of permanent media reports in recent provincial campaigning, which the authors speculate campaigns. English-language news stories was due to Ontarians’ inattentiveness to were identified by CPEP research politics during the summer months prior assistants2 who performed daily to the writ drop in September. As we shall monitoring of the websites of major see, parties in Ontario and elsewhere provincial media outlets in autumn 2011 needed an electoral cycle to get into an for Newfoundland and Labrador, Prince organizational rhythm. Edward Island, Ontario, , and Across Canada there is plenty of . Information for the most evidence of political parties campaigning recent campaign in other provinces was before the official writ of election. A year obtained through a search of the media prior to the 2011 Saskatchewan election, archive database Eureka.cc and case- the governing specific Google searches.3 As well, videos launched TV spots to raise concerns that that were housed on political party the NDP leader once lived in Alberta. In websites in autumn 2011 were the lead up to the 2011 Ontario election, downloaded and reviewed in a non- the Liberals ran party-financed videos systematic manner; for the other praising their government’s policy provinces, select videos were identified accomplishments, and issued negative through news coverage and were located spots to slag the PC Party leader. As the online. Readers should bear in mind the official campaign approached, the Liberals limitations of this convenience sampling continued to lavish self-praise, while the and descriptive analysis.4 Finally, in late PCs framed Dalton McGuinty as 2013, provincial election agencies were “the taxman,” and the NDP presented itself as a positive alternative. In British

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Columbia, two years before that Democrats who prepared a radio ad in province’s 2013 election, the governing July 2011 which included two separate Liberal Party unveiled a so-called “attack remarks by the Premier that website” that critiqued the NDP’s leader were spliced together to appear as a (CBC News 2011). On the eve of the single comment. In New Brunswick there campaign, the government spent millions was a tit-for-tat exchange. First, the PCs to promote its provincial Jobs Plan, and complained about a Liberal radio spot in the BC Liberals reinforced this with party- 2010 that used a MLA’s quote out of funded pre-campaign and campaign ads context. Then, they were upset about the that emphasized job creation policies. NDP spoofing the Supersize Me movie Two days before the election call, the poster to depict PC leader David Alward Liberals purchased an with a mouthful of French fries. Finally, wherein Premier Christy Clark chatted at the PC website depicted Liberal Premier a kitchen table with electors about her Shawn Graham as Pollyanna, an image background and her government’s that was later removed. For good policies. The BC NDP countered with a TV measure, a Liberal cabinet minister urged spot that flashed the words “The BC the media to scrutinize how much the PC Liberal campaign is based on personal Party spent during the pre-campaign attacks and negative ads. But we’re NOT period. going negative”. Proof positive: on April A more significant trend is that Fool’s Day, the NDP used social media to provincial parties are following the circulate a spoof negative video that federal Conservative Party’s lead of humorously blamed their own leader for damaging the image of a new opponent as everything bad about the 1990s, from the soon as that person is selected party Spice Girls to Marilyn Manson, and its leader. In October 2011, the Wildrose cheekiness succeeded in attracting Party planned to go negative against the mainstream media coverage. Yet another winner of the PC Party’s leadership race. example of pre-campaigning occurred in Wildrose prepared a video critiquing the Alberta, where in 2011 the PC Party ran leadership frontrunner, Gary Mar, and its “first ever” negative ad against an intended to run the spot on the TV news opposition party (Braid 2012). The radio broadcasts that it believed were ad contrasted the PC government’s monitored by journalists. The position on an impaired driving law advertisement was quickly updated to against that of the and replace Mar with surprise winner Alison used the tagline “Danielle Smith: Not Redford but, as hoped, major newspapers worth the risk.” This was identical to the did reproduce screen shots of the ad to federal Conservatives’ line against accompany their news stories. Stéphane Dion. Interestingly, the objective of the negative Sometimes the alleged victims of spot was not just to frame the new pre-campaigning seek public sympathy. A premier. Wildrose found that whenever it mild case occurred in PEI a month before informed supporters through e- the 2011 election, when the opposition PC communication about new ads this Party complained about the governing generated donations. Negative Liberals publishing pre-campaign advertising, when combined with newspaper ads. This pales against the and email appeals, is thus a outcry against the Saskatchewan New fundraising mechanism to finance further

