Katherine Montgomery: a Change of Heart on Women's Competitive Athletics in the Early 2Oth Century Peter L

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THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY

COLLEGE OF EDUCATION

KATHERINE MONTGOMERY:

A CHANGE OF HEART ON WOMEN’S COMPETITIVE

ATHLETICS IN THE EARLY 2Oth CENTURY

PETER L. CASTELOW

A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Awarded: Fall Semester, 2005

The members of the Committee approve the dissertation of Peter L. Castelow defended on October 31, 2005. ______Victoria-Maria MacDonald Professor Co-directing Dissertation

______Jeffrey Milligan Professor Co-directing Dissertation

______Paula Welch Outside Committee Member

______Jonathan Leib Committee Member

______Emanuel Shargel Committee Member

Approved:

______Joseph Beckham, Chair, Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies

______Marcy P. Driscoll, Dean, College of Education

The Office of Graduate Studies has verified and approved the above named committee members.

The opportunity to pursue this research was provided by the unwavering support and sacrifice of a truly wonderful family. My daughters, Meagan and Abby, have on many occasions given up opportunities for a “normal” childhood. Their independence in pursuing academic excellence and awareness of self and the world around them has been remarkable. Their ongoing journey into adulthood has provided me with daily inspiration to continue my work in the field of education. I am immensely proud and fortunate to have had the support and companionship of my wife, Dr. Teri Castelow. We have taught and worked through our Ph.D.s together. Having a constant companion to discuss career interests with has greatly enhanced my life. I am forever indebted.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to acknowledge my committee members for their help and their willingness to persevere over a considerable period of time. I thank Dr. Jeffrey Milligan for his needed assistance at the end of my defense process. Dr. Jonathan Leib was always available and helpful as an outside committee member. Dr. Emanuel Shargel provided much needed insight, and Dr. Paula Welch served as the expert on many of the elements of this research. Both graciously continued their assistance beyond retirement. Dr. Victoria-Maria MacDonald served as my advising professor and committee chair. She expended much energy in both capacities, and I am forever grateful for her efforts. Finally, my wife and I were privileged to have been students in the Educational Foundations and Policy Studies Department at Florida State University. Drs. Sande Milton, Steven Klees, George Papagiannis, along with Dr. Victoria-Maria MacDonald and Emanuel Shargel, provided a positive and intellectually stimulating learning environment which I hope to reproduce to the best of my abilities.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures ...... Page vii Abstract ...... Page viii

1. Introduction ...... Page 2

2. Pre-Professional Life ...... Page 21 Montgomery’s Early Life ...... Page 21 Montgomery’s School Years ...... Page 23 Education and Athletics Intertwine...... Page 25 Societal Attitudes Toward Women and Exercise ...... Page 26 Women’s Educational History...... Page 28 Southern Women’s Education ...... Page 30 Florida State College for Women ...... Page 33 Montgomery’s College Years...... Page 35

3. A New Instructor...... Page 38 Montgomery Begins a Career ...... Page 38 American Industrialization and Urbanization...... Page 39 Athletics and Education Increased Together ...... Page 40 World War I and the Impact on Women’s Athletics ...... Page 46 Montgomery – A New Professional ...... Page 48 The Women’s Olympics ...... Page 50

4. A New Direction...... Page 58 Societal Changes...... Page 58 Katherine Montgomery and Northern Influence...... Page 61 The Conventions ...... Page 63 Control of Women’s Athletics...... Page 67 Montgomery’s Influence Increases...... Page 72

5. Demise of the Platform ...... Page 77 The Backdrop of World War II...... Page 77 Montgomery at New York University ...... Page 78 Montgomery’s Dissertation ...... Page 79 Florida High School Athletic Association ...... Page 87 Dissenters ...... Page 89 Biases Exposed ...... Page 92 Katherine Montgomery...... Page 95

6. Conclusions ...... Page 98 Montgomery’s Response to the Platform ...... Page 98 Educational Model vs. Commercial Model ...... Page 99

A New Bureaucracy...... Page 101 Implications Today ...... Page 103 Further Research ...... Page 104

APPENDICES ......

A. Florida High School Athletic Association – Key Events for Girls’ Interscholastic Athletics...... Page 106

B. Katherine Montgomery Professional Resume ...... Page 111

REFERENCES ...... Page 146

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...... Page 162

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Picture of Katherine Montgomery as an instructor at Florida State College for Women ...... Page 1

Figure 2: 1914 Field Day at Florida State College for Women ...... Page 20

Figure 3: 1918 Field Day at Florida State College for Women ...... Page 20

Figure 4: Anne Harwick in her uniform for the Women’s Olympic team ...... Page 37

Figure 5: Katherine Montgomery in FSCW Letter Sweater ...... Page 57

Figure 6: Front of Gymnasium at Florida State College for Women ...... Page 76

Figure 7: Inside of Gymnasium at Florida State College for Women ...... Page 76

Figure 8: Katherine Montgomery Honored with Commemorative plaque from Physical Education Majors from 1930-1955 ...... Page 97

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ABSTRACT

Katherine Williams Montgomery (1894-1958) attended Florida State College for Women (FSCW) from 1914 until 1918. After graduating with a degree in English, she became an instructor at FSCW and would soon be asked to acquire training to become the head of a new Physical Education program. Montgomery would begin her new career just as a contentious argument over the right type of athletics for women was reaching an apex. As a student at FSCW, she had participated in athletic competition wholeheartedly, and spoke in favor of intercollegiate athletics on behalf of her fellow students. She had encouraged students to try out for the Women’s Olympic team and assisted one in training for the event. In 1923, Montgomery graduated from New Haven Normal School of Gymnastics with a certification in physiotherapy and physical education and returned to Tallahassee to assume the duties of the head of the Department of Physical Education. During her time in New Haven, critics began to act on their concern for the participation of women in public and strenuous competitive athletic events. In 1923 Lou Henry Hoover, wife of President Herbert Hoover, organized a meeting of leaders in women's education, athletics, recreation, and fitness. They concluded that women should be restricted from participating in certain competitive athletic events. This decision affected women's sports throughout the United States. Montgomery’s change of heart on the direction of women's athletics and her impact on this trend can be observed in the modifications of her philosophy toward athletics and profound effect on women’s athletics at FSCW and throughout the state of Florida and the South. As an educator, and leader in the field of physical education, Montgomery's life and career reflected the tumult in women's athletics in this country during the early 20th century. The study of her life not only brings to light the history of an extraordinary woman but also illuminates the tensions surrounding the evolution of women's athletics.

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Figure 1 – Picture of Katherine Montgomery as an instructor at Florida State College for Women1

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Katherine Williams Montgomery was born in Gonzales, Texas on April 21, 1894, the daughter of James and Mamie Lila Montgomery. Her father was a minister who encouraged physical activity and sportsmanship among all of his six children, both boys and girls. After graduating from high school in Marlin, Texas in 1912, “Katie” moved to Florida where her father and stepmother had moved earlier. She longed to go to college, but family finances were limited. After working as a teacher in Suwanee and Lafayette counties near her home, she finally entered Florida State College for Women (FSCW) in 1914 at the age of twenty. She later joined the faculty at FSCW in 1918.2 As an educator, and leader in the field of physical education, Montgomery's life and career reflected the trends in women's athletics in this country during the 20th century. The study of her life not only brings to light the history of an extraordinary woman but also illuminates the tensions surrounding the evolution of women's athletics. In the late 1800s and early 1900s, women and girls participated in a variety of sports. There are examples of women playing basketball, baseball, tennis, golf, and participating in track and field events. During the second decade of the twentieth century, critics began to voice concern over the participation of women in competitive athletic events, especially where they were displayed as public events. Many female leaders of this time believed that men's intercollegiate and interscholastic sports were becoming increasingly unsavory and antithetical to an educational environment. Those espousing this position attributed the degeneration to the increasing emphasis on commercialism. Participation and amateurism were to become the emphasis for female athletes, while the increasing importance of revenue production was becoming the focus of men's sports. Critics of women's competitive athletics opposed male coaches and spectators. It was suggested that women's athletic uniforms were becoming ever

