Senator Albert J. Beveridge and the Politics of Imperialist Rationale

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Graduate Thesis Collection Graduate Scholarship

8-1972

Leone B. Little Butler University

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Recommended Citation Little, Leone B., "Senator Albert J. Beveridge and the Politics of Imperialist Rationale" (1972). Graduate Thesis Collection. 257. https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/grtheses/257

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(Please return this certification-sheet, along with two copies of the thesis and the candidate's record, to the Graduate O ffice, R oom 105, Jordan Hall. The third copy of the thesis should be returned to the candidate immediately after the oral examination.) s nator Alb rt J. B v ridg nd th Politics of 1mperi l'st Rational

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree

Master of Arts

Department of History and Political Science Division of Graduate Instruction

Butler University

Leone B. Little August 1972 CONTENTS

Introduction

Chapter I Rebirth of Manifest Destiny ..••••....•• Pag 1

Chapter II Chauvinist Roots and a College Career.. 7

Chapter III At the Bar, Amidst Indiana Politics.... 13

Chapter IV A More Noble Destiny: An Advocate of Imperialism...... 19

Chapter V War, Debate: An Imperial Kingdom .•..•.. 27

Chapter VI A Senator Battles for Imperialism .•.... 44

Chapter VII Imperialism Bows to the Progressive Era...... 7 1

Conclusion 76 ... INTfODUCTTON

This thesis is an unbias d attempt to look a S n t r Albert Jeremiah Beveridge, a man who made hi tory 'n his own time in his own way. Moreover, this thesis attempt to objectively present Senator Beveridge in the context of the era in which he lived as a generating force in America's colonial adventure at the turn of the century.

Senator Albert J. Beveridge, a Hamiltonian nationalist by inheritance, believed in a strong central government. Furthermore, he believed that the end of government should be the gaining of power and material forces, redeeming the redeemable nations of the world and subjugating the inferior races under American law and American institutions, religious, political, social and economic. .' .

Reviving the spirit of manifest destiny at the close of the last century, after it had waned during the Civil War era, Albert Beveridge and other expansionists plunged deeply into the fight to build an American colonial empire.

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(iii) 0 • 0 0 u v h u n i • 0 v - u • Th c • 0 Al a in an4 s' ritory in h oth ric n ' acqu1a1 ion o rrltory yon4 th con 1 n 1 boun4 ri s of North America did not occur un 11 he 1890's a of th Spanish Am ric an War. Why th n did h i s s walt until thirty years after the purchase of Alaska 0 ita only ~perialiatic adventure? How did a nation hicb been admonished by such famous leaders as Waahin9ton, Jeffer son and Monroe find itself involved in a war of imperial! with Spain in 1898?

The answers to the aforementioned questions can be found throu9h a study of American public opinion and attitudes aa well as a study of American political action prior to the Spanish American War. w w h

Despite this warning and advice from President Cleveland in 1885, the United States made a drastic departure fr i a isolationist policy and put in to motion its imperialis ic adventure in the 1890's. A "new manifest destiny• was begun during this period which was a desire for non-contiguous ter ritory. Attempts were made to annex the Hawaiian Islands during the closing days of President Benjamin Harrison's ad ministration, but the annexation plan failed when Cleveland returned to the White House in 1893. 2 Notwithstanding, the "new manifest destiny" was temporarily halted, the expansionist n c n

, ·~ 0 u c • which u 1 o n on n un • c •

Ch 1 a D in, n ng1iah n u 1ia , i rod c ia hi1oao hy o n u a1 • 1 c ion - h •au iv 1 o by pub1iahing hia diatinguiah s, "Th Origin o Sp ci •" pub1iah d in 1859 and "Th Deac n of n• blia in 1871. 5 The concepts of Darwinism w re no o f nsiv to a nation like the United States. 6 Social Darwin! found i • 7 advocates in American imperialism.

In 1885 the American historian John Fiske published his essay entitled "Manifest Destiny" based on the Darwinian theory.

The same year Josiah Strong, a Congregational minister, pub lished a volume entitled "OUr Country: Its Possible ture and Its Present Crisis," which upheld a similar Darwinian doctrine. 8 Strong wrote that the United States was destined to be the home of the Anglo-Saxon, the principal seat of his power, the great center of his influence. Strong visualized the Anglo- 4

xon h 0 n u nc n n h mi • on n com i ion w h h w k c in

0 xis nc . S ong •• Th n this r c o un qu 1 d n rgy, wi h 11 m j sty of numb a and h migh of w alth it - th r pr s nt tiv , 1 us ho , of th larg t lib rty, th pur at Chris iani y, th h gh at civili zation - having d v lop d p culi rly aggr ssiv raits c lcul ted to impr ss its insti u ions upon mankind, will apr d its lf ov r th arth. If I r ad not amiss, this pow rful rae will move down upon Mexico, down upon Central nd South Am rica, out upon the islands of th s , over upon Africa and beyond. And can any one doubt that the result of this compe§ition of races will be the "survival of the fittest"? It can fairly well be assumed that the widely read works of Fiske and Strong helped to shape public opinion in the 1880's.

As the nation moved into the 1890's the new imperialist movement gained greater impetus. An increased number of ad- '• vocates pleaded the cause of imperialism. Alfred Thayer Mahan, a captain in the United States Navy, was converted from anti- 10 expansion to the cause of expansion. Mahan became one of the most influential men in international politics at this time. As an exponent of sea power to achieve national greatness, Mahan was able to influence public opinion by associating with men who were able to put his mercantile imperialist views into effect. 11 5

A f w y ars 1 t r, ft r Fi k , Strong and Mclhan hcld mad th ir impact upon public opinion, Albert J. B_vcrJdg , a young, enthusiastic imp rialist from Indiana, brought the expansionist argument into greater nationaJ focus through his power of oratory.

A short time after the United States' declaration of war with Spainin April 1898, Beveridge in a speech in Boston forcefully reiterated the imperialist philosophy of the Dar- winites and the Mahanites .

..•. We shall cover the oceans with our merchant marine. We shall build a navy to the measure of our greatness. Great colonies, flying our flag and trading with us will grow about our posts of trade .... and American law, American order, American Civilization and the American flag will plant them selves on shores, hitherto bloody and benighted, but, by those agencies of God, henceforth to be made beautiful and bright.l2

The speech continued amidst the rapturous cheers of the . 13 aud 1ence .

..•. If this means the Stars and Stripes over an Isthmanian canal, over Hawaii, Cuba and the southern . seas, if it means American empire in the name of : the Great Republic and its free institutions, then let us meet that meaning with a mighty joy and make that meaning good, no matter what barbarism and all our foes may say or do.l4

Beveridge, though he held no public office at this time,

CHAPTER II

CHAUVINIST ROOTS AND A COLLEGE CA EE

Albert Jeremiah Beveridge came into national prominence as a militant crusader for the imperialist cause based on early influences, personal convictions and talents. The future senator, orator and statesman was the son of Thomas Beveridge, a captain in the Union Army during the Civil War, and Frances

Parkinson Beveridge. 1 Albert J. Beveridge, their only child, was born October 6, 1862 in Highland County, Ohio. 2

There is a dearth of information concerning his formal education, but his high school reports indicate he was an above average student in civil government. 3 Even then he had developed a passionate interest in government and poli tics.4 An ardent Republican with deep-seated prejudices while yet a young boy, Beveridge often attended political rallies with his mother in order to absorb the rhetoric and the style of the orators. The corruption and extravagance, along with social and political changes during the post-Civil

War era provided much fodder for the orators. Popular orators

v v b 0

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ng n qu 1 n n m nu

Li. t h logging c m h b n i 1 wi h i- n ss nd h rd labor, bu h m n g i mor prud nt th n pro an . Hj n ur. 1 po his aims high sur ac d. He wa abl to dju t th b ness and crudeness of the loggers and to ace pt th ir n practical judgment.12

Within the placid solitude of the forest, Beveridge, perhaps without his own awareness, was building his road to national eminence. It was at this time he developed his pristine convictions about governments and men. Beveridge

read avidly from the works of the transcendentalist Ralph

Waldo Emerson and from the works of the Greek biographer

Plutarch. He was enraptured with the feats of Caesar. 13

Indubitably, it was from this experience in his youth that

the chauvinistic roots of Albert J. Beveridge emanated.

Hidden within the mind of Beveridge was not a fleeting boy

hood fetish, but an approbation of military might which was

to master his political thinking more than two decades later 10

14 when he carne to the Senate of the United States.

Through stress, strain and struggle Beveridge completed his high school education in 1881. Desiring to further his education, Beveridge was confronted with the problem of not having the necessary finances. He sought admission to West

Point as a recourse. 15 Motivated also by his military in

clination and his desire to do public service, Beveridge felt

that the appointment to West Point would not only solve his

financial dilemma, but would ultimately lead to national emi

nence. Confident of passing the examination because of his

excellence in history, geography, government and mathematics,

Beveridge was somewhat crestfallen when the final results of

the examination were given. He had lost the appointment to

the academy. 16 He had been marked down because he had naively

laughed at a witticism a joker had made while the examination 17 was in progress.

Fate was with young Beveridge, however, for only a few

days before the fall term was to begin, Beveridge received

financial assistance from a lumberman for whom he had worked.

This financial aid enabled Beveridge to enter Asbury (now

DePauw University) in Greencastle, Indiana in 1881.18 The n ll y v1 } )

1 min nc n ,d n th

h urn of h c n u~y.

In 1885 B v ridg wa gr du from D P w I y illustrious coll g c r r. Ent ring D P uw wi h i deficiencies in L tin and Greek and l'mit d f'nanc , B v idr immediately set upon a schedule of using hi v ry waking t frugally. 19 His austere and aloof behavior and his great in dustry in his studies caught the attention of the Delta Y.appa

Epsilon Fraternity's Psi Phi chapter, who were considered to be hard-headed, hard-fisted and prize-takers. 2° From this point the college career of Albert J. Beveridge soared. inr.ing many coveted prizes in literary and oratorical competition early in his college career, Beveridge succeeded in winning a greater triumph in his Junior year. He won the State Oratorical Contest and heard Senator Jonathan Dolliver of Iowa deliver the keynote address at the Iowa State Convention.21 Beveridge, working in

Iowa as a book salesman during the summer in order to defray his college expenses, listened in awe and admiration while Dolli ver brilliantly made his delivery. 22 Little did Beveridge know at this time that later he would be a colleague of the then youthful Dolliver in the United States Senate. 2 3 Th i z ll y It w n h g du . on, bu h ncr. d bl n had i gr st w d wh n h w

Blai.n , th R public n pr id nt 1 n 4 . y at D Pauw was th pi tom of a chi v m n .24 g n- credible ability had .r ach d th a t n ion o nd leading Republicans who sought him as a campaign p r. 2

Thrilled at the opportunity of having his first ta t of politics, Beveridge accepted the chance to further the Blaine cause in Indiana, despite the "Plumed Knight's" questionable background. 26 To the thrill of Beveridge he also met Indiana's leading Republican, Benjamin Harrison, of Civil War fame, and future president. 27 The future, however, proved that this en counter between Harrison, an old guard Republican, and Beveridge, young and progressive, was not to be an asset to Beveridge's future career in law.