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Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 14-27 advertising (Flanagan, 2014) and is no permanent campaigning in Ontario was longer confined to the official election stimulated by the existence of a minority period. government, as occurred at the federal Similarly, in January 2013 the level from 2006 to 2011. Ontario PC Party ran negative spots mere Knowing the date of a pending hours after won the election may assist in the planning of Liberal leadership contest to succeed political communication. However, as Premier McGuinty. Within a month the discussed earlier, pre-writ advertising in PCs posted an online ad critiquing the the Canadian provinces predates the new premier’s cabinet, using photos of advent of fixed-date legislation. Moreover, select ministers, gloomy piano music, and at the time of study such rules did not a narrator critiquing each one’s past exist in Quebec or Nova Scotia, and yet spending decisions (Box 1). ongoing campaigning was in play there. In 2012, the Quebec Liberal Party issued a Box 1: “How new?” pre-writ negative video that reproduced (PC Party of Ontario video, 2013) amateur footage of Parti Québécois leader Narrator: “Meet Kathleen Wynne, Ontario’s Pauline Marois banging pots and pans in a new premier, and her cabinet of big Liberal student . The grainy images were spenders. This is [Minister of Finance] Charles obtained without the videographer’s Sousa. Taxpayers are on the hook for $190 permission from social media, converted million dollars, wasted, moving a power plant to into black and white, and slowed down in save his own seat. And then there’s [Minister of the style of a silent horror film. In Nova Health] Deb Matthews. She allowed CEO Scotia there was considerable pre-writ Chris Mazza to spend millions on helicopters communication leading up to an that were too small to perform CPR. And who anticipated 2013 election, despite the could forget [Minister of Infrastructure and of absence of fixed date election legislation. Transportation] ? He spent a In December 2012 NDP Premier Darrell million taxpayer dollars – on a toilet. What do they all have in common? They’re all part of Dexter delivered uplifting messages about Kathleen Wynne’s revitalized Liberal team. his government’s policies in a televised Turns out our new premier is a whole lot like address. The Liberals released a TV spot the old one.” deriding him for millions of dollars in Wynne (heard in background): “Dalton! Dalton! corporate giveaways; the NDP responded Dalton…” by circulating brochures and creating a website that critiqued Liberal plans to This personal-level affront was reduce Nova Scotia Power’s monopoly followed in June with negative spots over energy services. The NDP persisted claiming that nothing changed with a new by uploading a negative video to YouTube Liberal leader. All of the PC videos in February 2013 and airing it the next featured visuals of Wynne and McGuinty day on television; the advertisement used raising their arms together at the Liberal a blue colour scheme interspersed with leadership convention, a colour scheme of an announcer mentioning Quebec, photos bright reds and dark greys, and concluded of the Liberal leader and news quotes that with Wynne chanting the name of the collectively inferred that he was a outgoing premier. Although we cannot be Conservative and/or a Quebecker (Box 2). sure, it seems that the intensity of The Nova Scotia case suggests that negative communication and trends in

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Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 14-27 permanent campaigning are not electors that there was still more work to necessarily dependent on a legislated be done. Saskatchewan Party videos election date, nor on the perilous nature depicted Premier Wall as a noble leader of a . It also raises who deserved re-election because he the spectre of negativity being directed at turned the province’s economy around.5 other provinces. If positive video is more common among provincial governing parties, then Box 2: “Ask Newfoundlanders” comparative video is more prevalent (NDP of Nova Scotia video, 2013) among opposition parties, though a more Narrator: “We don’t know much about [Liberal comprehensive empirical analysis is leader] Stephen McNeil, but we do know he’s needed to confirm this observation. opposed to clean Atlantic Canadian power from Comparative ads that contrasted choices Muskrat Falls. Instead, he says Nova Scotia were regularly used by PC parties in PEI, should depend on Quebec for power. His New Brunswick and Manitoba: the first people are already talking to Hydro Quebec. half of each spot consisted of anti- And it’s written right into his party’s energy government messaging before presenting plan. Maybe Mr. McNeil should have asked the the opposition as an uplifting alternative. people of Newfoundland and Labrador how well During the 2010 New Brunswick Hydro Quebec’s treated them. So if you want campaign, a PC video depicted Liberal Quebec Hydro controlling our power, Stephen Premier Graham in slow motion set McNeil’s your guy. If you want an affordable made in Atlantic Canada energy future, he against a black background accompanied isn’t.” by the text “This is a sign of desperation” before transitioning to the PC Party logo.