more revealing to attract males to athletic contests. There was also concern that competition among women could be unhealthy for a female reproductive system and could cause them to become overly masculine. In 1923 Lou Henry Hoover, wife of President Herbert Hoover, organized a meeting of leaders in women's education, athletics, recreation, and fitness. They concluded that women should be restricted from participating in competitive athletic events. This decision affected women's sports throughout the United States until well after World War II. Montgomery was influenced by this change in the direction of women's athletics, and the impact of this trend can be observed in the modifications of her philosophy toward athletics at FSCW. From her first year of college, Katie displayed a wide-range of athletic talents. She participated in basketball, tennis, track and field, and baseball, and was often voted one of the best members of her field day team. In her junior year, she was voted third best all-around athlete, and as a senior was awarded the letter sweater as the best all-around athlete. By this time, there were two intramural teams at FSCW defined by their year of graduation. The “Odds” were to graduate in odd-numbered years and the “Evens” in even-numbered years. Montgomery also served on the Athletic Board as vice-president and president, was chosen by classmates to be the athletic editor for the college newspaper, the Florida Flambeau, and was vice-president and chairman of the Bible study department of the Young Women’s Christian Association.3 Upon graduation in 1918, Katie Montgomery was offered a position as an instructor of science, math, and health education in the sub-college division. In the spring of 1920, she became a full-time instructor of physical education. She spent the next two summers in New Haven, Connecticut at the New Haven Normal School of Gymnastics. In 1921, Montgomery was asked to head a new Department of Physical Education at FSCW, which had not yet been created.4 Aside from her work as an instructor, Miss Katie, as she was known to her students, continued to be active in athletics for young women. In fact, FSCW faculty had assumed a leadership role in girls’ athletics in Florida. In 1921, for example, a proposal was circulated regarding “approved athletic events for girls along with directions for their conduct…[and] also advocated establishment of state high school girls athletic records.”5 Montgomery helped organize the first State High School Track Meet for girls, which was held at FSCW in 1922. Based on their performance at this and other track and field events, five young women from

Florida were chosen to try out for a team to compete at the First Women’s Modern Olympic Games, held in 1922 in Paris after the women were told they would not be able to compete in the 1924 Olympic Games.6 Two of these competitors were actually selected for the team: Lucy Fletcher, a ninth grade broad jumper, and Anne Harwick, a senior javelin thrower at FSCW. Fletcher chose not to accept her invitation, but Harwick trained with Katie Montgomery in Tallahassee before going to Paris. She was not able to compete in the javelin throw, reportedly due to illness. However, she did take part in other events.7 In 1922, Montgomery obtained a leave of absence to continue her education at New Haven. In that same year, the Amateur Athletic Union (AAU) formed a committee to look at the issue of women’s athletics, and Montgomery was selected to serve on the national committee on Women’s Track and Field Athletics. Her involvement in these activities suggests that, aside from sponsoring competition for female athletes and assisting in their training, she was part of the leadership making decisions about track and field events. Montgomery graduated in 1923 from the New Haven Normal School of Gymnastics with a certification in physiotherapy and physical education and returned to Tallahassee to assume the duties of the head of the Department of Physical Education.8 Montgomery was about to start a new physical education program at FSCW at precisely the time when concerns about the direction of physical education and athletics for women were coming to a head. As a student, she had participated in athletic competition wholeheartedly, and even spoke in favor of intercollegiate athletics on behalf of her peers at FSCW. She had encouraged some of her students to try out for the Women’s Olympic team and assisted one in preparing for the event. International women’s athletic competition would soon be declared improper for the future direction of athletics for women. This dissertation will examine the life of Katherine Montgomery (1894 - 1958), particularly her time at FSCW (1914-1958).9 As an eyewitness and participant in the events of this period, Montgomery's acquiescence to the philosophical change of direction for women's sports imposed by the new female professionals of the day is of historical interest. Her life is a microcosm of the evolution that took place in women's athletics beginning in the 1920s. Interpreting these events may also illuminate many current dilemmas present in the symbiotic relationship between education and athletics. A study of Montgomery's life fills a gap in

historical research by investigating how, why, and to what degree those with regional and state power over women's competitive athletics accepted the agenda of the national leadership. The nexus of Montgomery's life and these events is particularly enlightening because as a southern educator she was forced to confront the arguments and persuaded to conform to the philosophies of those leading the charge against competitive women's athletics. Her decision to act as an agent of change regarding competitive athletics for women significantly impacted the state of Florida and the southern region of the United States. This shift contradicted her previous attitudes and behaviors supporting highly competitive athletics for women. Montgomery ultimately chose to be actively involved in: the attempts to gain control over women's athletics, the new alternative direction for women's participation in athletics, and the philosophical positions that caused the inherent conflicts that ultimately led to the failure of this movement. Montgomery's influence on athletic competition for girls and women began in 1914, when she was a twenty year-old student at FSCW, and continued until her death in 1958. During her tenure at FSCW, Montgomery was the chief architect of the physical education curriculum for women in the state of Florida. Thus, her philosophies and actions regarding these issues were critical to female physical education teachers and students in her state and region. Montgomery's internal conflicts over these new developments are evident in her behaviors as a student and early professional, as they were with other female professionals of this time. She became a staunch opponent of competitive athletics for Florida women, though her student and early professional days at the college clearly indicate a reversal of her earlier opinion. She opposed efforts by the Amateur Athletic Union (AAU), United States Olympic Committee, high school associations, and college leaders to organize and expand competitive athletic opportunities for females, despite helping to train a highly skilled female athlete and Florida high school basketball officials. In this dissertation, I intend to explain events of the early 1920's that led to a drastic reduction of intercollegiate and interscholastic athletic contests for females. The reasons for opposition to the male model of intercollegiate athletics by female sport and recreation leaders and the alternative structure they in turn created will be examined. The group of leaders that challenged the male structure evolved from those concerned with women's athletics, health, physical education, recreation, and fitness. Inherent conflicts in the female model of competitive athletics were created while the new platform was being developed and

implemented. The difficulty in understanding this event in history is that a complex interrelationship existed between men’s and women’s athletics, secondary and post-secondary education, and various social factors during Montgomery’s career. Narrowly focused research fails to address these interactions. The final element of this research deals with the motive behind the actions of the female professionals involved from the early 1900s until World War II. Were their actions based on the philosophy that the new path was superior because of moral, ethical, and health reasons? Was this an attempt by an emerging cohort of female professionals to seize power from a male dominated environment? These are the issues that this research can document for historical purposes and probe for future significance. The most significant research regarding Katherine Montgomery is the dissertation by Dorothy Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery: Her Life, Professional Career and Contributions to Physical Education.(Texas Woman’s University, 1960) This work provides extensive details about Montgomery's life, career, and personality. Tucker's research forms an excellent base from which to pursue the questions of why Montgomery accepted the 1923 direction for female involvement in athletics and the extent and scope of Montgomery's influence in the state of Florida regarding female athletic participation. Katherine Montgomery's own dissertation, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of 'Interscholastic' Athletics for Adolescent Girls (New York University, 1941) and her other writings also provide insight into her ideas and beliefs. Peripherally, Leon High School, the Florida State Library Archives, and the archives of the Florida High School Athletic Association (which included AAU documents) provide documentation regarding the breadth of influence wielded by Katherine Montgomery over athletic competition for girls in the state of Florida. Another useful resource is the body of work produced by and about Montgomery's contemporaries who defined the issue regarding female athletic participation. This group would include women such as Gladys Palmer, Mabel Lee, Dorothy Tucker, Ina Gittings, Agnes Wayman, Gladys Scott, Helen Smith, Martha Gable, and Lou Hoover. Many of Montgomery's peers were against competition. However, throughout this period of reduction in female competition, there were dissenters from within the female athletic structure. Ina Gittings, in her 1931 article "Why Cramp Competition?", believed that competitive intercollegiate athletics for women were a positive activity and female leaders should "graciously concede and be in on the