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At this tim B v ridg w u .1ng h "b 0 y h or tory which wa commonly u d n h po c v W r r .4

After the campaign was over B veridg sought h coun sel of Benjamin Harrison, whom he had met two year.s b for while stumping the state for Blaine. His encounter with

Harrison did not move in the direction Beveridge had anti cipated. Instead of Harrison receiving him as a protege in his law office, Beveridge was rebuffed by the austere Harrison.s

The aspiring young Beveridge was unprepared for the incident.

He had gleaned nothing but praise and acceptance in the Re publican circles since college days. Idealistic and full of youthful exuberance, Beveridge quickly recovered from the per sonal affront. He did not lower his sails; he merely re charted his course.

Indianapolis, though sparsely populated in the 1880's, 6 had a distinguished legal representation. Fortunately for

Beveridge, after the curt dismissal from Harrison, he became the disciple of Joseph E. McDonald, who professionally and n 1 ly w uJ y h qu fH r.irn n n 7 hum n qu 1 hi up j o .

Und r th tu 1 g of MeDon ld nd h ci t , c p bl John M. Butl r, B v ridg ro r. pid ly n rn y and became a junior par.tn r. As a fl dgling lawy r., th ir n willed Beveridge worked indefatigably. Cases 'nvolving th constitutionality of laws were of greatest interest to him. 8

Beveridge was never to forget his experience with

McDonald and Butler. Both men, though dissimilar in per ~ I sonality, had the profundity Beveridge needed as a founda tion in his initial years of law practice. But perhaps the greatest asset to Beveridge was his own self-confidence and his meticulous way of preparing for each case. 9 He resolved upon beginning his independent practice in 188910 that he would give his clients the best that was in hirn.ll

Throughout his ten years as an attorney in Indianapolis,

Beveridge continued to support the Republican party. Beveridge sensed early that success ultimately depended upon knowing men of repute as well as having individual industry and intellect.

He became a friend of Larz Whitcomb, a young man destined to h h p n :in( , n b Y.: (

Ind' n Hou of l n h y r v w ] 2 to th n . .dg m c1 Y. r,ng had m t whil D p uw. h W . h d U:Jh h

Republican ditor of th Gr nca tl G org

Langsdale. 13

Widening his circle of friends through hi fondne a of music and the theater, Beveridge also became interested and active in the Meridian Street Methodist Church, a Republican stronghold in Indianapolis at this time. Beveridge received strong support from this church when he made his bid for United 14 States Senator years later. Aside from his friends in religious and social circles, the personable young Beveridge cultivated the friendships of such distinguished politicians as

Governor Alvin P. Hovey and Judge John H. Baker.lS The businessmen in Indianapolis also were to be gathered into the

Beveridge fold.l6

Beveridge's choice of career at law came naturally enough.

"Lawyers were the biggest men in our own and neighboring coun- ties," recalled Beveridge, "and they were regarded as a very 17 superior type of human being." Through his remarkable ability 7

m m , J v r r cou · o m.

0 pit th .min nc of h ga 1 n 1

nd th 1890's and his obvious pot nt 1 a a ucc ful ney, Bev ridge remain d a frustrat d polit'cal a pircn • I strong nationalist and a partisan Republican, Bcv r1dg p o gressively gained attention as a Republican stump speak r following his involvement in the presidential campaign of

1884 and the congressional campaign of 1886.

Two years after the congressional campaign of 1886, the presidential campaign of 1888 had an even greater impact upon the Republican party in Indiana and particularly the city of

Indianapolis. Benjamin Harrison, grandson of former president William Henry Harrison, was the Republican nominee. Party strife existed within the Republican party in Indiana at this time, but the strife subsided enough during the campaign to secure Harrison's election. The faction within the Republi cans of Indiana existed between the supporters of Benjamin

Harrison and the supporters of Walter Q. Gresham, a fellow

Indianaian who also wanted the presidency. The Harrison forces were led by Harry S. New and his father, John C. New, proprietor nd ubli h of: h un hly P. p I

1. Th Gr. h rTI w

w. F b nk I ri ing youn who pr. c d to h Unit d tat s n t by b ing 1 c .( d n 1897. riv 1 factions unit d nough sup rf.icially 0 cur J p b- lican presid nt in th Whjte Hous jn 1888. 18

Beveridge in the pre-nomination period supported Gresham and campaigned vigorously, although for a losing cause. Even though he rode the bandwagon for Gresham along with Charles w. Fairbanks in 1888, Beveridge subsequently remained aloof from

Fairbanks. Instead he fell under the influence of Benjamin

Harrison's manager, Louis T. Michener, and became an admirer of President Harrison. 19 This ultimately was to Beveridge's advantage. He presented himself as a neutral amidst the Re publican party factions in Indiana. 2 0 Within this party strife

Beveridge was to lay the groundwork for his own political as pirations. However, the opportunity for Beveridge to satisfy his latent dreams was still a decade away from the presidential election of 1888. Cl!AP~'E TV A MORE NOBLE DESTINY: AN l\IJVOCAT· OF IMP ..

The administration of B njamin Harri on (1889-189">) w the first in which the "new manifest d stiny" had a s'gnific~nt influence in determining foreign policy. Harrison, like Ulyss s Grant, found his somewhat aggressive foreign policy was due largely to his cabinet members rather than his own initiative. Grant had William H. Seward, who was the negotiator in the purchase of Alaska. Harrison's administration had Benjamin F. Tracy as Secretary of the Navy and James G. Blaine as Secretary of State for three years.

Tracy as Secretary of the Navy appeared to have been in- doctrinated with the Mahan sea power philosophy. The United States built three first class battleships in 1890 which were eventually used as the backbone of the fleet used against Spain 1 in the Pacific in 1898.

Blaine, whom Harrison had been reluctant to appoint for fear of being overshadowed, proved to be the most significant 2 ur. H n' on. n I Y.

nd s w r.d, 0 cur. n v in h ro r for h Unit d BJ jn , n dvoc 0 n ib for ign policy, w s succ s fu1, how v r, .in r n ng

D partm nt of St und r II rr'son, ust in tim t pl y h to the First International American Conf r.enc · (Pan-/\ITI ric an

Conference) for which he had issued the invitations ight y ar before. 4

The jingoistic Blaine early in the Harrison regime aided in negotiating a treaty in Berlin in 1889 which established a tri-partite condominium over the Samoan Islands. The three- power protectorate (Britain, Germany and the United States) over the island alleviated some of the tension in the Pacific which existed as a result of the aggressive action of Germany. Germany and Great Britain were not wholly satisfied with a three-power protectorate, but nevertheless signed the treaty 5 on June 14, 1889.

In the United States, the pro-administration Republican press was sure Blaine had won a signal victory; the Democrats were positive that he had surrendered to Prince Bismarck, the

Iron Chancellor of Germany. 6 Notwithstanding the critics' 2

v w , h tJn d h n f.oo h ~' n

N ion 1 v nt in h . .rly 1890' con 'nu die tiv of th Un't d Stat s' w thdr w 1 from i o t n r- ward mpire. Th deposing of th Hawaiian Qu n L li 1 n in January 1893 by the United States Marines was cond rnn d by some as an imperialistic adventure. In the closing days of Benjamin Harrison's administration a treaty providing for the annexation of the Hawaiian islands was negotiated and sent 7 to the Senate.

When Cleveland, the isolationist, again returned to the presidency in March 1893, he withdrew the treaty. The domestic disasters of Cleveland's second administration plus Cleveland's personal views supporting isolationism temporarily impeded annexation plans for the next four years. 8

Harrison's administration had revived "manifest destiny" .:.. in the 1890's even though it bore no tangible fruits. ., ~ ~ 1...... In Indiana, Albert J. Beveridge, a Hamiltonian nationalist :1 ~"> with an aggressive passion for a strong central government, had ... kept abreast of these national events. By this time he was a 22 convinc d imperialist. II dm'rod djctatorial, r.uthl m n. Napol on and Richeliou w re his idols.9

Beveridge, who was intensely interested in the growth of the United States, was impatient with the fact the United States was not competing with the great powers of Europe on the battle fields of trade.lO The fact that England, with her expansive navy, was controlling the leading world markets, particularly in the Orient, was of much concern to Beveridge. 11

During the years since his graduation from DePauw, Beveridge had been building an acuity of vision in national politics. By the middle of the 1890's he was confident enough to want to as- sert his views on national issues. His visions had exceeded the boundaries of the state of Indiana. Thus when he was offered the nomination of Attorney General of the State of Indiana in

1894, Beveridge declined the offer. Based upon the fee system rather than a regular salary, this office paid from thirty to forty thousand dollars a year. Beveridge was tempted by so glittering a prize.12 "It is firing my gun off too soon,"

Beveridge concluded. "I think that there may be something higher ahead for me - but I shall not care even for that unless

I can do good for my country - good in the better and nobler 13 sense." lb r. r mj h B v g h rv h in Ind n r c mp ign p fo m r. did n wi h, how v r, h o n y-g n r 1 h p n 1 r w rd.

His refusal of the state position of attorn y g n ra in Indiana did not prove to be a political detriment to Bev ridg . He was still solicited to be the campaign speaker for the R - publican party during the presidential election in 1896. Beteridge had also hoped to participate in the National Republican Con- vention by going to Chicago as a delegate, but he was warned against this action by a more seasoned politician, Louis T. Michener, whom Beveridge had admired as Harrison's campaign manager. 14

By 1896 ''party line" politics were more clearly defined.

