Economic Development, Globalization, and Sustainability

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Economic Development, Globalization, and Sustainability From Ashford and Hall (2011). Technology, Globalization, and Sustainable Development (Yale II University Press) Economic Development, Globalization, and Sustainability In Part I of this book, we discussed the nature (Chap- and globalization have, or are expected to have, on ter 1) and evolution (Chapter 2) of the multidimen- the three pillars of sustainability (Chapter 5). sional concepts of sustainability and sustainable As we shall see, technological change is both a development. In Part II, we discuss economic devel- vehicle for the improvement of the workings of the opment within the context of (domestic supply and industrial state and a cause of unsustainability. There- demand) forces operating more or less within the fore, understanding the technological change pro cess nation- state (Chapter 3), how the nation- state devel- (Chapter 6) and the possible roles of the private sec- ops in an environment increasingly infl uenced by tor (Chapter 7) and the government (Chapter 8) in forces (for example, globalized trade, information, promoting economic development is essential to and fi nance) operating in the global economy (Chap- the design of industrial policy, which is the focus of ter 4), and the effects that both technological change Part III. —-1 —0 —+1 561-45401_ch01_8P.indd 143 6/23/11 9:50 AM -1— 0— +1— 561-45401_ch01_8P.indd 144 6/23/11 9:50 AM 3 Economic Development and Prosperity: Current Theory and Debate Coauthored with KYRIAKOS PIERRAKAKIS 3.1 The Meaning of Economic Development 145 3.4 Critiques of, and Alternatives to, the Northern Growth 3.1.1 Growth and Development Distinguished 145 Model 166 3.1.2 Factor Endowments and the Classifi cation of Capital 146 3.4.1 Growth in Developing Economies and the Washington 3.2 Theories and Perspectives on Economic Growth 147 Consensus 166 3.2.1 Rostow’s Stages- of- Growth Model 147 3.4.2 Sustainability in Practice: The Cases of Kerala and 3.2.2 Linear Stages- of- Growth Models: The Harrod- Domar Costa Rica 168 Model 148 3.5 What Lies Ahead for Economic Growth and Development in 3.2.3 Structural- Change Models 148 Industrialized and Developing Economies? 170 3.2.4 The International- Dependence Perspective 149 3.5.1 The End of Sustainable Growth? 170 3.2.5 Neoclassical Growth Theory: The Solow Model 150 3.5.2 The Impact of Economic Growth on Employment in the 3.2.6 New Growth Theory: Romer’s Model 151 Developed World 171 3.2.7 The Ayres- Warr Analysis 153 3.5.3 The Next Industrial Revolution? 172 3.2.8 Implicit Assumptions about Technological Innovation in 3.5.4 Broadening Capital Own ership and Its Effects on Neoclassical Environmental and Ecological Economics 154 Consumption- Led Growth, Sustainable Livelihoods, and the 3.2.9 Peak Oil and Economic Growth 155 Environment 173 3.3 Technological Development and Growth Theory 156 3.6 The New Economics 173 3.3.1 Technological Change 156 3.7 Notes 179 3.3.2 Joseph Schumpeter’s “Creative Destruction” 163 3.8 Additional Readings 179 3.3.3 Market Structure and Innovation 164 3.9 References 179 3.1 THE MEANING OF ECONOMIC fi ted or profi ted from the activity. Increased eco- DEVELOPMENT nomic activity (involving expenditures for goods and ser vices) necessitated by natural or human- made di- 3.1.1 Growth and Development Distinguished sasters are not part of any deliberate growth strategy n Chapter 1, we discussed fundamental concepts of government in its trusteeship role for its people. of economic growth and the metrics that might Thus there are “good GDP” and “bad GDP.” On the be used to mea sure that growth in terms of in- other hand, other positive attributes of development creased GNP and GDP. We also argued that not are not captured by GNP and GDP.* For this reason, all increases in these metrics were necessarily other indexes of human development† have also re- Igood. For example, the GDP of a region might go up as a result of activities related to digging out of a * See Section 3.3.1.2 for a deeper discussion of problems blizzard or rescuing people in a fl ood, but no one of mea sure ment in a postindustrial society. would argue that more of this kind of increase in † See Daly (1994) for a discussion of the distinction be- tween growth and development that applies to developed as well GDP was good, even if some fi rms and people bene- as developing countries. —-1 —0 —+1 561-45401_ch01_8P.indd 145 6/23/11 9:50 AM Technology, Globalization, and Sustainable Development 146 ceived attention (see Section 1.1.1 in Chapter 1). • To expand the range of economic and social choices Nonetheless, many contributions to GNP and GDP available to individuals and nations by freeing them growth are desirable and concern a government’s from dependence on other nations, but also from economic or industrial policy. In this