inevitable."10 Gladys Palmer challenged what she perceived as inconsistencies between the philosophy and the behavior of her cohort explaining "our professional group has no clear conception of what it approves or disapproves in competition for women."11 Resources are available about FSCW that lend a unique perspective regarding the school's history. Robin Sellers' Femina Perfecta: The Genesis of Florida State University (1995) is an excellent overall history of the woman's college. She has also compiled an extensive oral history library from which information can be gathered. Shira Birnbaum's article, "Making Southern Belles in Progressive Era Florida: Gender in the Formal and Hidden Curriculum of the Florida Female College," (1996) analyzes the role of gender influences in the curriculum in the early years of FSCW. In her dissertation, The Florida State College of Education: A History of Women's Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University from 1905-1972 (Florida State University, 1980), Mildred Usher chronicles women's athletics at the institution. Additionally, copies of college yearbooks, photographs, and other archival information provide greater insight into the social fabric of the school and the size and scope of organizations present at FSCW. Katherine Montgomery's life and career occurred during a critical time for the direction of women's athletics. Several related topics intersect, forming a complicated interrelationship of events that influenced Montgomery's philosophies and actions. Since men's athletic teams and organizations evolved first and had developed organizational structures that were available as models for the evolution of female athletics, it is necessary to document the state of men's athletics during this time period. The male structure is particularly important because the early development of women's athletics mirrored the existing structure of men's programs but later was structured in opposition to the goals and practices in men's athletics.12 Few significant studies deal directly with the topic of the development of athletics in the educational system in America. Ronald Smith's book, Sports and Freedom: The Rise of Big- Time College Athletics (1988), S. W. Pope's work, Patriotic Games: Sporting Traditions in the American Imagination, 1876-1926 (1997), and Harry Scott's Competitive Sports in Schools and Colleges (1951) are resources which help to explain the history of sports in education. The origin of the tie between sports and education began when students banded together and formed intramural teams. This led to challenges against other colleges and developed into what has been described by Scott as "unsanctioned mass migrations from one campus to another to witness

athletic contests."13 School officials forced to deal with this situation gradually took control of these teams; set rules, regulations, and standards; and perhaps, inadvertently, stumbled upon a financial windfall. In this course of events, college and high school athletics was born. Donald Mrozek, Sport and American Mentality, 1880-1910 (1983), and Allen Guttmann, From Ritual to Record: The Nature of Modern Sport (1975) and A Whole New Ball Game: An Interpretation of American Sports (1988), provide critical analysis about the function of athletics in our society. Mrozek focuses on the relationship between athletics and societal position and subjects such as fashion, status, and country clubs. Guttmann provides a more cerebral interpretation of the function of athletics in our culture. He analyzes athletics from Neo-marxist and Weberian perspectives in order to clarify the existence and place of sport in our culture. It is necessary to document the tremendous growth of the public education system because of the symbiotic relationship between education and athletics in the United States. Historians Joel Spring (“Mass Culture and School Sports,” Winter 1974), Steven Riess (City Games: The Evolution of American Urban Society and the Rise of Sport, 1989), and Stephen Hardy ("Sport in Urbanizing America: A Historical Review," September 1997) are important for their contribution regarding American culture and urbanization in America. Industrialization increased the need for an educated workforce and led to urbanization as people moved from rural areas to new jobs available in the cities. Growing Progressive concern about child labor led to protective child labor laws. This meant that public schools could serve the dual purpose of keeping children out of the workforce and increasing overall educational levels of the American workforce. Several significant works exist about the growth of education in the United States during the Progressive Era. In 1958, Henry Steele Commager wrote an essay for the School Review, "A Historian Looks at the American High School," which describes the origins and problems of the high school in America. This article addresses the issue of sports as a negative influence on both schools and their communities. In Commager's eyes, "the athletic tail is wagging the academic dog," and the solution is to "Take away the dollar sign."14 Three substantial books that focus on the evolution of the high school in America are Edward A. Krug's The Shaping of the American High School (1964), David Labaree's The Making of American High Schools (1988), and William Reese's The Origins of the American High School (1995).

Lawrence Cremin's seminal work, The Transformation of the School: Progressivism in American Education (1961), documents the development of education on all levels. A newer work, Learning Together: A History of Coeducation in American Schools (1990) by David Tyack and Elisabeth Hansot, focuses on coeducation in the United States, but also addresses the issue of athletics as a means of keeping boys in school: "Sports tamed the unruly boys, and educators learned in time to tame sports. Athletics proved useful not only for keeping the boys in line but also for winning public support for high schools that had been tainted with femininity. For those who equated masculinity with contact sports, the football contest was a reassuring spectacle."15 This attitude provided fertile ground for the development of athletics. Sports were not only advocated to attract and keep young males in school, but also to provide fitness as a means to counteract a more sedentary urban lifestyle. Later, the competition for athletes at the college level exponentially increased interscholastic and intercollegiate teams and scholarships, and also gave rise to powerful athletic departments that often predated substantial athletic organizational development for women. Barbara Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women: A History of Women and Higher Education in America (1985), wrote about higher education for women, including the involvement of women in sports and recreational activities. Her work is important as a contextual reference regarding the differences between male and female educational settings of the time. Two other authors focused on higher education for women of the South before and after the Civil War. Christie Anne Farnham, The Education of the Southern Belle: Higher Education and Student Socialization in the Antebellum South (1994), and Amy Thompson McCandless, The Past in the Present: Women's Higher Education in the Twentieth Century American South (1999) both discussed the existence and role of athletic and recreational activities of women at institutions of higher education. Susan Cahn's Coming on Strong: Gender and Sexuality in Twentieth-Century Women's Sport (1994) directly addresses many of the issues pertinent to this research. She writes about the history of women's athletics, the correlation of women's health and fitness issues, the influence of societal notions of femininity, and the evolution of the structure of women's athletic organizations. An important issue in the debate about the right kind of athletics for women centered on the female body and the best activities for fostering good physical health. The manly nature of sports created problems for future advocates of competitive athletics for women.

Debates about the virtues of sports for men often resulted in the assertion that such activities were a positive influence on young men because sports perpetuated characteristics associated with men. The argument that athletics promoted manly traits would present a dilemma for advocates of female athletic competition.16 Ron Smith's article, "Women's Control of American College Sport: The Good of Those Who Played or an Exploitation by Those who Controlled," provides a critical analysis of the events that Cahn details. This work is thought provoking because it goes beyond documenting history to challenge previously held theories on the motivations of women's athletic leaders. According to Smith, "An argument can be made that leading women physical educators advocated the women's model of sport in part to protect their power and control over women's collegiate sport -- and they did it at the expense of the skilled women athletes whom they said they were attempting to protect from exploitation."17 Journals can provide invaluable contemporary primary source information. The American Physical Education Review chronicled the continuing development of health, fitness, and athletic issues throughout the period. This journal provided a forum for critical information being produced in these fields, such as the outcome of the 1923 conference. The School Review and National Education Association publications also document the interaction of athletics and education throughout this time. The Journal of Sport History, Sport History Review, Sociology of Sport Journal, History of Education Quarterly, and the North American Society for Sport History are all excellent, present-day resources from which to gather information on these topics. In summary, the literature on this era concerning the history of women's athletic competition is incomplete. Only recently have scholars begun to synthesize literature from various sources to tell this story. Cahn's book is an excellent example of the extensive documentation that is needed to frame the details of these events. Other researchers, such as Pamela Grundy, are helping to fill historical gaps with research emphasizing a regional perspective. Grundy's work, Learning to Win: Sports, Education, and Social Change in Twentieth-Century North Carolina (2001), examines the contribution of women's athletics to our culture by "delving into the athletic history of a single state to consider what its citizens made of the many ways they played."18 Although Grundy's research is not limited to women's sport history, it gives equal attention to both genders while documenting competitive athletics.