The Republicans were nominally known as the imperialis~and the Democrats were nominally known as the anti-imperialists. 15 The Republican presidential candidate for the election year was William McKinley, former governor of Ohio. The Democratic presidential nominee was William Jennings Bryan, the "Great Commoner", from Illinois. Bryan, while not an intellectual politician, had great popular appeal as an orator. 16 He was r c iv d w h f n ic J z , 1 n Tn n . i n nom in 17 To comba h Ilr.y, n p n a urnp d h r 1 ssly or Wjll~ m McK nl ~, h b- lican nomin N ar th clos o h campaign, hough and nervous, B veridgc was ask d to clos the publican a 18 tional Convention at Chicago. Beveridge replaced B nja in

Harrison, who had declined the invitation. Accepting the challenge, Beveridge was asked to speak on the theme of

Nationalism versus States Rights. since the theme dealt with the ardent personal convictions Beveridge held, he was eager to deliver the address. The theme was an outgrowth of the action Cleveland had taken in 1894 when he sent Federal troops to quell the Pullman strike. Governor John P. Altgeld had censured the action of Cleveland, stating that the Federal government had acted without the consent of the Governor or the Legislature of Illinois. During the campaign of 1896 he had made a notable speech at Cooper Union, New York, in de fense of his action and Beveridge was to answer him. 19 His ... energy well spent from his vigorous campaigning throughout '"" the state of Indiana, Beveridge was miraculously sustained by the fervor of the occasion.

His speech, strongly advocating the supremacy of the N . on ov h t 1 W n o I m Th Chic,go udi nc ppl ud d w h vjg r h

rom Inaj n . As , r. sul of hi p ch, B v r.i g h n w r c iv d national r. p ct in th publican Par.ty.20

The Republicans returned to the White Hous with an overwhelming victory in 1896 with the election of William

McKinley. When McKinley took office March 4, 1897, he was more intent upon solving the domestic economic problems in- herited from Cleveland's second administration than in the acquisition of territory.21

The Republicans, however, had written into their party platform in 1896 a call for a "firm, vigorous, dignified foreign policy advocating a strong navy, control of the

Hawaiian Islands, a Nicaraguan canal built, owned and operated by the United States." 22

Reluctantly, McKinley yielded to the expansionists who revived the annexation of Hawaii soon after he took office.

The Hawaiian question in turn had to yield to the significant events happening in the Caribbean within fourteen months after

McKinley's inauguration. In less than two years after McKinley ook h UnJ c1 Wr in w r. w

s in. Th ou br. b w n th w n i n

c u d h milit ri ic v rllg 0 r. mrr.k:

Th g t day of which J hav , inc boyhood, b n dr ami.ng is n arly upon u • For many "JUH, I h ve b n talking, writing and sp aking of th tim when th R public must embark upon its im perial policy •••• But now, all at once the fi rc light of war reveals to the American people that this policy which I felt would be delayed for years is upon us and so it is that, for the first time in my life, I wish I were in public position where I could partly shape the events which arc now upon us.23

With the national and international events occurring with great acceleration, Albert Beveridge was swiftly approach- ing his fulfillment of a long cherished dream of a more noble destiny than an attorney-at-law, and a Republican stump speaker.

.... ·='il •>::: CHAPTE:P V

WAR, DEBATE: AN JMPE IAL KINGDOM

The Spanish American War in 1898 was the consummation of the "new manifest destiny" which was revived in the 1880'q and the 1890's. By 1897 the United States was recovering from the

Panic of 1893. Prosperity had once again returned in 1898.

Expansion seemed a desirable entity. 1

Unrest in Cuba was the spark which ignited the flames of war between the United States and Spain. Americans in the

United States became enraged over the cruel, inhuman treatment of the Cuban insurrectos by the Spanish. The New York Journal and the New York World added fuel to the fire by their yellow journalism tactics which exposed the conditions of Cubans in the reconcentration camps. Scores of women and children al legedly were dying in the camps.2 There was a clamor to free

Cuba.

When the United States battleship Maine was destroyed by an explosion in Havana harbor on February 15, 1898 tensions 28

ran high in the nation. The pugnacious Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Theodore Roosevelt, is reported to have said,

"McKinley has no more backbone than a chocolate eclair!"3

Roosevelt wanted war immediately with Spain. The cry and hue for war in the United States ran so high that even some of the religious journals were advocating war with Spain. 4

President McKinley was opposed to war but he was being pressured strongly by public opinion.S

Senator Henry Cabot Lodge and Assistant Secretary of the Navy Theodore Roosevelt sent orders to Rear Admiral

George Dewey in Hong Kong directing him to begin offensive operations in the Philippine Islands in the event of war.

Roosevelt gave the orders in the absence of his superior,

John Long. 6 The message was sent to Dewey on February 25,

1898. From this point on the events moved swiftly.

President McKinley did what he did not want to do. He sent his war message to Congress on April 11, 1898. On the

19th Congress issued its ultimatum to Spain. On the 25th of April Congress declared the existence of a state of war.

On the first day of May Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet in 7 Manila Bay. 29

Beveridge was overwhelmed with enthusiasm at the declaration of war. Now was the thrilling hour when the United States had the opportunity to assume its place in the world as a power to be reckoned with. Beveridge was so thrilled over the turn of events he considered closing his law office and going off 8 to battle.

Two days after the declaration of war by Congress and before Dewey had fired a shot in Manila, the prophetic voice of

Albert J. Beveridge launched boldly and assertively his im perialist rationale. On April 27, 1898, Beveridge was asked to deliver a speech in tribute to Ulysses s. Grant at the Middlesex Club of Boston.

Anxious to express his views on what the policy of the war should be, Beveridge did not hesitate to proclaim the need for national unity when a master event, the Spanish

American War, had struck the nation •

•••• It is good that an hour so dread shall strike that, in its silence, Fate can hear in the heart beats of a united people this sentiment of destiny - "Our Country - may she ever be right! But right or wrong, our country!"9

Holding his audience spellbound with his rhetoric, Beveridge exclaimed, "War is only an auxiliary of peace. War is a means merely- not an end."lO 30

In praise of Ulysses Grant, whom he had come to pay tribute, Beveridge said of the Civil War hero, "He had the same dreams that God put into the brains of Jefferson and

Hamilton, of John Bright and of Emerson, and of all the imperial intellects of his race - the dream of American extension till all the seas shall bloom with that flower of liberty, the flag of the Great Republic."11

Mercantile imperialism was not generally accepted by the business world in the initial stages of the war with

Spain. Most evidence as a whole seems to indicate that in the initial stages of the war in 1898, American business had feelings of apathy or were definitely against imperial ism.l2 Beveridge, although he was clearly opposed to the

United States retreating from the world's trading markets, was not yet in a policy making position. He used this opportunity at the Middlesex Club, however, to verbally wage war in defense of imperialism for mercantile reasons.

American factories are making more than the American people can use; American soil is pro ducing more than they can consurne •••• Fate has written our policy for us; we must get an ever increasing portion of ~oreign trade •••. If it means Anglo-Saxon solidarity; if it means an English-American understanding upon the basis of a division of the world's markets so that the results may be just; upon the basis of nd o h h

y his tim B v ridg had compl t ly arous d his audienc who w r now ch ring him rapturously.l4 Beveridge,thrilled nd xcit d ov r th prospects of the United States waging an imperial w r,continu d his ape ch before a captive and respon sive audience.lS We are at war with Spain. Therefore our field of operation is not confined to Cuba. We are at war with Spain. It is our military duty to strike her at her weakest point before we strike her at her strongest points •••• In the Pacific is the true field of our earliest operations. There Spain has an island empire, the Philippine Archipelago. It is poorly defended.l6

Beveridge was rationalizing that Spain was better forti fied in the Atlantic around the island of CUba and that the United States fortunately had a powerful fleet in the Pacific near the Philippines. Therefore Spain was more vulnerable to a United States attack in the Philippines. By this summation Beveridge proclaimed that, "The Philippines are logically our first target."17 ny o h • ,

0 h 8 •

d und by h dv raari • of 1

in qu 0 vi h

0 ny mon ha du ing r aid nt Me inl y'a a inia rat on

Aa ly • Oc 0 r 1897 th Conunercial and Financia xp •• d ha for ign complication would quickly ar

and proap rity which all are enjoying.l9 • ar ou14 th march of prosp rity and put the country back y y ara, said th New Jersey Trade Review in March 1898.20 Andrew carnegie, the industrial giant of thia era, vas one of the leading opponents of imperialiam. 21

The war with Spain was generally accepted in the religio s circles who viewed the CUban problem as a moral one. 22 Tbere fore when war against Spain was actually declared the churches did not find it difficult to justify it.23 Seemingly the only Christian denominations that were unequivocally against the 2

• ov 0 h II • i iona by • gning • Aaaia 0 0 ng volun rmy o "Rouqh • 26 h o in h ci ie and waa a ah , Roo• v 1 rg cS • ro o carib an.27

On Auquat 12, 1898, 1 •• than four montha af r i ha4 gun, h war with Spain nded. The protocol which en4 h war ith Spain left the United Statea with Spaniab rri tory which it had not prepared to accept or qovern.28 The ar did not aolve the problem of the colonial debate in the United States. It only intensified it.

The protocol which ended the hostilities vaquely outlined the terms of peace. In the first article, Spain relinquished CUba to the United States. Spain also consented to cede Puerto Rico and Guam to the United States. The protocol also allowed the United States to occupy the city of Manila, the bay and n

n on " w 0 Th n h 4 0 c

n ch 18 8 0 h n c i

July 18 8 h join olu ion 0 nn x ion h by vo 0 42-21 nd c iv d McJ

Public opinion had forced the reluctant Me inlay to yield to th will of the expansionists of 1898. The doubts the si n •• world had about the war being long and costly disaipa ed after Dewy's triumph at Manila Bay.31 The business journals excitedly published articles about the possibilities of new markets. Said the Railway World in August 1898, •Already our enterprising merchants are beginning to organize to take pos session of the markets which our Army and avy have opened to them."32 It is also concluded that the great majority of the religious sentiment in the summer and fall of 1898 favored the United States retention of the Philippines and the other Spanish territory.33 5

The "new manifest destiny" seemingly had triumphed in 1898 with the end of the Spanish American War. The United States was awarded an island empire in the Pacific Ocean. Despite this surface victory for the imperialists, the anti imperialists refused to retreat from their battle against imperialism.