The narrator claimed that Graham was 2) Negative Campaigning in the Provinces using “US-style ads” to disparage PC

leader David Alward and that this was a As we can see, perpetual crafty attempt to divert attention away campaigning features positive and from the Liberal government’s broken negative communication. During the promises. A slight twist occurred in official campaign period the one Quebec. During the 2012 election, a guarantee is that an incumbent party will Liberal video began with an English coo about how wonderful life has been narrator and text communicating that the under their stewardship. In the Fall of party would create jobs. It transitioned 2011 Premier Dunderdale gushed in PC into a warning that Pauline Marois Party videos about what an exciting time wanted a referendum. Footage of Marois it was to live in Newfoundland, as images addressing an audience in French from a flashed of her mingling with smiling balcony while waving a Quebec flag was electors. In PEI Liberal video ads, the accompanied by English subtitles. “And voice of Premier Robert Ghiz championed our dream is to create a free and his government’s achievements overtop independent Québec” she says, after tourism-like images of the beauty of the which the narrator reminded viewers that province’s geography. In Ontario and the advertisement was sponsored by the Manitoba the incumbent Liberals and Quebec Liberal Party. This style of NDP, respectively, likewise featured the advertising seeks to persuade viewers premier marvelling about government that the message sponsor offers a friendly accomplishments and explaining to

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Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 14-27 solution to the problems created by its 2003 and 2007 elections. In 2011, it was opponent. reinforced in other ads that raised Negative advertising is much more concerns that McFadyen was too big a sinister. The tone of negativity is risk because little was known about him, worrisome in many provinces, and yet it because of the callous decisions of past PC was not present in all of the election administrations, and by drawing attention campaigns under study. When governing to his crisp business suits which were parties used positive advertising they used as a totem for uncaring spending projected a regional political identity and cuts. Somewhat similar to this messaging positioned themselves as a magnanimous was the PC Party of Nova Scotia’s tagline guardian of citizens’ interests. When they of “risky NDP” in radio ads during the used negative advertising they attempted 2009 Nova Scotia campaign. In that case, to reinforce their protector status by the government party warned voters of raising fears about the danger of change. the Ontario New Democrats’ deficit In pulling the emotional lever of anxiety financing in the 1990s, and also alleged they tapped into ideological values about that the Nova Scotia NDP accepted illegal the nature of public and private sector donations from unions. Such warnings involvement in the economy and/or about the Ontario NDP’s failings have juxtaposed leadership aptitudes. The been a common refrain in anti-NDP Manitoba NDP’s negative spots in Fall communication across Canada for years. 2011 warned that the PC Party had a Fear-mongering was a staple in hidden agenda to sell off Crown assets. Saskatchewan, too. In Fall 2011 the One NDP ad showed visuals of flowing SaskParty ran negative spots reminding water and hydroelectricity as a narrator electors of the failings of past NDP cautioned that the PC leader, Hugh governments in the province. They McFadyen, would privatize Manitoba labelled NDP leader as Hydro (Box 3). a hypocrite who could not be trusted and portrayed him as an Albertan with the Box 3: “Keep Hydro Public” implication that he did not understand (NDP of Manitoba video, 2011) Saskatchewanians’ concerns. The design Narrator: “: it’s our oil, it’s our of these ads was nearly identical to the future. And, it’s at risk. Why? Because [PC federal Conservatives’ portrayal of leader] Hugh McFadyen is a privatizer. He Michael Ignatieff as an American outsider. admits he played a central role when the PCs This federal mimicking previously broke their promise and privatized MTS occurred in the 2007 Saskatchewan [Manitoba Telecom Services]. He worked to election when the NDP used negative ads privatize Ontario Hydro. Now, Hugh McFadyen to warn citizens of the SaskParty’s alleged says he’ll open Manitoba Hydro to private hidden agenda. That was the same investors. If Hugh McFadyen gets the chance, narrative of fear that the Paul Martin he’ll privatize Manitoba Hydro. Our rates will go Liberals used against Harper and, as we up, and we’ll never get it back. Hugh McFadyen have just seen, which was also employed and Manitoba Hydro? Too big a risk.” by the Manitoba NDP in 2011. The smallest provinces of This fear-mongering of Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island privatization by the Manitoba PC party appear to be outliers with respect to their was a staple of NDP campaigns in the aversion to negative advertising and