Sport historian Nancy Struna ended a review of three books written about higher education and athletics by stating "The mysteries of the making of intercollegiate athletics…await a more perceptive and contextually aware historian."19 In her review, Struna suggests that researchers have been unable to adequately answer the "why?" question about the unique way athletics has evolved symbiotically with our higher education system in America. This dissertation is an attempt to add context to historical research about women's athletic competition by examining the life of an individual who profoundly influenced the development of women’s athletics in the south. Katherine Montgomery was both a witness to and an agent of change with regards to girl's interscholastic and women's intercollegiate athletics in the state of Florida and the southern region of the United States. This dissertation is a descriptive history of the events that affected Montgomery's life and the history she in turn created. Moreover, this research will be interpretive, presenting explanations about the possible motives for the choices made by Montgomery and her contemporaries. Educational historian Carl Kaestle asserts that there is "no single method" used in the discipline of history or the study of educational history.20 He contends that historians draw on methodologies from other disciplines with no preference for any one methodology. Kaestle included two assumptions regarding the traditional framework for educational history before the 1950s that are applicable to this research. First, the primary focus of educational history was the study of public schooling, which neglects the impact of private schools on education in our country. This dissertation is also limited in scope to the public school sector. A second assumption identified by Kaestle was that public schooling was a positive influence on society. Kaestle asserts that this presumption fails to consider the possibility that public schools could have been at times off course or misguided; or that the good of society might not always be the controlling factor in policy decisions.21 This dissertation considers these possibilities with regards to women's athletics at the secondary and collegiate levels. Kaestle also identifies two elements of the traditional framework, each of which precludes a full understanding of educational history. Prior to the 1950s, the study of education focused only on educational leaders, excluding other members of the educational system and those it was meant to serve - the students. These two groups must be examined because without their cooperation those in the educational hierarchy would be unable to legitimate their goals.22

This dissertation fills a gap in historical research by documenting how a successful female student athlete and an outspoken advocate for women's athletics could so completely reverse her position in the span of a few years. This research explains how the lack of cooperation by students thwarted the goals of the women’s athletic hierarchy. Another pertinent element presupposes that "enlightened leaders working for the common good" direct educational policy. A shortcoming of this assertion is that "The value bias of most traditional educational historians prejudiced them against recognizing self-interest on the part of school reformers." 23 This dissertation explores the possibility that the educational leadership controlling women's athletic competition in schools and colleges may have been swayed by the potential for the acquisition of power rather than the good of those they led. As Bloch poignantly concluded his work The Historian's Craft, "as soon as we admit that a mental or emotional reaction is not self-explanatory, we are forced in turn, whenever such a reaction occurs, to make a real effort to discover the reasons for it. In a word, in history, as elsewhere, the causes cannot be assumed. They are to be looked for…."24 Thus, this dissertation focuses on methodological frameworks that have become increasingly evident. Contemporary methods in educational history focus on those individuals within the system, like Katherine Montgomery, who are responsible for implementing the philosophy, policies, and procedures put forth by the educational leadership. Researchers increasingly explore the question of intent of leaders and professional organizations in various genres.25 Changing the philosophy and structure of athletic competition for women depended on the cooperation of Montgomery and her contemporaries. Whether Montgomery and her cohort were coerced or convinced of the new course set forth by their leadership is relevant to our historical understanding of why and how these events transpired and ultimately failed. There are few significant works entirely related to this topic, but there are valuable primary sources pertinent to this research. Especially useful resources are the numerous journal articles that were written by the contemporaries of Montgomery. These articles clearly reflect the bias of the authors with regards to their attitudes in support of or in opposition to athletic competition for women. It is the duty of the historian to recognize that bias does exist in most documents from the past. However, in the case of these articles it is the bias that makes them a useful tool because individual authors document their own positions about the topic and often the

responses of others who either agree or disagree with them. These responses often shed light on the possibility of ulterior motives on the part of the participants. There are some examples of the writings of Katherine Montgomery that are available as published records. However, one gap in the historical record with regards to Montgomery is the lack of any personal reflection after having attended the 1923 conference called by Lou Henry Hoover or her feelings about her involvement in training a female athlete, FSCW student Anne Harwick, who participated in a 1922 Paris track and field competition for women. It is clear that Montgomery relinquished her support for athletic competition at FSCW and throughout the region and became a physical educator who actively sought to prevent such competition from taking place in Florida. This research is influenced by previous studies in sociological theory. Kaestle advocates the incorporation of theory into interpretative historical analysis. However, "a historian need not adopt an entire theoretical system" and "most historians use theory incidentally and selectively."26 This research is partially informed by social theoretical analysis with regards to bureaucratic power structures and competing positions on gender issues. The story of Katherine Montgomery's struggle over the changes in women's athletics is organized into six chapters. This introduction serves as chapter one. Chapter two chronicles Montgomery’s life and education from early childhood through high school and college. This chapter will begin by providing background information on Katherine Montgomery's family life. Montgomery's upbringing was heavily influenced by conservative Christian attitudes. These ideals from her youth are an apparent and considerable force upon her life as a student and future professional. The morals instilled in her are evident in her choices of activities and in her future writings. Montgomery’s education in the Marlin, Texas public schools began at the crossroads for education in that small community. Professional athletes were often present in her little town and public school teams were initially formed during her high school years.27 Katie concluded her high school experience in an environment of expanding educational and athletic opportunities for students. Montgomery arrived at FSCW in 1914 shortly after the creation of separate men's and women's colleges in Florida. College rules and the general social structure of the time adhered to rigid guidelines for proper female conduct. Ladylike behavior was even more pronounced in the

South.28 These social constraints for proper feminine behavior would also shape her opinions about the participation of females in athletics. Montgomery was one of the best athletes at FSCW, participating and excelling in several sports and athletic competitions. As a student, she received high acclaim for her athletic abilities. Contrary to the philosophies of female athletic participation that were burgeoning and would soon be overwhelmingly espoused, she was apparently an advocate of intercollegiate competition for women as a student and perhaps early into her career. A nexus of circumstances dictated Katherine Montgomery's professional life. The exponential growth of education in the decades prior to her entrance into college and the male structure of athletics that had developed will be summarized in order to explain the discontent that existed amongst female health, recreation, and fitness experts. The path of female athletics was influenced by the symbiotic relationship between public education systems, men's athletics, and women's athletics. The third chapter will examine the context of Montgomery's life in terms of broader issues such as the effect of the passage of the nineteenth amendment and industrialization and urbanization on American culture. Before World War I, America was in a transition from an agrarian society to an urban population. There were concerns that men were losing their masculine qualities. The war magnified the need to replace the strenuous activities prominent in the lifestyle of previous generations. It was the conclusion of many prominent Americans and health experts that athletics could be a vehicle to replace the rigorous exercise of rural life for the increasingly urban American population.29 This focus on the fitness of an urban population would carry over into health and fitness concerns for women. The emphasis on rigorous exercise, the hastening of educational expansion, and the social climate of the Roaring Twenties created by the post WWI era would ultimately converge to cause the conflict that Montgomery would witness. The timing of Montgomery's graduation from college coincided with the rise of new female professionals in the health and fitness areas. Montgomery's work ethic and her athletic talents prompted an invitation to become an instructor at FSCW in 1918. Her success at this position and the growing need for training new secondary female physical educators would ultimately provide her with opportunities for advancement.