chapter, we fi rst the forces of ignorance and human misery focus on understanding the historical patterns and The role of national governments in the context of determinants of economic growth in the positive economic development is essential. Contrary to the sense, ignoring for the moment the undesirable ex- view of many economists of the neoclassical main- ternalities that might fl ow from that growth. We then stream, we argue that this role should not be limited summarize critiques of what has come to be called to ensuring the proper functioning of markets and “the Northern model” of development. the correction of market failures. Long- run economic growth has been at the heart Traditional economics focuses on the effi cient, of economic analysis since the fi rst founding docu- least- cost allocation of scarce resources and the op- ments of economic theory. Economic growth was, in timal growth of these resources over time in order to essence, the topic of Adam Smith’s treatise The produce an expanding range of goods and ser vices Wealth of Nations. Growth, however, should not be (Todaro and Smith 2009). Furthermore, traditional considered as an end in itself. Economists have fo- economics also focuses on neoclassical economics as cused their efforts on analyzing the causes of growth taught in introductory and intermediate economics for centuries because it has the potential to decrease textbooks in universities (Söderbaum 2008). Mar- poverty, increase the standard of living, support goals kets, in that context, are considered to be “perfect,” such as education and health care, and substantially while the consumer is perceived as a rational utility affect the quality of life of the citizenry. maximizer. It is essential to note that as an area of study of On the other hand, development economics has a national economies, development is generally distin- more extensive scope. Apart from being concerned guished from economic growth. Economic growth is with the optimal allocation of scarce resources and mea sured in “economic” terms— for example, GNP, with their sustained growth over time, development GDP, and other economic metrics— and does not economics also deals with the economic, social, po- account for nontraded goods, ser vices, and cultural liti cal, and institutional mechanisms necessary to bring attributes. Development is not a purely economic phe- about rapid, large- scale improvements for develop- nomenon. According to Todaro and Smith (2009, p. ing countries (Todaro and Smith 2009). In this con- 16), “Development must . be conceived of as a multi- text, market imperfections are the rule rather than dimensional process involving major changes in social the exception, and limited consumer rationality is structures, pop ular attitudes, and national institutions, taken as a given, while disequilibriums often prevail as well as the acceleration of economic growth, the re- in the economy. duction of ine qual ity, and the eradication of poverty. Formal economic thinking remains essentially Development, in its essence, must represent the whole confi ned to static equilibrium instead of examining gamut of change by which an entire social system, the dynamics of the economy (Niehans 1990). The his- tuned to the diverse basic needs and desires of indi- torical perspective and the empirical observations of viduals and social groups within that system, moves the fi rst classical economists (Adam Smith, David away from a condition of life widely perceived as un- Ricardo, and Karl Marx, among others) led to some satisfactory toward a situation or condition of life re- key intuitions about the growth pro cess but not to garded as materially and spiritually better.” coherent theories of economic growth (ibid.). How- According to Todaro and Smith (2009, p. 22), eco- ever, this was something that was destined to change nomic and social development in all societies should in the era of model building, through the contribu- have at least the following three objectives:* tions of a series of scholars who dramatically shifted the way their contemporaries ended up viewing the • To increase the availability and widen the distribu- tion of basic life- sustaining goods such as food, pro cess of economic growth. shelter, health, and protection • To raise the quality of life (securing more mean- 3.1.2 Factor Endowments and the Classifi cation ingful jobs and enhancing cultural and human of Capital values) Economic historians speak in terms of “factor endow- -1— * See Section 3.4 for the contributions of Seers (1979) ments” that nations might possess to explain their 0— and Sen (1999) to the discussion of development. economic growth. Early lists included land, material +1— 561-45401_ch01_8P.indd 146 6/23/11 9:50 AM Economic Development and Prosperity: Current Theory and Debate 147 resources, energy, and a physically strong labor force.
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