Even in Indiana there was sentiment against the acquisition of non-contiguous territory. Beveridge by this time, obviously to all who knew him, was an avowed expansionist, but he still was only an attorney and a well-known Republican stump speaker.

In general Indiana Republicans had supported President McKinley's declaration of war against Spain, but Congressman Henry U. Johnson voiced his opposition to the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands just a few weeks prior to the Senate's approval of annexation. He asked, " .•• is there not grave dan- gers that this holy crusade for liberty and independence of Cuba is liable after all to end in a disgraceful scramble for spoils, a scramble as disgraceful as any that ever characterized the people of ancient Rome?" 34 36

Amidst the fervor and furor of the war during the spring

and summer of 1898, Beveridge was secretly planning to make

his bid for the Senate seat in the United States Congress held

by David Turpie whose term was to expire in January 1899. In

May 1898 Beveridge made his intentions known to a small group 35 of friends. Beveridge, however, did not want his plans

publicized until he was assured of a Republican victory in

the November election for the Indiana General Assembly. A

Republican victory in the General Assembly of Indiana would

assure a Republican successor to David Turpie, Democratic

anti-imperialist.

Beveridge, an inborn tactician, put into motion the • r ( - mechanics needed to crystallize his plans to become a member - "~ ~ ~ of the United States Senate. He made good use of the friends

he had cultivated the past ten years in the State of Indiana.

Beveridge had hoped to land the chairmanship of the In- diana State Republican Convention in order to personally meet

the large delegation. 36 Beveridge was denied the chance for

the chairmanship, nevertheless. Senator Charles Fairbanks,

also from Indianapolis, and who had been elected from Indiana

polis to the United States Senate in 1897, monopolized the 37 leadership of the convention.37

Beveridge was annoyed but undaunted by this temporary setback. When he was asked to open the Indiana Republican campaign at Tomlison Hall in Indianapolis, Beveridge made the most of this opportunity.38 On September 16, 1898 the prophet of imperialism, Albert J. Beveridge, was escorted to

Tomlison Hall amidst some two hundred Republican friends burning torches of red fire with a marching band as accom- panist. When Beveridge arrived, he found a capacity crowd waiting. Even the aisles were filled to hear this great orator for the Republican party. 39

Beveridge began his address.

It is a noble land that God has given us; a land that can feed and clothe the world; a land whose coastlines would inclose half the countries of Europe; a land set like a sentinel between the two imperial oceans of the globe, a greater England with a nobler destiny.40

Beveridge, now confident of his imperialist position, continued his imperialist rationale in the rhetoric of Darwin,

Strong and Mahan of the past decade. Beveridge reiterated the philosophy of the earlier expansionsts by acclaiming that God had bestowed a glorious history upon the American 3 8

people because of two important qualitie s, their ini tia t ive and their institutions.41

The late summer of 1898 found the religious, business and political circles in a state of debate over the acquisition of non-contiguous territory. While many people were not opposed to the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, they held some reservations about governing the Philippine Archipelago. 42

Aware of the debates, Beveridge seized the opportunity at

Tomlison Hall before a capacity crowd of enthusiastic Republicans of Indiana to defend America's right to annex and govern non- contiguous territory. He used the European colonialism as worthwhile examples.

Hawaii is ours; Puerto Rico is to be ours; at the prayer of her people Cuba finally will be ours; in the islands of the East, even to the gates of Asia, coaling stations are to be ours at the very least .••. 43 Distance and oceans are no arguments. The fact that all the territory our fath~~s bought and seized is contiguous is no argument. The ocean does not separate us from land of our duty and de sire - the oceans join us, rivers never to be dredged, canals never to be repaired, Cuba not contiguous! Puerto Rico not contiguous! Hawaii and the Philip pines not contiguous! The oceans make them contiguous and our Navy will make them contiguous.45

Beveridge, who had admired the colonialism of the European nations, convinced the masses at the Indiana State Republican 9

Convention that America was ready to govern an Asiatic em pire. "If England can govern foreign lands so can America.

If they can supervise protectorates, so can America," Beveridge declared before a wildly cheering audience. 46

The spirit and fervor of imperialism was stimulated to almost fanatical proportions in Indiana after this "March of the Flag" speech eloquently delivered by Beveridge •

••.• Jefferson, strict constructionist of constitu tional power though he was, obeyed the Anglo-Saxon impulse within him, whose watchword then and whose watchword throughout the world today is "Forward!"; another empire was added to the Republic, and the march of the flag went on! ••.. And, now, obeying the same voice that Jefferson heard and obeyed, that Jackson heard and obeyed, that Monroe heard and obeyed, that Seward heard and obeyed, that Grant heard and obeyed, that Harrison heard and obeyed, our President today plants the flag over the islands of the seas, outposts of commerce, citadels of national security, and the march of the flag goes on!47

Not only did the Indianapolis press give this speech and the oratory of Beveridge a glowing response, the speech was printed and sent to surrounding states and was used as a cam paign document. 48

Beveridge received this national recognition at a time when it would be most beneficial to him as he planned clan- destinely to enter national politics. 40

The Republican victory in the November 7, 1898 e l ection 49 was a near landslide. Assured of being electe d by the the n

Republican dominated General Assembly, Beveridge publicly an

nounced his candidacy for the Senate seat in the United States

Congress held by incumbent David Turpie. He immediately set

up his headquarters in the Denison Hotel in Indianapolis.

Excited and exuberant over the political prospects of shaping

America's imperial destiny, Beveridge set about organizing his campaign.

He had the support of the Marion Club, a group of young

active Republ~cans,. who were an invaluable support to Bever~'d ge. 50

They were young, shrewd, tactful, diplomatic and sincere and

worked diligently to promote Albert Beveridge purely on the

basis of his ability and intellect.51 A Business Men's Asso-

ciation was also formed, first in Indianapolis, then spreading

throughout the state of Indiana, to promote the candidacy of

Bever~'d ge. 52

Even though Beveridge was confident of his ultimate victory,

he faced handicaps during his campaign. He never had the sup-

port of the "old guard" Republicans within the state of Indiana, who had two favorites in the Senatorial race: Judge Robert S. Taylor, a personal favorite of ex-President Benjamin Harrison, 53 and George W. Steele. The fact that Beveridge did not have

the full support of Indiana's leading Republican leaders ul

timately proved to be a blessing in disguise. 54 Party alle

giance was divided between J. Frank Hanly of Lafayette, Robert

S. Taylor of Fort Wayne, Frank B. Posey of Evansville, and George w. Steele of Marion. 55

Early in the campaign it readily appeared that Hanly was

the only strong competitor against Beveridge. The two received

the highest votes of all candidates, with Beveridge winning the

Republican candidacy 49 votes to Hanly's 35 votes. 56 In the

final count the results were that Beveridge had won against

David Turpie, the Democratic incumbent. Beveridge won against Turpie by a margin of 59 to 37.57

Beveridge, who was only thirty-six years old and with no prior experience in public office, had won the election in spite of being from the same city as Charles W. Fairbanks, Indiana's other Senator at this time. Beveridge had proved that neither his age nor place of residence was an impediment as some had predicted early in his campaign.ss 42

Beveridge was formally elected to the United States

Senate by the Indiana General Assembly on January 17, 1899. 59

In his acceptance speech the newly elected Senator, Albert

Jeremiah Beveridge, was somber and impressive as he stood before the Indiana legislature.

I shall fearlessly stand in the Senate of the United States for the business interests of the country, when that means the welfare of all the people; I shall fearlessly stand by the labor interests of the land, when that means the pros perity of all the people; I shall just as fear lessly stand against the demands of any class, when these demands do not involve the interest of the entire American people and the on-going of the imperial American Republic.60

Having made his pledge to the American people, Beveridge, a symbol of youth and vitality, announced again his position on imperialism. Beveridge saw the American people, who had gone through some domestic crises during past decades, re- gaining its sense of national purpose by fulfilling its civili zing duty to mankind beyond the existing boundaries. By governing others, Beveridge felt, Americawouldlearn to govern itself. 61

Thus Albert J. Beveridge, full of youthful visions of

America's luminous future, was now in the official position which he had long awaited. He was no longer just a Republican

CHAPTER VI

A SENATOR BATTLES FOR IMPERIALISM

To Beveridge his trip to the Orient had a manifold pur-

pose. By nature he was meticulous in preparation for any task

before him. He personally desired more knowledge about the

Philippines because his innate sense of inquiry was ever-present,

even until his death. Few Americans, if any, were astutely knowledgeable on the Philippines. Even President McKinley con-

fessed he had to look for the archipelago on a globe at the

outbreak of the Spanish American War. 1 Finally Beveridge ex-

pected that the energy he would expend on the trip and the knowledge he would gain would be rewarded in the Senate with

a position of leadership. 2

In May 1899 Beveridge arrived at Manila. His irrepressible

energy kept him in the Orient until September. While touring

the Philippines, Beveridge painstakingly recorded his findings.

Still obsessed with a childhood yearning for military service,

Beveridge donned a military uniform and was constantly in reck-

less danger. Talking with United States military leaders, 45

foreign businessmen, priests and others, Beveridge carefully observed the conditions of the Philippines and kept complete notes. While he was on the journey, on occasion long periods of time elapsed before his friends in the United States heard from him and Mrs. Beveridge. This caused much concern among his friends throughout his absence. 3

Finally, Senator and Mrs. Beveridge returned to the United 4 States September 1, 1899. A jubilant reception awaited them when they returned. Immediately the press beseiged Senator

Beveridge with questions about the Philippines. The Indiana- polis Journal had commended Senator Beveridge's decision to tour the Philippines. 5 Few Senators had displayed such initiative in preparation to discharge their duties. As the press waited for Beveridge to release his findings, Beveridge remained reticent. The tremendous effort which he had under- gone to secure this vast amount of information prompted Senator

Beveridge to guard it carefully until an opportune time came.

To the aggravation of the press, Beveridge withheld the infor 6 mation even after his first visit with President McKinley.