One opportunity presented itself because of her intense involvement in organizing track and field events for students at FSCW and surrounding high schools. In the course of reporting results of these competitions, national caliber athletes were identified. Montgomery’s athletes began receiving much attention from those interested in international track and field competition for women.30 Her significant success in identifying and training athletes would unintentionally place her on the firing line of those directing female athletics and those who were adamantly opposed to spectacles such as international athletic competition. Chapter four begins with Montgomery leaving FSCW to attend the well-known and prestigious New Haven School of Gymnastics in Connecticut in preparation for heading the newly created Department of Physical Education at FSCW. Similar positions were available across the South at this time. The region of her training is important because northern female leaders in physical instruction for girls would dominate the debate over what type of activities were appropriate for females. Post-World War I euphoria initiated a liberalization of social standards, particularly for women, during this period. A backlash to the relaxation of social etiquette for women resulted, prompting criticism of women’s athletics. Montgomery's early years in the profession would begin with the turmoil surrounding women's athletic participation and competition. Being at the crossroads for major changes so early in her career must have been both exciting and perplexing for Montgomery. As the first instructor at FSCW in a new academic field, Montgomery must have felt as if she were under considerable scrutiny to legitimize her evolving profession. Trying to create and direct a curriculum under such conditions would have been difficult enough. Montgomery, however, had the additional quandary of having been a successful athlete who was now being asked to limit athletic competition. Montgomery's struggles under these circumstances are historically informative about the experiences of such new professional women across the nation. Chapter four also includes the focal point of this dissertation. The formation of the Women’s Division of the National Amateur Athletic Federation in 1923, which articulated the new direction for women’s athletic competition, will be described. Because of the perception that the male model exploited athletes, the position set forth by female athletic leaders was formulated in opposition to that of their male counterparts. The male model of athletics was commercial and competitive, while the women's model was educational and social.31

The attempt to bring female athletics under the control of a female power structure was successful to varying degrees in various regions and environments. Women's college athletics were largely controlled by the female athletic power structure during this time. Girl's high school athletics were influenced to varying degrees depending on region and depending on influence of local leaders and the structures that were in place before the rise of this initiative. Non-school related organizations were much more difficult to redirect to the new philosophy. Female college professionals were often unable to place students trained in the new doctrine in extra-curricular organizations to supervise programs. Consequently, competitive women's athletics continued to exist outside of female educator's control, frequently under the supervision of male administrators and coaches and before significant male audiences. She headed north again in 1928 and completed a masters degree at Columbia University.32 Montgomery followed the lead of prominent Northern female educators during this period. Chapter five begins in 1941, when Montgomery obtained an Ed.D. from New York University.33 Though she was mentored by the influential leaders in the North, Montgomery’s control in her home state may have been greater than that of her Northern counterparts. Her influence was substantial on issues affecting women in Florida because she was the first to train female physical educators at the state's only public college for white females. The dissertation written by Katherine Montgomery for the completion of her doctorate portrays her as a loyal follower of the women’s athletic platform. Montgomery began working on this degree at New York University in 1935 and completed it in 1941. Her dissertation, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics for Adolescent Girls, was based on a survey of leaders of national organizations and their ideas about the best practices in competition for high school girls. Her intent was to provide a list of principles that could be referred to in formulating policies about such events. This chapter will include an analysis of the methods utilized by Montgomery in conducting surveys, as well as a critique of the conclusions she reached.34 The chapter will also focus on the demise of attempts to steer women's athletics down a different path and the major problems developed when inconsistencies between philosophies and practices regarding women’s athletics became evident. Inner conflicts ultimately weakened the solidarity of this movement when it became apparent that athletic competitions were viewed differently depending on the social status of the sport in question. Questions also arose about

why sports having no male counterpart were permitted liberties that sports with long male histories or large male participation were not afforded. Social concerns surfaced to contest the wisdom of the separatist ideology of the female athletic power structure. These concerns were posited from both the political right and left. From the right, concerns about homosexuality and the need for the normal interplay of interactions between the sexes were voiced. From the left, girls and women wondered aloud why they couldn't explore their talents and abilities as freely as men.35 Women again filled traditionally male roles during World War II. Wartime jobs exposed large numbers of females to the competitive marketplace of our capitalist system. Physical labor and play were greatly increased for women during this time. With many men away at war, entertainment for working women during this era often included sports. The return of male veterans from war proved to be a decisive blow to the alternative structure of female athletics. Men enrolled in college in large numbers after the war. This necessitated an increase in coeducational institutions in the United States. Female leaders were pressured to consolidate physical education and athletics departments with the men's departments, often receiving less than their share of power and status during this restructuring. Also, the grandeur of male athletic competition, which was decried by female professionals as morally and ethically corrupt, was an irresistible force both socially and economically by the time the female institutions had virtually been eliminated from public education. Montgomery's circumstances echoed these societal changes. Her college became coeducational, reducing her influence. Other female leaders emerged in the state, many of whom advocated women's sports based on the competitive, commercial male model of athletics. There is some evidence that Montgomery herself acquiesced to the powerful male athletic structure before her death in 1958. The sixth chapter provides conclusions about this research. The history of this period in women's athletics and Montgomery’s contributions will be summarized. Sociological theory and analysis will be called upon in an attempt to explain why these events took place and what may have motivated Montgomery to support this movement. Further explanations about why these positions failed to materialize into longer lasting societal and athletic structures are examined. Finally, there is an explanation of why this research continues to have implications today for conflicts that exist regarding athletics, women's issues, and the education system.

TABLE 1 - Katherine Montgomery – Life and Key Events

1894 April 21 – Katherine Montgomery born in Gonzales, Texas36 1901 mother died 1907 father remarried 1912 graduated from Marlin High School in Marlin, Texas37 1912-1913 taught at Midway School in Suwannee, county Florida38 1913-1914 taught at Mayo School in Lafayette, county Florida39 1914-1918 attended Florida State College for Women (FSCW) as a student40 1915-1916 taught summer school at the Mallory School in Suwannee, county Florida41 1916 chosen by classmates to serves as athletic editor of the Flambeau42 elected Vice President of Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) at FSCW43 1917-1918 served as teaching assistant at FSCW44 1917 elected President of Athletic Association45 served as Chairman of Bible Study Dept. of YWCA46 1918 earned Best Athlete award after Field Day47 hired as instructor of science, math, & hygiene upon graduation48 1919 worked at a summer camp in North Carolina49 1920 hired as instructor in the Department of Physical Culture at FSCW50 Florida High School Athletic Association (FHSAA) formed in Gainesville51 1921 asked to be department head of proposed Physical Education Department at FSCW52 attended summer school at New Haven Normal School of Gymnastics (NHNSG)53 1922 trained Anne Harwick to compete in the Women’s Olympics54 attended summer school again at (NHNSG)55 1st state high school track meet held at FSCW56 1922-23 obtained leave of absence to complete degree at NHNSG57 1923 obtained certification in physiotherapy & physical education from NHNSG58 appointed vice president of National Women’s Track Association59 1st indication of Montgomery’s change of heart in print in Dec. 192360 became head of the Physical Education Department at FSCW61 Five Physical Education Teachers in the state of Florida62 1928-29 attended Teachers College of Columbia University and earned MA in Physical Education63 1928 Play Day for high school girls held at FSCW64 1st bylaws for FHSAA created65 1929 Physical Education department for girls started at Leon HS under Montgomery’s supervision66 1930 51 Physical Education Teachers in Florida67 1932 Last Field Day at FSCW68 1933 toured state to lobby against funding cuts in Physical Education due to depression69