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Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 14-27 inoculation from federal trends. The tone of the PEI campaign was considered to be more negative than in the past yet the c) e-Campaigning in the Provinces most adversarial tactic was a comparatively minor flap over the PC Communications technology has Party’s newspaper ads concerning alleged profoundly changed political government misspending on an campaigning, including the immigrant investment program democratization of video communication. (McKenna and Desserud 2013). Ross It is easy to create video and upload it to a Reid, the for the party’s official website, to YouTube, or incumbent PC Party of Newfoundland, elsewhere. This is an attractive advises that going negative in 2011 was proposition because of the low cost and never a serious consideration for his potential for emotional resonance. As party for two reasons: “One, because, Danie Pitre, an NDP communications we’re not convinced it works. Secondly, it officer in New Brunswick, explained in would have been completely counter to 2010: “Unfortunately we don’t have the the image of Kathy Dunderdale. It would budget to be doing TV and radio ads. But have been sending a mixed message. It we have realized that with YouTube and was never considered…I don’t remember social media sites like Facebook and a conversation, ever, where we talked Twitter, we can still promote our about using negative advertising…I think campaign” (Nabuurs 2010: A1). Political it’s bad for the system. It’s bad for the parties across Canada now routinely process. So I don’t like it” (Reid 2012). upload videos which range from unedited This stands in contrast to the views of campaign trail footage to professionally- Ontario Liberal campaign director Don produced TV-quality spots. Guy who had this to say about negative The types of online video generally advertising and the value of pre-writ mirror trends in offline video. Prior to the electioneering: “Whether it’s received as 2011 provincial election, the being mean or negative Newfoundland and Labrador Liberal campaigning…The most important Party used social media to promote a thing…is are we delivering information cartoon video in which a water droplet that the voter can relate to and finds named Winston was informed by a useful….And the one thing that we did narrator about the downsides of the right in this last campaign, in 2011, and Muskrat Falls hydroelectric project, why we were able to close the gap, is we including that the deal would benefit figured out that voters were going to start other provinces. In Ontario, the Liberal paying attention about a month before the and PC parties launched multiple writ was actually dropped” (Fowlie websites for the purpose of promoting 2012). The size of the provincial negative videos and negative news community, local political culture, and coverage of their opponents. The relationship with federal parties (at the Saskatchewan NDP created Flash time the Newfoundland PC party had animation videos to draw attention to limited contact with its national cousin) their policy priorities such as health care; are among the factors that contribute to however, its video of events from the the presence of negative communication campaign trail suffered from weak in provincial campaigns. production values and poor editing. In

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British Columbia, an online video issued Because the “I never thought I’d by the Liberal Party featured footage of vote PC” video was created and posted by the 2013 provincial leaders’ debate, an unidentified sponsor it fell outside of which raised concerns about copyright normal election finance regulations. This because the parties agreed not to serves as a reminder that the rules of the reproduce debate material. game are changing: political parties are During the studied period there is increasingly vulnerable at any point of the one incidence of Web video that is electoral cycle to unregulated negative especially noteworthy, even though the video that is created and uploaded by study of e-campaigning by interest groups pressure groups and by unknown political and private citizens is beyond the scope of opponents. this article. Towards the end of the 2012 Alberta campaign, the website Implications www.ineverthoughtidvotepc.com attracted media attention, and its lone This descriptive account is a first YouTube video went viral (Gerson 2012). step towards systematic research about The spot featured young people urging negative advertising, permanent Albertans to vote strategically in order to campaigning and digital video at the prevent a Wildrose government. It was provincial level of Canadian politics. We five times longer than a standard 30- can infer that the introduction of fixed second TV advertisement and included date elections incentivizes pre-campaign language that would not appear in electioneering, but that alone does not mainstream media (see excerpts in Box explain the presence of these phenomena. 4). New technologies are helping provincial parties reach wider audiences, especially given their relative lack of resources Box 4: “I never thought I’d vote PC” compared to their federal counterparts. (unidentified Alberta citizens group video, 2012) Importantly, online video is not subject to Woman 1: “[Wildrose leader] Danielle Smith the same technical, content or regulatory thinks the Flintstones is historically accurate.” constraints as television. Digital video can Man 1 [commenting on Wildrose healthcare and inhibit the ability of established political budget plans]: “But how the fuck are they going actors to control the campaign narrative, to do it, y’all?” though its aesthetics can also reinforce Woman 1: “Danielle Smith doesn’t believe in unwelcome perceptions of the sponsor’s gravity.” amateurism. It can be a strong return on Man 2 [referring to earlier campaign gaffe]: investment because of its ability to “And I heard her bus has tit wheels.” generate publicity and attract donations. Man 1: “Seriously. So, fuck it. I’m voting PC. Another observation concerns the Latino-ass me is voting PC.” similarities of political communication Man 2: “Listen, I want you to know, it’s not like I across Canada. The government party have a hard-on for PCs. I would rather have my face eaten off by rodents.” uses the timeworn tactic of championing Man 1: “Vote strategically. Vote for people you its stewardship and scaring voters about think are good, man.” the unknown. The opposition criticizes government decisions and presents itself as a solution. Strategies promoted by federal parties are copied. This includes