Shortly after the first meeting with McKinley, Beveridge had a second conference with McKinley and Elihu Root, the Secre tary of War. 7 46

After his conference with President McKinley and Elihu

Root, Beveridge visited Theodore Roosevelt, the "Rough Rider" hero of the Spanish American War, at Roosevelt's home at

Oyster Bay in Long Island, New York. 8

Beveridge and Roosevelt were among those who shared the high hopes and ideals of an American colonial empire. After the visit, Roosevelt wrote to Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of

Massachusetts, whose views on imperialism were fundamentally the same as those of Beveridge and Roosevelt. In his correspondence to Lodge on September 11, 1899, Roosevelt wrote:

Senator Beveridge of Indiana was out here yesterday. He has just come back from the Philippines. His views on public matters are almost exactly yours and mine. I want you to meet him.9

The Indianapolis Journal on September 11, 1899 reported that Beveridge and President McKinley had not been able to concur on the Philippine policy.l0

Beveridge, who had been winning coveted positions of prestige since DePauw days, was confident of gleaning a position of honor in the United States Senate upon his return from the Orient. Albert J. Beveridge entered the Senate with more erudition on the Philippines than any other governmental 47

official in Washington. Fully cognizant of this prestige,

Senator Beveridge was self assured of meriting the Chairman ship of either the Committee on Foreign Relations or the

Judiciary Committee. 11 Theodore Roosevelt, who was greatly impressed with the young expansionist, urged Senator Lodge to utilize the knowledge Beveridge had obtained on his tour of the Orient by placing him on the Committee on Foreign

Relations.l2 Lodge replied to Theodore Roosevelt's proposition:

Beveridge is a very bright fellow, well-informed and sound in his views. I like him very much, but he arrived here with a very imperfect idea of the rights of seniority in the Senate, and with a large idea of what he ought to have.l3

Beveridge was interested in the new Committee on Philippine

Affairs, perhaps as a result of the events which occurred after the Spanish American War. The peace treaty between Spain and the United States was signed on December 10, 1898 in Paris,

France. The treaty met opposition in the Senate led by the

Democrats and supported by Republican George F. Hoar of Massa chusetts. Republican Senator Orville H. Platt of Connecticut, later a bosom friend of Beveridge, affirmed the United States' r1g. h t to ma1nta1n . . a co 1 on1a . 1 emp1re. . 14 The debate continued in the Senate from December 1898 until February 1899. ,

i n I , h h ng con inu 4.

~ nu h ili ino r la waa or 17 n vi h in c ua 0 h • n • follow- h m ialia ration 1 waa not g ining ground.

hi• y o h 5 na , ft r his trip to the Phili inea, 14g oun4 th anti-imp rialiata in the Senate preparing o chall ng h imp riali ta.l8

S naing hat th cause of empire might be ore dubioua h n aom months b fore, the Foreign Relations Committee t to formulate a definite policy of government for the Philippines.

~e committee formed to lay the groundwork for the proposed plan were Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, Orville B. Platt of Connecticut, one of the ablest men in the Senate1 the dignified Senator from Iowa, William B. Allison1 and Cushman K. Davis, the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations. 19 Beveridge, who had announced soon after his election to the Senate that he was in favor of retaining the w

h y

II c y i n on hi• Phili i r n u n ridg h 1 n n Whn it had n announc h ul h lo c 1 p r•on o •peak on he hili ion, ou lining , olicy of government, he 2 s n 11 y ck d long ~ or he Sen at convened. 2 Th 11 y w ov r lowing. 23

ing young r th n hi y rs, the gracile and mira culou ly com o d S n tor fro Indiana delivered for the first tim hi inv ig tiona of th Philippines. Beveridge had work d m ticulou ly on h s m iden speech and had had it proof read by his clo st friends. 24 The speech, which lasted for two hours, was d livered with perfection in a clear conver sational ton by Beveridge. 25

After asking the Secretary to read the joint resolution (S.R. 53) which advocated the retention of the Philippines 50 and for the United States to maintain governmental control throughout the archipelago as the situation demanded, Beveridge began his speech without flaw and with expert articulation: 26

Mr. President, I address the Senate at this time because Senators and members of the House on both sides have asked that I give to Congress and the country my observations in the Philippines and the far East and the conclusions which those ob servations compel; and because of hurtful resolu tions introduced and utterance made in the Senate, every word of which will cost and is costing lives of American soldiers.27

Beveridge was fully aware of his strategic position. His opportunity to speak for the justification of imperialism was now at hand. He had waited a lifetime to be in a position to help shape his country's destiny. Nationally known i I ~ as a great orator by now, Beveridge fired all of his guns I~ in this speech, delivered January 9, 1900, in defense of the imperialist rationale. To resist any further attacks on expansion and colonialism by the anti-imperialists, Beveridge defended all aspects of imperialism as a method by which the United States and all nations of the Anglo-Saxon and Teutonic races could advance Christianity, democracy and humanitarianism. In further defense of empire Beveridge sought to prove that ultimately mercantile imperialism was for the good of both the United States and the islands it controlled in its colonial empire. 28 51

The Ph~lippines are ours, t e rritory belonging to the Un1ted States, as the Constitution calls them. And just beyond the Philippines are China's il limitable markets. We will not retreat from either • .•• The Philippines give us a base at the door of all the East.29

•••• And the Pacific is the ocean of commerce of the future. Most future wars will be conflicts for commerce. The power that rules the Pacific, there fore, is the power that rules the world. And, with the Phili~Rines, that power will be the American Republic.

Beveridge went on to explain the wealth and beauty of the islands in minerals, natural resources, flora and vege- tation. "Spain's export trade, with the islands underde- veloped, was $11,534,731 annually. Ultimately our trade, when the islands shall be developed, will be $125,000,000 annually, for who believes that we can not do ten times as well as Spain?" declared Beveridge. 31

The question of whether the United States had the right

to govern territory alien and foreign to its people had been debated during the months surrounding the Spanish American

War. Beveridge, who by now had been converted in toto to all aspects of the imperialist rationale, as a newly elected

Senator did not fail to grapple with all of the leading arguments against the expansion of American social, religious 52 and political principles. According to Beveridge, while in the Philippines he had talked with businessmen, priests and others through personal interviews. All subsequently agreed that the United States' control over the islands was most desirable. 32

Beveridge went on to be more explicit as to why America must control the Philippines •

••.• It will be hard for Americans who have not studied them to understand the people. They are a barbarous race modified by ~hree centuries of contact with a decadent race. 3 •.• They are not yet capable of self-government. How could they be? They are not a self-governing race; they are Oriental, Malays, instructed by the Spaniards in the latter's worse state.34

In his final argument in his vigorous defense of imperialism, Beveridge resorted to using the two sacred documents of

America, the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, as his weapons. Beveridge declared that:

The Declaration of Independence does not forbid us to do our part in the regeneration of the world •••• The Declaration does not contemplate that all government must have the consent of the governed.35 "Life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" are the important things; "consent of the governed" is one of the means to those ends. If 'any form of government becomes destruc tive of those ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it" says the Declaration. "Any form" includes all forms.36 53

Beveridge rationalized that the Declaration of Independence recognized other forms of government in which the "consent of the governed" was not needed in order to be viable. To Beveridge

"consent" of the governed meant that the people being governed were capable of understanding and participating in that form of government to which they had given assent. Beveridge con- eluded that since the Philippines' inhabitants, by and large, were incapable of self government because of a dearth of quali- fied leaders, the American people as a superior race could have dominion over the archipelago and still not be in violation of the principles laid down by the Declaration of Independence. 37

Beveridge reiterated his rationale that the Americans had the right to govern alien people by virtue of the expressed and 1mpl1e. . d powers re f erred to 1n . t h e Const1tut1on. . . 38

As the young Senator Beveridge moved toward a conclusion of his maiden speech, he echoed the voice of Josiah Strong.

Mr. President, this question is deeper than any question of party politics; deeper than any question of the isolated policy of our country; deeper than any question of constitutional power. It is ele mental. It is racial. God has not been preparing the English-speaking and Teutonic peoples for a thousand years for nothing but vain and idle self contemplation and self-admiration. No! He has made us the master organizer of the world to es tablish system where chaos reigns.39 54

As Beveridge took his seat following his lengthy and scholarly speech, the Senate gallery thundered with applause.

The tenacity of the imperialists had been revitalized. The

Chicago Times-Herald acclaimed Beveridge a genius after this first speech as a Senator. 40 But the aging Senator from

Massachusetts, George Hoar, who entered Congress when Beveridge was only six, said of Beveridge's speech:

I have heard much calculated to excite the imagina tion of youth seeking wealth, or the youth charmed by the dream of empire. But the words Right, Duty, Freedom were absent my friend must permit me to say, from that eloquent speech.41

Undisturbed by the comments made by the anti-imperialist

Senator Hoar, Beveridge basked in his glory. As a tyro in the

Senate, he had broken tradition and had made a major speech before a responsive audience. Since he had been in contact with President McKinley upon his return from the Orient,

Beveridge's speech was considered as a semi-official position of the executive office on the Philippine policy of govern ment.42

For several weeks after his maiden speech, Beveridge re- 43 ceived praise from both friends and f oes o f 1mper1a. ' 1' 1sm. Reac h - ing the apex of success upon his entry into the Senate caused 55

Beveridge's friends to worry. They feared this success so early in his career would cause Beveridge to become too self assured and lead to his ultimate spiral downward. They warned him to remain silent for a while in order to combat any jealousy which might arise from his older colleagues. The strong-willed Beveridge did not heed the advice given, how ever. Within two months Beveridge found himself involved in the "free trade with Puerto Rico" controversy. The contest between the imperialists and the anti-imperialists continued in Congress. The Democrats, still largely anti-imperialist, did not want to aid and abet imperialism, consequently they sought every avenue to make imperialism appear a failure.

They insisted that the Constitution followed the flag and wherever the flag of the United States was planted, free trade should exist between the United States and its pos sessions.44 The Republican imperialists, however, did not concur with this idea.45

Beveridge also did not believe that the Constitution followed the flag. He did believe, however, that the United

States had the power to determine whatever customs policy it wished, and since Puerto Rico was a poor, desolate area and had offered the Americans no resistance, they deserved

free trade. 46 h -

c • 47 h y c i - h in y. The ridg r 1 a•inq

n , h nn o in roduce

0 h h 48

Th k h d r in th ugu t body. When Beveridge in ro uc d h 1 n on M rch 29 , 1900 , he found with few ex- c t'on th r s t m n h d form d a coalition secretly in which h y 1 nn d to tak the air out of the Beveridge balloon of ucc Whil B veridge spoke again to a packed gall y h w lmo t completely ignored by his senior colleagues . ridge was already disturbed over the condition of his dying wif , but this did not faze these elder states- men , who wer aware of Be eridge ' s personal problems. They were determined to temporarily halt the overconfident novice in Congress from Indiana . 49

Senator Joseph Benson Foraker was in charge of the bill 7

h p " . h v w • z • w 4on y , 00 Th h v civil n h n r, 9ran

0 n ir ly on

1 Th in th wishea of Bev rid9 , im o d i on im or d into the United S a • 0 om u v ri 9 vot d for the Act but was ad- moni h d y hi nd not 0 d tribute the apeechJ bec:au..