TABLE 1 - Continued

1934 FSCW invited to Martin, Tennessee to play basketball - Montgomery refused Invitation70 FSCW competed in its 1st telegraphic swim meet sponsored by the University of Illinois71 1935 Tennis player from FSCW participated in state tournament72 elected Vice President of Southern Association of Physical Education for College Women73 1936 AAU swimmer attended FSCW74 Chairman of Florida section of National Section on Women’s Athletics75 1936&37 Florida AAU basketball beauty pageants76 1937 sent letter to Florida physical education teachers encouraging them to provide “activities beneficial and definitely constructive in the lives of those who participate”77 1938 FSCW student poll showed a majority of upperclassmen favored intercollegiate competition78 Sports Day began at FSCW and included high school students79 Physical Education majors are not allowed to participate in intramurals at FSCW80 Physical Education reinstated as a graduation requirement for Florida high school students81 1939-40 served as President of the Southern Association of Directors of Physical Education for College Women82 1940 stated that “Florida educators will hold out for better athletic competition that that sponsored by the Amateur Athletic Union”83 1941 earned Ph.D. from New York University84 1st Florida Intercollegiate Telegraphic Archery Meet85 FSCW invited to Ohio for a golf tournament but Montgomery refused the invitation86 1943 served as a consultant for the certification of Physical Education teachers87 1943-44 served as President of Southern Association for Health Physical Education & Recreation(AAHPER)88 received highest award for distinguished service to AAHPER89 1946 Girls’ Advisory Council of FHSAA formed Feb. 23 90 1947 FSCW became coeducational, renamed Florida State University(FSU)91 2 women considered for membership on FSU men’s golf team – Montgomery was against92 1958 October 1 - Montgomery died of lymphosarcoma

Figure 2 – 1914 Field Day at Florida State College for Women93

Figure 3 – 1918 Field Day at Florida State College for Women94

CHAPTER 2

PRE-PROFESSIONAL LIFE

1894-1918

Montgomery’s Early Life On April 21, 1894, Katherine Williams Montgomery was born in Gonzales, Texas. Her parents, James and Mamie Lila Montgomery, already had a daughter, Anne, and a son, Edwin, when “Kate” joined their family. James Montgomery was a Presbyterian minister who had been raised in North Carolina, and he had married Mamie Lila Williams in 1889. Both James and Mamie were children of ministers. Their only son, Edwin, would later become a minister as well.95 Later, Montgomery’s religious upbringing would figure prominently in her philosophical positions related to educational and athletic issues at Florida State College for Women (FSCW). Shortly after Katherine was born, her father accepted a position in Marlin, Texas. Over the next seven years, three more daughters joined the Montgomery family: Mamie, Minna, and Lily. However, for about three years, Kate was the baby, and the family doted on her, especially during a serious illness that almost claimed her life. The birth of sister Mamie ended Kate’s reign as the youngest, and, according to Dorothy Tucker, she had a difficult time dealing with her change of status. Despite her young age, this change was to impact her attitudes and outlook on life for many years to come. She began exploring outside the home and became more and more daring as she grew older. She was almost fearless in her exploits, at one point climbing the town’s water tower. Another adventure led her to the top of a small cliff in the town, and Kate decided to jump into the inviting branches of a tree below her.96 Reverend Montgomery encouraged all of his children to be physically active, and he even converted an attic room into a small gymnasium and playroom with horizontal bars and ropes for climbing. Kate would play for hours and became very adept at skills on the equipment to the

point that she as able to replicate a trapeze performance she had seen at a circus. All the Montgomery children played in the attic playroom and in the play area in the yard, but Kate was more outgoing than her siblings. Based on interviews with family members, Tucker describes her competitive nature as the driving force that eventually inspired Montgomery to leave her family.97 Whether nature or nurture, Montgomery would, throughout her life, go beyond the comfortable confines of her family to find her niche in the world. In December 1901, Mamie Montgomery died after giving birth to daughter Lily. The family went through some financial hardships on top of this emotional tragedy. Some of the children were sent to live with relatives, and their maternal grandmother came to live in Marlin for a time. The lack of money created a frugal situation for the Montgomerys. Frills and extras could not be afforded and everyone had to chip in to help with the work of the household.98 The frugality and hard work learned from this period stayed with Montgomery throughout her adult life and eventually allowed her to save money to pay her way through college. The disruption of the Montgomery household was exacerbated by the fact that Reverend Montgomery and his mother-in-law did not always see eye to eye. She did not agree with the strict discipline and rigid rules he imposed on his children who were now without a mother. He did not hesitate to punish the children, especially Kate who frequently seemed to challenge his authority. Evidence of her strong will is apparent in how she dealt with her father’s discipline. She discovered that holding her breath or screaming relentlessly could curtail a spanking. These tactics would either scare her father into relenting or so concern the rest of the children that they would beg him to stop. Once her father had left the room, Katie would often admit to her manipulation of the situation.99 Montgomery’s stubbornness and relentlessness in addressing issues in her future career were echoed by all that knew her personally. Despite her stubbornness, Kate was very close to her father. He often took her on his trips to outlying parishes. On these rides, the two would observe the natural world around them and often sang songs together.100 This appreciation of nature and song also stayed with Kate when she went away from home to college. Later, when FSCW obtained the property for a camp and recreation facility, it was Montgomery who led students on nature excursions and canoe trips.101 Reverend Montgomery placed restrictions on his children’s social actions. They were not permitted to play cards or dance. If they went out, they could only date with a chaperone, and

they were discouraged from attending parties. Reverend Montgomery was, however, much more liberal with his children’s involvement in sports and recreational activities. This became Kate’s outlet and arena for social interaction.102

Montgomery’s School Years Marlin, Texas provided education as early as the 1840s. However, public schools were not available until 1884; the first class graduating in 1892. A “new, two-story, pressed brick, slate-roofed schoolhouse with all the ‘modern conveniences’” was opened for the 1903 school year for four hundred ninety two students. Appropriately, Montgomery would spend most of her school years in a newly constructed educational environment, graduating in 1912. Shortly after her graduation, in 1917, a high school building was needed because of increasing enrollment numbers and opened with one hundred eighty three students.103 While there is no mention of Katherine Montgomery’s activities in the records of the Marlin school athletic programs, there is information about how and when sports began to develop in the school. Before 1908, most school sports consisted of loosely organized playground games. It is easy to imagine Montgomery as a child organizing and competing in leapfrog and foot races and baseball games on the Marlin school playground. The first mention of athletics in the minutes of the Marlin Board of Education appeared on October 4, 1909 when “the Superintendent [was] authorized to allow the football team to go to Bryan, October 8, 1909 for a game with Allen Academy.’ The minutes set forth rules for ‘the guidance of the athletics’ and required conformance to the ‘rules of the Athletic Association.’”104 School-sponsored athletic programs in Marlin began as early as 1906 when athletic directors and coaches are first documented. The first school teams to organize were football and baseball. In 1907, an “inter-school” football game was played, and a year later a baseball game occurred.105 There were several professional baseball teams that used Marlin as a spring training site. The presence of the Philadelphia Phillies, Cincinnati Reds, St. Louis Browns, and the New York Giants generated a great deal of interest in sport throughout the entire community. The Giants held their camp in Marlin until around 1937. In 1913, they played the Marlin High School baseball team in an exhibition game to raise money to purchase equipment for the Marlin team. One of the high school players later recalled “One of the greatest thrills of my life was when I got a hit off Christy Matheson, the immortal Giant pitcher.”106

As early as 1906, students were playing basketball on the school playground. One student recounted, “We had lots of fun playing with the girls, but school officials soon forbade girls and boys playing together.” It is easy to imagine a teenage Katherine Montgomery either in the middle of these playground games or standing on the sidelines yearning for her chance to play. The boys began to play organized basketball soon after this incident. Texas A & M College began its basketball program by playing Marlin High School as its very first opponent.107 In 1913, the Marlin High School track team came “within one-third of a point [of] winning the state meet in Austin.” The relay team won first place, however, and went on to compete in a “National Interscholastic meet in Chicago, Illinois…, expenses of the trip provided by local citizens. The team won second place on the snow-covered, cinder tracks there.”108 As for the girls of Marlin High School, there is no record of organized sports until 1910 when they began to play volleyball. In 1914, there was a girls’ basketball team that “played three games, losing all, but gained lots of knowledge.”109 Montgomery, having graduated in 1912, would likely have played basketball against these players and have been aware of her near miss of the inaugural girls’ high school team. Although girls’ teams appear to have organized after Montgomery had graduated from Marlin High School, it is circumstantial evidence of an interest in girls’ athletics among Montgomery’s cohort. Upon graduation, Montgomery joined her father in Live Oak, Florida, but soon accepted a teaching position in Suwanee County, Florida at the Midway School. Kate was driven to continue her education, but her family’s financial situation prevented her father from being able to provide her monetary support. After a year in Suwanee and a second year spent teaching at the Mayo School in Lafayette County, Kate finally accumulated the money to enter Florida State College for Women (FSCW) in Tallahassee, Florida.110 The belated entrance of Montgomery into FSCW perhaps proved beneficial. During this period she gained teaching experience at a young age. This would likely have contributed to the confidence of those in administration at FSCW offering her a position immediately after graduation and grooming her for more substantial positions. For the next four and a half decades, Montgomery would make good on her opportunities. Her life is significant as an inside observer and often a primary participant in the development of women’s athletics in this country.