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Canadian Political Science Review Vol. 9, No. 1, 2015, 14-27 attempting to stay on a positive message officials’ efforts to make the act of voting track, or using horror-style video to warn more accessible. In 2013 Nova Scotia of an opponent’s hidden agenda, risky became the first jurisdiction to allow what policies or outsider status. The federal was dubbed “continuous polling,” Conservatives’ model of going negative as meaning that electors had the option of soon as an opposing party anoints a new voting at a returning office on any day of leader, irrespective of the proximity of an the campaign except on Sundays (CBC election, is followed in some provinces News 2013). Continuous advance voting and is symptomatic of a global trend of increases the incentive to operate a promoting and denigrating leaders rather permanent campaign and to go negative than parties or policy. The one defining earlier. Whether such communications characteristic of provincial videos is the would be of any additional persuasive presence of a regional dimension. This value is open to debate given that the pits provincial economic interests against earliest voters are presumably durable neighbours – hydroelectricity was a partisans. It is a policy innovation that has theme in 2011 – or presents a leader as significant implications for voter the embodiment of a regional identity. In mobilization, and it increases the Quebec, federalism and nationalism importance of social media. The continue to be the identity fault line. emergence of continuous polling, and Lastly, there is evidence that what it means for political political parties in small jurisdictions are communication, warrants monitoring. unwilling to go negative, and that All told, this synopsis adds to our anywhere in Canada the proponent of knowledge about the campaign behaviour negativity is publicly derided. Advertising of provincial parties and provides the and/or humour are used to depict foundation for empirical and normative negative messengers as meanies; another study. What are the implications of tactic is to seek sympathetic publicity by permanent campaigning for provincial complaining to authorities. Sometimes the politics and governance? Is there any technical execution of negative spots correlation between the tone of invites ethical questions, including the use advertising and political efficacy? Is of quotes out of context or reproduction online video the unregulated Wild West of copyrighted footage. But it is also and, if so, what are the implications? What common for negativity to generate is the ideal regulatory framework for negativity, given that parties that take the political communication? The baseline high road are eventually drawn into a evidence presented here suggests that response. Closer study is needed to bear these are among the many areas of this out, including an analysis of strategic provincial politicking that merit pan- decision-making which might be Canadian study. explained by theories such as the equivalent retaliation strategy that has proven to be successful in game theory. Trends identified here concerning permanent campaigning, negative political advertising and e-campaigning show no sign of abatement. An emerging area for future research is election

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Endnotes 4 This was not the intended research design. 1 In 2015, Nova Scotia Premier Stephen McNeil Difficulties were experienced securing interviews remarked that fixed election dates are a problem with senior party strategists outside of the in other provinces, and he backtracked on an researcher’s province of university affiliation. It earlier pledge to introduce the requirement as also became clear that campaign expenditure data part of a package of legislative reforms. In are exceedingly difficult to compare between jurisdictions that have fixed date election provinces; for instance Alberta, New Brunswick, legislation, dates are nevertheless subject to Nova Scotia and Ontario do not require that change: constitutional limits of five years, political parties disclose information about maintaining the legislature’s confidence and the advertising expenses. Finally, space limitations authority of the monarch’s representative to prevent analysis of data collected about dissolve the legislature prevail. A minority campaigning by interest groups, who played an government may be defeated on a vote of non- active role in larger provinces in particular. confidence, as occurred with the federal 5 It is interesting that two months after his party Conservatives in 2011, and the likelihood of which won in a landslide, Premier Wall authorized the prompted Ontario Premier Kathleen Wynne to digital release of a humorous video of outtakes request that the legislature be dissolved in 2014. and bloopers from the filming of his election The first minister can still manoeuver an early campaign advertisements. election, as Prime Minister did in 2008, as well as Quebec Premier Pauline Marois after her government tabled an early budget in 2014 prior to a recess of the legislature. 2 The author thanks Jared Wesley for coordinating the Comparative Provincial Election Project and Michael Penney for his capable research assistance. 3 Most news story citations are not presented for space and readability reasons. They are available upon request from the author.

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