0 th t r i u , v ridg had pp ared to be opposed to th Admin! tr t on' policy. 51

Th umm r of 1900 found Beveridge hard at work for the imp rial1s c us . The first fruits of empire were tainted with th r volution of the Filipinos and the report of brutality on the part of the American troops against the insurgents. Scandalous reports of American troops torturing Filipino prisoners with "water cures" aroused many Americans against imperialism. 52 In Cuba scandals were also being reported involving corruption on the part of American post office officials. 53 w

n n

c • n• rue comm h on. A ew • m n o r w dom, acSmi 4 wi h c ndo h on w wor h n h d en r por 84.54

Wi h h im i 1 c u now in danger during an elec- ion y w 9 in ask d to defend the cause.

B v ridg cc d h chall ng .

Th D mocr tic nominee in 1900 was once again the anti imperi list Will' m Jennings Bryan. Bryan had been well re ceived in Indiana as the presidential nominee for the Demo- crate in 1896. He returned again in 1900.

In his acceptance speech in Indianapolis August 8, 1900

Bryan promised, if elected president, to ~ediately convene Congress and establish a stable form of government in the Philippines and in Cuba by granting independence to both is lands under protection of the United States. 55 N w f h c n • h • - b n i • v , wh h b n in ouch wi h f i ""• h m n n , w w re of h •i ua ion

h - n h ou 0 i ion o imperialiaa at hi•

im . H r d 0 l unch up r-imperialiam apeech in r ly to w lli m J nning Bry n' cc ptance apeech.57

In h uditorium at Chicago, September 25, 1900, Sena- tor Alb rt J. B veridge opened the Republican Campaign for the West. 58 In his carefully prepared speech which he deli vered from memory, Beveridge carefully avoided the defamatory issues surrounding the Filipino tortures and the corruption existing in McKinley's military government established in Cuba.

As America's staunchest advocate of imperialism, it was up to Beveridge to guard the colonial experiment against the moralistic onslaughts of the anti-imperialists. Beveridge carefully attacked every argument advanced by the anti- imperialists. n h n n w n h v n Am c n i om h n n •

v id o d nounc d h T 11 n 9 which fo b d th nn x tion o CUb by h Un t d S

Th am ndm n , in roduc d by Senator H nry M. T 11 r of

Colorado, w prov d without dissent by both Hou s f

Congr ss. This was at the time McKinley was being fore d to d clar war against Spain for the purpose ,of liberating

Cuba in April 1898. 60 Senator Teller introduced the end- ment to quell any fears from European powers that the United

States was interested in territorial aggrandizement in its 61 efforts to free Cuba.

Beveridge at that time, of course, was not in an official position to change this amendment for he was not yet a member of the Senate. Now, in 1900, when colonialism presented as being beneficial to the wealth and progress of the nation was being questioned critically, Beveridge had to wage a somewhat desperate war. A separate and uncontrolled government 61

from the United Stat s should never have been promised to

Cub , ass rt d Bcv ridge.

Cuba is a mere xtension of our Atlantic coastline • •••• The United States needs Cuba for our protection but Cuba needs the United States for Cuba's salva tion .•.•. Think of Cuba in alliance with England or Germany or France. Think of Cuba's naval station an ally of one of the great foreign powers, every one of whom is a rival of America!62

For the first time Beveridge spoke of the great powers of Europe as rivals. Later in his life this feeling became even more strongly ingrained in his mind. His fear of subtle propaganda, supposedly planned by the British and French 63 masterminds,at times bordered on the irrationa1.

Bryan, early in the election campaign appeared to have an insurmountable popular appeal to the voters. The oratorical ability of Senator Beveridge triumphed again, however, and McKinley returned to the White House.64

When McKinley was re-elected in 1900 many of the Beveridge recommendations were finally implemented. Aguinaldo, the leader of the Philippine insurrectors, was captured March 23,

1901 and the next month took the oath of allegiance to the

United States. When Aguinaldo took the oath of allegiance 2

m •

c ir• c vil gov no o n h ovi n• o h \1 h i y 0 h Uni d r •id n • ''

Th v run n blieh d in th Philippin • in ••- • nc w • h am orm B v ridg had advocated in hie aiden •P ch in h s n B v ridge had advocated a etrong, impl gov rnm nt in the Philippines with a governor-general from Am rica in Manila. 67 The soundness of the Beveridge id ology p rm at d the Philippine policy for decades to come. Bev ridge had stated it would be necessary to instruct the Philippines in American methods of administration for decades. 68 It took more than four decades before the United States granted the Philippines independence.

The Teller Amendment, with which Beveridge did not con cur, left the United States virtually bereft of any control over the government of CUba. Beveridge feared the annexation of CUba by some of the great powers of Europe who were busily plucking the prized territorial plums in both Asia and Africa. The cessation of hostilities with Spain had left a United , • no

, who h ~ n ~vi& ~ by hi& n h z ng n h s na , w • no 4ir c ly i vo v

con h do ~ plan concerning h Uni • involv m n wi h Cuba aft r th war.

n 1 onard Wood s rved as the military governor of

Cuba from D c b r 13, 1899 to May 20, 1902.69 During thia p riod th p opl of Cuba no longer wanted the military rule. During the pr sidential election year of 1900, McKinley urged a convention be held in CUba to adopt a constitution for the people of Cuba. 70 In February 1901 the delegates to the con vention signed a constitution similar to the United States' constitution. 71

Beveridge feared CUba might grow hostile toward the United States or enter into treaties with European nations. To halt any such situations from developing, Beveridge urged his friend J • and counselor, Senator Orville H. Platt, and others on the committee toprotectUnited States' interest in Cuba after the CUbans adopted a constitution. 72

formally withdrew in September 1901.75 The treaty between the

United States and Cuba was made permanent in 1903 and was not abrogated until 1934. The naval base article of the treaty did remain in effect after 1934, however/6

Despite his admonition to keep silent during the first year in the Senate, Beveridge scrupulously saw that most of his own imperialist rationale coincided with the Congressional action taken at the turn of the century.

There had been renewed interest in building an Isthmian canal within the United States after the nation had acquired a colonial empire in both the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans.

Linking the two oceans together would be beneficial to the new trade opportunities the nation now had. However, the building of a Nicaraguan canal was hampered by the Clayton

Bulwer Treaty of 1850 which prevented either Britain or the

United States to have exclusive control over such a canal if 77 built, nor could either nation fortify such a cana1. McKin ley's Indiana-born Secretary of State, John Hay, entered into a treaty with Lord Julian Paunceforte, the British ambassa dor, in February 1900. 78 This treaty would, of course abro gate the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, but it still did not solve 66

the question of how much power and prestige th Unit d S at would have in the Isthmian canal region. The Hay-Paunceforte

Treaty of 1900 provided that the United States under no condi tions could fortify an Isthmian waterway. The treaty did not, however, prevent the United States from building and owning a 79 cana1. McKinley and others in the nation at first favored the treaty. Beveridge, however, was opposed.

By Socratic method, Beveridge questioned Senator Lodge, who presented the treaty in executive session. In his in quiry Beveridge asked if the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty would be superseded by the Hay-Paunceforte treaty, would Britain be free to acquire territory in Central America; would the United

States be prevented from acquiring territory in the area; would nations hostile to the United States be permitted to use the cana1. 80 Beveridge was also gravely concerned over the article which would forbid the United States to fortify a cana1. 81

Lodge admitted under the interrogation that the United

States would be prevented from extending its domain into the

Canal Zone. 82 Qu tioning th undn of. h ·

olidifi d enough opinion 9 in tit to pr~v·nt 't

B veridg deriv d satisfaction that this tr aty h d h n feated. He had not delivered a brilliant speech but h' ora torical prowess achieved the end he desired. 83

Hay offered his resignation to McKinley after the treaty failed to pass the Senate. McKinley prevailed upon him to stay. 84

The second Hay-Paunceforte Treaty in November 1901 gave the United States expressly the right to construct, own and fortify an Isthmian cana1. 85 The Senate received the second Hay-Paunceforte Treaty on December 4, 1901 and approved it on December 16, 1901 by a vote of 72 to 6. 86

Once again Beveridge had indirectly achieved a victory for imperialism. Beveridge still was not satisfied with the colonial endeavors the United States had undertaken. He longed for more.

In the initial years of his public life, Beveridge was obsessed wholly with the concept of increasing American trade through coloni li m. From th r.mi n<; with Sp in in 1898 until M y 1901, B v r.'dg h d the Unit d Stat s' colonial adv ntur b ng pl gu d w th havoc, uncertainty and chaos.

Once again, Beveridge decided upon a trip to the Far

East. This time he planned to study the colonial system of the Old World. 87 Beveridge had longed to be a master states man since boyhood. He always felt full understanding of any situation progressed through hard work, careful study in obtaining grassroots knowledge. As he prepared for his second trip, which he expected to finance through selling literary articles to magazines, Beveridge remarked to some of his friends, "This trip will make me easily the authority 88 on the Orient in American public life."

Sailing from New York in May 1901, Beveridge stopped briefly in England and Germany before proceeding to Russia. 89

In Russia, Beveridge was overwhelmed with what he saw.

He saw little to criticize, but much to be praised. 90 As his trip progressed Beveridge did what he had done on his earlier Philippine tour. He carefully observed all phases of lu i n li JJ w d wj h h n u 91 of th p opl . Conv r ly, h w qu lly .mpr w t th Cess eke, b caus of his childhood inclinatjon ow rd

fighting men. 92

In Manchuria, the primary destination of his trip.

Beveridge was impressed with Russia's attempt to redeem

Manchuria as the United States was attempting to redeem the Philippines. For years the Beveridge mind had been engrossed with the thought of master races in the world

subjugating the inferior races of the world. While in

Manchuria he saw the same filthy, backward living conditions which he had observed in the Philippines two years before.