Education and Athletics Intertwine Montgomery’s involvement in sports began during the infancy of American sport history. In the United States, sports clubs were an integral part in the development of athletics as we know them today. Prior to the 1880s, sports and social clubs often included activities such as hunting, horse racing, target shooting, billiards, and fencing. However, country clubs included both individual and team “ball sports” in the final two decades of the century. By 1892 there would be eight athletic clubs that encouraged “all manly sports.”111 In Europe, wealthy individuals could afford the luxury of participating in athletic contests without seeking any financial returns. Therefore, promoting the notion of amateurism was a means of keeping society segregated. America lacked a firmly established class structure, and, as a consequence, “Pure amateurism never truly existed in the United States.” There were isolated incidents in the early history of the United States where individuals were kept out of sporting clubs because of their brief history of affluence, and there were attempts to exclude those of lower classes from particular kinds of athletic competitions. These efforts, however, failed to limit competitive sport activities as exclusively the right of the elite.112 This lack of an established amateur ethic is quite possibly the primary reason for the accelerated manner in which sports proliferated throughout society. Sports were quickly identified as not only a means of obtaining fitness, camaraderie and adulation, but also prizes, political power, and financial gain.113 Athletes became heroes for all social classes in their local communities. The lure of status and fringe benefits was evident in the sharply increasing numbers of individuals who participated in sports at the beginning of the twentieth century. There were other societal influences that contributed to the fertile environment in which sports could grow. American people, paradoxically, continued to look toward Britain for a sense of culture, while at the same time American society, in general, was proud of the new individual identity it was creating through its rapid technological advancement. The elite British sports, such as golf, tennis, cricket, field hockey, and rowing, found participants among the wealthy in the United States. These leisure activities were considered a sign of gentility, and, consequently, those of lower means inevitably sought to emulate the examples of successful persons in society.114 This paradoxical relationship of wanting to emulate those of the British upper class while trying to create a uniquely American society led to the morphing of cricket or rounders into baseball and rugby and soccer into American football. The establishment of these two

American team sports and their incorporation into the public school system has, to a large degree, dictated the breadth and direction of most team and individual sports and many physical education programs that we are familiar with today in the United States. Baseball, in particular, is an excellent example of America’s drive for an independent identity. It is well documented that the early leaders of baseball erroneously attributed the invention of baseball to Abner Doubleday. This deception was fed to the public as a means of Americanizing the sport. The British children's game of rounders and adult game of cricket were obvious precursors to our national pastime. Baseball developed quickly after the Civil War when soldiers returned home and continued to play. By 1875, the National Baseball League had formed, and by 1900 seven cities in the south had major league baseball teams. From 1908 to 1915, virtually every major league team built a new fire-resistant ballpark or significantly improved on their existing facility. In 1939, the Baseball Hall of Fame was created in Cooperstown, New York.115 Football evolved from a combination of rugby and soccer. The first football game to be played in the United States is also credited by some as being the first American soccer match. Most of the first football teams played what was more soccer than anything else, however, a unique set of events altered the future of these contests. Harvard was influenced by the prominence of a nearby league that incorporated the rugby form of European football. Only through the influence of Harvard did other competing institutions agree to change their soccer style of play to incorporate a greater use of the hands establishing the new game of American football.116

Societal Attitudes Toward Women and Exercise Montgomery’s life being filled with religious teachings, rigorous exercise, and a respect for nature was part of a normal upbringing for a person of her time period and geographical location. These societal values had begun early in the 19th century when Puritan influences were very much a part of American life. Laws in many areas of the country prohibited activities on the Sabbath. Attitudes toward sports, games, and exercise were largely a product of the religious underpinnings of the nation. Southern culture, in particular, was slow in encouraging outdoor exercise, especially for women, as it was seen as a hazard to their health and beauty.117 During the late 1800s, it was common for women to participate in some sort of physical fitness as part of

their education. Catherine Beecher, known for being among the first to develop an exercise program for women, emphasized "good posture, graceful movement, and good physical development through an exercise program that was set to music."118 Around the 1820s, attitudes about exercise and fitness began to change. Calisthenics, walking, horseback riding, and a number of upper class leisure sports had become commonplace and received ever increasing levels of acceptance. In 1856, Beecher wrote a book about exercise and calisthenics in schools. American educators who visited Europe were impressed with the physical education programs being taught. German-style gymnastic clubs in particular played a part, before the Civil War, in developing fertile ground for athletics to gain a foothold in this country.119 Physical training for women had for decades emphasized health and fitness. A primary reason for this focus was for the benefit of future mothers. In the early part of the nineteenth century, concerns over the frail nature of upper and upper-middle class females and concern over the declining birth rate among highly educated females was a major topic of discussion. Fears that women would fail to reproduce their part of society, or at least do it in a healthy manner, were voiced quite actively.120 Since before the Civil War, the general perception of society had separated the masculine and feminine attributes of physical activity into the categories of “manly sport” and “female exercise.” Even so, in the late 1800s, some women had competed in sports such as baseball and basketball. These sports in particular had been viewed as working class and unladylike pastimes by much of the female leadership of women’s physical activities. The objections came because of provocative uniforms, media depictions of the athletes, the abundance of male spectators, and fears (and sometimes discoveries) of illicit sexual behavior.121 Because of the emphasis on physical fitness for women, administrators at almost every newly forming women’s' college in the late nineteenth century created “a formal physical training program that encouraged, or ordered, students to exercise.” Though fitness and hygiene were the focus of these early programs, students often participated in sports. Women at Vassar College played baseball as early as 1866, at Smith College in 1880, and Mount Holyoke in 1891. Other activities such as tennis, skating, croquet, swimming, and boating were also encouraged.122 The outbreak of the Civil War gave women the opportunity to employ skills in areas that may have been otherwise reserved for men. By the end of the 1800s, exercise programs had

become more prevalent for women. Earlier fears and social barriers regarding women’s health and the appropriate societal place for women were relaxing, possibly as a result of the women’s suffrage movement. Some gender barriers remained, however, due to the perception of the masculine nature of sports. For example, basketball was one of the earliest prominent competitive team sports in which females participated. However, rule modifications made women’s basketball significantly different than the men’s version of the game. The women’s game discouraged contact and decreased the amount of physical vigor required. The first intercollegiate women’s basketball contest was played between University of California at Berkeley and Stanford in 1896; Stanford won 2-1. In 1901 the first standard rules for women’s teams were published.123 In the early years of women’s basketball, many thought the sport would produce several positive effects for women and their changing role in society. It was thought by some that women lacked organizational and team skills that basketball training could provide because their positions in the social order had not called for these skills in the past. Physical and moral courage, stamina, self-discipline, and team loyalty were also mentioned as possible benefits of the game. Given the perceived need for training females for these new roles, the conundrum for women was how to develop attributes and characteristics that, to this point, had been associated with men. This perplexing problem of taking on new traits that had been socially established as masculine without appearing unladylike was daunting. The fear of the perception of sexually suggestive activity, or at least unladylike behavior, caused physical educators to restrict the public display of these contests. In particular, men were often barred from contests or required an invitation to attend.124