The conditions in Manchuria compounded his beliefs that colonialism was justifiable. 93

His observations in the Orient caused Beveridge to con clude that America had fallen short in not investing some of its capital in building railroads in the Far East. Beveridge further concluded that the United States should keep a Paci

fic fleet anchored off the coast of China to have a psycho

logical effect upon the Oriental mind.94 70

On his way homeward Beveridge received word of Presi dent McKinley's assassination. When he stopped at Manila during the journey back to the United States, Beveridge wrote his friends at home of his depression. The news of

McKinley's death linked with the memories of the death of

Mrs. Beveridge lowered the spirits of the Senator. Mrs.

Beveridge had become ill during the first Beveridge trip to the Orient and did not recover. Death came during the 95 Republican National Convention in 1900. '

Tb cS h 0 Me n y h n n on h n ion 1 ac n . v ricSg ,

ho w b • c lly om h old , • Th odo Roo , mo ov , h d n

mold 0 h rom which v ridg c h nd v ridg w r im rialiatic and progr ••1 poll ic 1 v wa. Th r for , v ridg did no i ficult to reconcil his political vi • i h h gn c oua Rough Rid r, Th adore Roosev lt, wh n h 8UCC 1 y 1 aa ex cutive 1 ader of the nation.

Theodore Roosevelt had wanted the Spanish rican 2 in 1898, while he was the Assistant Secretary of th avy Beveridge, as has been indicated, lauded the war as r ca's pathway to a colonial empire. The two imperialists later became great friends and shared similar views on atters of national interest subsequent to the Spanish American war. 3 7 .. ,

n n m ny

u in h don o cu n ,

v id d d m no h r 0

y u ging Roo v 1 i d did no yi ld 0 im tuou S n or r ' Th ro l m of t t hood 0 th Uni s t r itori al o con urn d much o r 9 s nat aft im m nd mpir building 0 w ning. v ridg h d b n pl c d on th 0 rr - tori s upon his entry into the Sen t . c ai of this committee Dec mber 1, 1902 and s r d t 1 c ,

1911. Beveridge by this time had moved far fi ld fr e conservatives of the Republican Party and his re-e ct on for a third term was in jeopardy. 6

Beveridge was not successful in his bid for a third te 7

H n 7

h 1c ...

m 0 h 1 n l

h n n 1 c m n n H

ol ic l l d c u h 1 . no cc r contri u ion . Thi c on hi 0 c cc die 0 hi own circum p c n c n8.

H m n of 9 t 9Y nd in c 0 10 wan I mingly until d ath .

As h matur d, veridge lost some of hi vigoro 8 perialistic views. He remained nationali hro g ou h 8 lif . Therefore, when World War I broke out in ro , Be er dge became alarmed over the effects of this war upo t status of the nation. He visited Europe and had great ad iration for the fighting spirit of the French. 11 7

y ,

h n h

n y, v d w h

nd h n wh h d 0

h WO ld'• h ,

who b c~ n i- i i h c u h r Am ic by h i h.l4

Th climax of Am rica's sol coloni 1 n r c thus wh n th rational of som a its for in th tw nti th c ntury upheavals of glob 1 ar r for imperialism had been so diverse that possi ly i as table that it would come to a demise in erica.

The imperialists in America such as Albert Jer ia Bever ge desired to control , own and govern non-contiguous terri or a the turn of the century even at the expense of foreign en a g e ments and war . These expansionists, however, reversed eir feelings when they felt threatened by the great powers of Europe and sought to evoke the principles of the Monroe Doctrine 7

, , I wh h v

, y X

m n h • h h Un v y n 19001

i 1

On 27, 27, h v c ncS J mi h • ill d. Whn n 8UCCumb d h h d 1 a gacy o i • nd h nd him. ong xpon n 0 jin90i ic c w n h clos 0 h n h c n ury ncS h - ginning of h w n i h cen ury, h hacS U8 hi• voic and hie p n z alously to influ nc h mind a of of th nation's leading R publicans.

After many prolific years as an orator, • a an, historian and author, Beveridge did not reach the in nee he had cherished as a boy. His sublime wishes were n r fulfilled, although his influence, both salient and subtle, had been a force in America's foreign policy from 1898 on through the expansionist era. Even though he did not re ceive the recognition he was entitled to receive perhaps, Beveridge was never indurate. His years in the Senate bad run the gamut from zenith to nadir because he stood aloof from party politics. 77

Albert J. Beveridge indubitably was an avant garde who had no compunction about defying the established order. He had proved this in the early days of his Senatorial career.

His colleagues in the Senate admired, envied and feared him because Beveridge fought for his own convictions.

Starting his life in poverty and deprivation, Beveridge, with all his energy and intellect, was not able to grow to the national power that he wanted as a statesman, nor was he ever a man of great wealth, although he traveled in aristo- cratic circles.

He was impetuous and ambitious, and sometimes erratic,

~ t but never capricious or frivolous. On the contrary, he was D ~• an intense and sincere man who was given to moods of depression but with an amazing amount of resiliency. His inconsistency and vacillation of mind were indicative of his capacity to move with the tempo of the times, with what he thought was for the good of the nation always present in his mind. i

FOOTNOTES

Chapter I

1. James D. Richardson, A Compilation of the Messa~es and Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1902, vol VIII Wash1ngton, 1904 p. 301.

2. Julius w. Pratt, America's Colonial Experiment, New York, 1950, pp. 20-21.

3. Ibid., pp. 21-28.

4. Ibid., p. 22.

5. Ibid., p. 22.

6. Ibid., p. 23.

7. Richard Hofstadter, Social Darwinism in American Thought, New York, 1944, pp. 80-81. I: II lC• 8. Julius W. Pratt, Expansionists of 1898, Baltimore, 1936, pp. 4-6.

9. Josiah Strong, Our Country: Its Possible Future and Its Present Crisis, Cambridge, 1963, p. 214.

10. William D. Puleston, Mahan, New Haven, 1939, p. 129.

11. Foster Rhea Dulles, America's Rise to World Power 1898-1954, New York, 1954, pp. 32-33.

12. Albert J. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, Indianapolis, 1908, p. 43.

13. Claude G. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, Cambridge, 1932, p. 69.

14. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, Indianapolis, p. 43.

15. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, Cambridge, 1932, p. 70. ii

Chapter II

1. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 2.

2. Ibid. , p. 1

3. Ibid. , p. 9

4. Ibid. , p. 9

5. Ibid. , p. 9

6. Ibid. , pp. 9-10.

7. Ibid. , pp. 9-10.

8. Ibid. , pp. 10-11.

9. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 7.

10. Ibid., p. 7 ~ 11. Ibid. , p. 7

12. Ibid., pp. 7-8.

l r 13. Ibid., p. 8. D •0 14. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, p. 69.

15. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 11.

16. Ibid. , p. 11.

17. Ibid. , p. 11.

18. Ibid. , p. 12.

19. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, pp. 13-14.

20. Ibid., p. 14.

21. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 21.

22. Ibid., pp. 20-21.

23. Ibid., p. 21. iii

24. John A. Coffin, "Senatorial Career of Albert J. Beveridge," Indiana Magazine of History, V24, September 1924, p. 141.

25. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 22.

26. Ibid., pp. 22-23.

27. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 32.

Chapter III

1. Bowers, Beverid9:e and The Prosrressive Era, p. 26.

2. Ibid. , pp. 27-30.

3. Ibid., p. 31.

4. Ibid. , p. 31.

5. Ibid., p. 32.

6. Ibid. , p. 32.

7. Ibid., p. 32.

8. Coffin, "Senatorial Career of Albert J. Beveridge," Indiana Masrazine of History, V24, September 1924, p. 143.

9. John Braeman, "The Rise of Albert J. Beveridge to the United States Senate," Indiana Magazine of History, V53, December 1957, p. 356.

10. Coffin, "Senatorial Career of Albert J. Beveridge," Indiana Magazine of History, p. 143.

11. John Braeman, "The Rise of Albert J. Beveridge to the United States Senate," Indiana Magazine of History, p. 356, quoted from the manuscript of Beveridge's unfinished autobiography.

12. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 43.

13. Clifton J. Phillips, Indiana in Transition 1880-1920, Indiana polis, 1968, p. 62.

14. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, pp. 47-50. iv

15. Coffin, "Senatorial Career of Albert J. Beveridge," Indiana Magazine of History, p. 143.

16. Coffin, "Senatorial Career of Albert J. Beveridge," Indiana Magazine of History, p. 155.

17. John Braeman, "The Rise of Albert J. Beveridge to the United States Senate," Indiana Magazine of History, p. 356.

18. Charles F. Remy, "The Election of Beveridge to the Senate," Indiana Magazine of History, V36 (1940), p. 123.

19. John Braeman, "The Rise of Albert J. Beveridge to the United States Senate," Indiana Magazine of History, p. 365.

20. Ibid., p. 361.

Chapter IV

1. Pratt, America's Colonial Experiment, pp. 28-29.

2. Thomas A. Bailey, A Diplomatic History of the American People, New York, 1968, p. 407.

3. Pratt, America's Colonial ExEeriment, p. 29.

) 4. Bailey, A Diplomatic History of the American PeoEle, p. 407. 0 ~ 5. Bailey, A DiElomatic History of the American PeoEle, p. 425.

6. Bailey, A Diplomatic History of the American PeoEle, pp. 422-425.

7. Pratt, ExEansionists of 1898, pp. 34-73.

8. Pratt, America's Colonial Experiment, p. 29.

9. Bowers, Beveridge and T.he Progressive Era, p. 57.

10. Ibid., p. 57.

11. Ibid., p. 57.

12. Braeman, "The Rise of Albert J. Beveridge to the United States States Senate," Indiana Magazine of History, V53, pp. 357-358. v

13. Ibid., p. 358, Footnote 9, Beveridge to John C. Shaffer.

14. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 59.

15. Pratt, America's Colonial Experiment, pp. 28-33.

16. Richard Hofstadter, American Political Tradition, New York, 1948, pp. 186-198.

17. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 59.

18. Ibid. , p. 59.

19 • Ibid. , p. 6 0 •

20. Ibid., pp. 60-62.

21. Pratt, America's Colonial Experiment, p. 35.

22. Ibid., p. 35.

23. Braeman, "The Rise of Albert J. Beveridge to the United States Senate," Indiana Magazine of History, V53, p. 355.

Chapter V

1. Bailey, A Diplomatic History of the American People, p. 451.

2. Ibid., pp. 452-454.

3. Bailey, A Diplomatic History of the American People, p. 460.

4. Pratt, Expansionists of 1898, pp. 284-285.

5. James Ford Rhodes, The McKinley and Roosevelt Administration 1897-1909, New York, 1922, p. 60.

6. Pratt, Expansionists of 1898, p. 226.

7. Ibid., p. 227.

8. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, pp. 66-67.

9. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, p. 38.

10. Ibid., p. 38. vi

11. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, p. 42.

12. Pratt, Ex~ansionists of 1898, p. 257.

13. Beveridge, Meanin2 of the Times, pp. 43-44.

14. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 64.

15. Bowers, Beverid2e and The Pro2ressive Era, pp. 66 69.

16. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, pp. 44-45. 17. Ibid., pp. 44-45.

18. Bowers, Beveridge and The Pro2ressive Era, p. 71.

19. Commercial and Financial Chronicle, LXV, New York, October 2, 1897, pp. 597-599.

20. Pratt, Expansionists of 1898, p. 240.

21. Pratt, America's Colonial Experiment, p. 80.

22. Pratt, Expansionists of 1898, p. 282. ' 23. Ibid., p. 286.

2 4 • Ibid . , p • 2 8 8 •

25. James Ford Rhodes, The McKinley and Roosevelt Administrations 1897-1909, p. 98.

26. Bailey, A Diplomatic History of the American People, p. 460.

27. Rhodes, McKinley and Roosevelt Administrations, 1897-1909, p. 74.

28. Bailey, A Diplomatic History of the American People, pp. 470-471.

29. Ibid., pp. 470-471.

30. Pratt, America's Colonial Experiment, p. 76.

31. Pratt, Expansionists of 1898, p. 266.

32. Ibid., p. 227, note 117. vii

33. Pratt, Expansionists of 1898, p. 314. 34. U. s. Congress. Congressman Johnson speaking against the annexation of Hawaii. Congressional Record, 55 Congress 2 session June 14, 1898, p. 5994. 35. Braeman, "The Rise of Albert J. Beveridge to the United States Senate," Indiana Magazine of History, V53, 1957, p. 359.

36. Ibid., p. 360.

37. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 73.

38. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 73.

39. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, p. 47; Bowers, Beverids:e and The Pros:ressJ.ve Era, p. 73.

40. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, P. 47.

41. Ibid., p. 47.

42. Pratt, America's Colonial Experiment, pp. 58-68.

43. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, p. 48.

44. Ibid., p. 51.

45. Ibid., p. 52.

46. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, p. 49; Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, pp. 74-76.

47. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, pp. 50-51.

48. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, p. 47; Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, pp. 75-77.

49. Clifton J. Phillips, Indiana in Transition 1880-1920, pp. 70-71.

50. Braeman, "The Rise of Albert J. Beveridge to the United States Senate," Indiana Magazine of History, V53, p. 359.

51. Ibid, p. 539; Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 79. viii

52. Braeman, "The Rise of Albert J. Beveridge to the United States Senate," Indiana Magazine of History, V53, p. 367. 53. Ibid., pp. 370-371.

54. Ibid. , p. 3 6 2.

55. Ibid., p. 371.

56. Coffin, "Senatorial Career of Albert J. Beveridge," Indiana Magazine of History, V24, p. 163.

57. Coffin, "Senatorial Career of Albert J. Beveridge," Indiana Magazine of History, V24, p. 164.

58. Braeman, "The Rise of Albert J. Beveridge to the United States Senate," Indiana Magazine of History, V53, pp. 362- 369.

59. Coffin, "Senatorial Career of Albert J. Beveridge," Indiana Magazine of History, V24, p. 164.

60. Braeman, "The Rise of Albert J. Beveridge to the United States Senate," Indiana Magazine of History, V53, p. 381.

61. Ibid., pp. 381-382.

62. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, pp. 97-98.

Chapter VI

1. Bailey, DiElomatic History of the American People (1st ed.; New York, 1940), p. 517.

2. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, pp. 97-98; Phillips, Indiana in Transition 1880-1920, p. 72.

3. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, pp. 101-114.

4. Coffin, "Senatorial Career of Albert J. Beveridge,'' Indiana Magazine of History, V24, p. 166.

5. Ibid., p. 167.

6. Ibid., p. 167; Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, pp. 112-113. ix

7. Coffin, "Senatorial Career of Albert J. Beveridge," Indiana Magazine of History, V24, p. 167.

B. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 113.

9. Elting E. Morison, The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, l951-l954), Vol. 2, p. 1070.

10. Indianapolis Journal, September 11, 1899.

11. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 115. 12. Ibid., p. 115.

13. Henry Cabot Lodge to Theodore Roosevelt, Washington, December 13, 1899, Selections from the Correspondence of Theodore Roosevelt, New York, 1925, Vol. II.

14. Pratt, Colonial Experiment, pp. 68-71.

15. Ibid., p. 73.

16. Ibid., pp. 73-74.

17. Ibid., p. 74.

18. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 116.

19. Ibid., pp. 116-117.

20. Ibid., pp. 116-117.

21. Ibid., p. 117.

22. Ibid., p. 118.

23. Ibid., p. 118.

24. Ibid., pp. 117-118.

25. Ibid., p. 119. 26. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, p. 58; Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 119. 27. u. s. Congress Senate. Senator Beveridge speaking on the Philippine policy. Congressional Record. 56th Congress 1st session, p. 704. X

28. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 119.

29. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, p. 59.

Ibid. , pp. 65-67.

33. Ibid. , pp. 64-65.

34. Ibid., p. 71.

35. Ibid., p. 78.

36. Ibid., pp. 78-79.

37. Ibid. , p. 79.

38. Ibid., pp. 81-82.

39. Ibid., p. 84.

40. Walter Wellman, Chicago Times-Herald, January 10, 1900.

41. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 122.

42. Coffin, "Senatorial Career of Albert J. Beveridge," Indiana Magazine of History, V24, p. 169.

43. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 124.

44. Ibid., p. 125.

45. Ibid., p. 125.

46. Ibid. , p. 126.

47. Ibid., p. 127.

48. Ibid., pp. 127-128.

49. Ibid., pp. 128-129.

50. Pratt, Colonial ExEeriment, pp. 185-187.

51. Bowers, Beverid9:e and The Pro9:ressive Era, p. 130. xi

52. Bailey, Diplomatic History, 8th ed., p. 478.

53. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 131.

54. Ibid., p. 32.

55. Rhodes, The McKinley and Roosevelt Administrations, pp. 137-138.

56. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, pp. 132-133.

57. Ibid. , p. 13 3.

58. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, p. 118.

59. Ibid., p. 119.

60. Bailey, Diplomatic History, 8th ed., p. 463.

61. Pratt, Colonial Experiment, pp. 53-54.

62. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, pp. 123-218.

63. Selig Adler, The Isolationist Impulse (New York, 1957), p. 167.

64. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, pp. 136-136.

65. Pratt, Colonial Experiment, p. 194.

66. Ibid., pp. 198-203.

67. Beveridge, Meaning of the Times, p. 73.

68. Ibid. I p. 73. 69. Pratt, Colonial Experiment, p. 119.

70. Ibid., pp. 119-120; Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 13 9.

71. Pratt, Colonial Experiment, p. 120.

72. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 140.

73. Bailey, Diplomatic History, 1st ed., pp. 548-549. x.ii

Ibid. , p. 146.

Ibid., p. 152.

Ibid. , p. 152.

Ibid., p. 154.

Ibid. , p. 154.

Ibid., p. 130. xiii

Chapter VII

1. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 173.

2. George F. Kennan, American Diplomacy 1900-1950 (Chicago, 1951), p. 13.

3. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 173.

4. Phillips, Indiana in Transition, p. 95.

5. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, pp. 239-242; Pratt, Colonial Experiment, p. 122.

6. Phillips, Indiana in Transition, pp. 106-107. 7. Ibid., p. 108.

8. Coffin, "Senatorial Career of Albert J. Beveridge," Indiana Magazine of History, V24, p. 292.

9. Adler, The Isolationist Impulse, p. 42.

10. Coffin, "Senatorial Career of Albert J. Beveridge," Indiana Magazine of History, V24, p. 293.

11. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 476.

12. Bowers, Beveridge and The Progressive Era, p. 494.

13. Ibid. , pp. 496-497.

14. Adler, The Isolationist Im,12ulse, p. 77. 15. Foster Rhea Dulles, The United States Since 1865 (Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1959), pp. 140-141.

16. Benjamin Harrison~ address on "The Status of Annexed Territory and of Its Free Inhabitants" delivered at the University of Michigan, published in the Indianapolis Sentinel December 17, 1900. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources

1. Beveridge, Albert J., The Meaning of the Times, Indiana polis (1907).

2. Braeman, John, "The Rise of Albert J. Beveridge to the United States Senate," Indiana Magazine of History, V53 (1957).

3. Chicago Times Herald, January 10, 1900.

4. Coffin, John A., "The Senatorial Career of Albert J. Beveridge," Indiana Magazine of History, V24, (1928) •

5. Congressional Record, 53d Congress, 2nd Session., (May 31, 1894), p. 5499-5500.

6. Congressional Record, 55h Congress, 2nd Session., (June 14, 1898), p. 5994.

7. Congressional Record, 56h Congress, 1st Session., (January, 1900), p. 704.

8. Indianapolis Journal, January 11, 1899; January 12, 1900; September 29, 1900.

9. Indianapolis News, January 9, 1900.

10. Indianapolis Sentinel, August 9, 1900.

11. Journal of Commerce and Commercial Bulletin, February 24, May 27, 1897.

12. Lodge, Henry Cabot, ondence of Theodore Rooseve t an New Yor , 1925). Primary Sources (Continued)

13. Morison, Elting E., The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt (Cambridge, 195

14. Remy, Charles F., "The Election of Beveridge to the Senate," Indiana Magazine of History, V36 (1940).

15. Richardson, James D., A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents 1789-1902 {Washington, 1904).

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1. Adler, Selig, The Isolationist Impulse (New York, 1957).

2. Bailey, Thomas A., Diplomatic History of the American People (New York, 1940).

3. Bowers, Claude G., Beveridge and The Progressive Era (Cambridge, 19

4. Dennis, Alfred L., Adventures in American Diplomacy 1896- 1906 (New York 1928).

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