Women’s Educational History Many early athletic events for women took place at women’s colleges. However, the growth of these institutions did not happen in the same way as the development of colleges for men. In fact, opposition to women receiving a college education continued through the nineteenth century. According to historian Thomas Woody, “It was feared that, as one asserted, women might forsake their infants for quadratic equations.” The precursor of the women’s college was the female seminary, which grew rapidly in numbers at the end of the 1700s and the beginning of the 1800s. In 1823, Catherine Beecher began her school for girls and her criticism

of the lack of education for females in the United States.125 Despite the increasing support for women’s seminary education, there were also those who grew dissatisfied with the level of education provided. Emma Willard was one who wanted to “reform the seminary thoroughly” to provide more academic training. Beecher, on the other hand, wanted to “create a new institution for women” that was similar to men’s college education. Woody explained, however, that there needed to be two types of transformations in the education available to women before the ideal of “genuine women’s colleges could be realized.” First, there needed to be substantial improvements in the level of education available in the seminaries and, later, high schools so women would be capable of participating in higher level subjects. Second, proponents of such an education needed to be able to solicit financial support for the funding of colleges for women. Both of these changes took time, and Woody identifies the period of 1825 to 1875 as a “period of experimentation…during which the college idea was advocated by several able leaders and experimental attempts at its realization were made, with varying rigor and success.”126 The first college for women, the Georgia Female College in Macon, Georgia, was chartered in 1836. In 1840, the college’s initial president, George F. Pierce, noted that “Universities are endowed for the education of sons, while daughters are overlooked or forgotten.” Over a decade later, Beecher published The True Remedy for the Wrongs of Women (1851) in which she outlined the steps she felt necessary to improve women’s education: “permanence, the college system, endowment, equipment, and co-equal teachers.” Within the next couple of years, women’s colleges were chartered in Tennessee, New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. Woody states that “by 1855 the idea of college education for young women, in an institution like those established for men, had been promoted in Southern, Western, and Northern sections of the United States; and that efforts had been made in all to create institutions able to give such an education.” However, it was not until 1875 with the opening of Smith College and Wellesley College, which “we have opportunity to see a women’s college beginning at the very outset of her career to provide a course of study almost identical with that of the best men’s colleges.”127 Despite the growth in numbers and popularity of women’s colleges, there were those who objected to the term women’s college because they were not on the same level academically to men’s colleges. Some objections were based on the idea that such institutions should not be

called colleges because they were not on the same level academically to men’s colleges. There was also a concern that “college education would destroy womanly nature” and women who participated would endanger their health. Another criticism was based on the idea that “women…simply could not do college work; they did not have minds like those of men. These sex differences in mind were said to be an insuperable barrier, against which no propaganda for the equality of women could be effective.”128 Woody notes that It is strange, considering the immediate and very evident success of women in doing college work, that this belief in their mental inferiority and physical weakness continued as long as it did. Its persistence in the face of facts was one of the best proofs of the social prejudice that opposed women’s collegiate education.129

The turn of the twentieth century marked an increase in the total number of women attending institutions of higher education and in the variety of economic backgrounds from which they came. In 1870, there were only about 11,000 women enrolled in college. By 1900, there were 85,000 in college, and the number swelled to 283,000 by 1920. Even as educational opportunities for females increased, coeducation continued to be less acceptable in Northeast and Southern regions of the United States. The numerous land grant colleges and then universities established by the Morrill Land Grant Act of 1862 and 1890 admitted women as well as men. At the end of the nineteenth century, universities around the country created coordinate colleges to deal with the dual problem of rising demand for women's education and the rising concern about educating them alongside men.130 The number of colleges for women increased throughout the end of the 1800s. There was also a growing trend towards providing women an education to prepare them for specific professions. According to Woody, the result was that Women were prepared to be teachers of seminaries and high schools in large numbers; they were, undoubtedly, personally benefited by more extended culture; socially and politically, they were better able to stand independently and with new self-assurance; and financially, a college education came to have a more definite value, though at first college girls had some difficulty in turning it to use.131

Southern Women’s Education In the South higher education was separated by gender for the white population. Beginning in the 1830s, higher education for women was considered appropriate. Many young Southern women attended seminaries that provided college-level courses. Some of these

evolved into full-fledged colleges. Though Georgia Female College opened in 1839, the first state-supported women's college, Mississippi State College for Women, did not open until 1885.132 Christie Anne Farnham, author of The Education of the Southern Belle, contends that the South was receptive to the idea of women's higher education much earlier than the North. In Farnham's opinion, a classical education was seen as a sign of gentility that many Southern parents sought to provide for both their sons and their daughters. In the North, education of women was feared as a potential disruption of the "sex segregation of the professions,"133 but, prior to the Civil War, few, if any, Southern white women would have used their education as a means of entering a profession. Rather, their education was a means to acquire a suitable husband.134 Instead of being seen as a threat to Southern culture, higher education was viewed by many Southerners as a way to "uphold, not subvert, their slave-holding patriarchal culture."135 According to historian Anne Firor Scott, men supported improved education for females on the grounds "that educated women made better wives and mothers (and hence a better society), and that educated women were better companions." Scott perceived a potential problem with this philosophy, wondering if "enough women had an opportunity for the significant intellectual development they were advocating, would they then be satisfied to remain in the sphere into which men and society cast them?"136 Before the Civil War, many Southern belles were given access to higher education as a means of demonstrating the social status of her family and to enhance her desirability as a potential wife. Until the turn of the century, Southern parents continued to view college as a finishing school and believe that it "was a place to shelter young women until they came of age for marriage, not a place to encourage intellectual development."137 The period after the Civil War was a time of great change in the lives of Southern women. The war devastated the economy of the South and created a void in terms of the number of men in the population. This void opened up various opportunities for women that had been unavailable before.138 Women were needed in the workforce, and therefore they received less societal criticism for being working women. This, in turn, had an effect on the type of education women would receive. The need for training women for the workforce had to be considered.

The shortage of men after the Civil War meant there was a "generation of women without men."139 Though the plantation culture of the south was no more, the role of the Southern Lady remained. The cult of true womanhood, which emphasized the separate spheres that men and women should occupy, took the place of the idea of the plantation mistress, and there was an emphasis on benevolence and female piety. Amy Thompson McCandless, author of The Past in the Present, suggests that "although the emphasis on feminine domesticity and docility stifled the aspirations of some southern women, it led others to employ the protective mantle of ladyhood to effect change in their communities."140 Consequently, some women simply assumed the responsibility for running their family's farm or plantation. However, many joined the ranks of paid labor. One of the most acceptable occupations for women was teaching at "one of the seminaries and academies which had survived from the past," a small private school in the teacher's own home, or in one of "the fledgling public schools."141 Scott has observed "a growing number of native southerners were concluding that a greatly increased educational effort was essential if the economy was to be rebuilt."142 Over the course of the next thirty years, assistance from philanthropic organizations and the government helped to improve the education system of the South at all levels, and women were able to take advantage of these funds being funneled south. McCandless states "the greatest service provided by the public women's colleges was their training of teachers for the common schools of the South." Most Southern women in college in the early 1900s were "enrolled in teacher training programs." However, a common element of the curriculum was "industrial courses which focused on domestic skills…[because] it was important for young women to learn 'how to stuff a chicken as well as the head of a dull boy.'"143 Despite advances, the region still lagged behind the rest of the country. According to Woody, “The cause of the poorer library, laboratory and salaries [of Southern colleges]…was poverty. Compared with those which were rated as ‘standard,’ the ‘approximate’ colleges were poor; compared with colleges for women in the North, all Southern colleges for women were poor; and compared with the best men’s colleges, the women’s colleges of the North were poor.”144 Southern universities did follow the trend of Northern universities in the creation of coordinate colleges. For example, Sophie Newcomb College was the coordinate of Tulane University. Statistics show that "at the beginning of the twentieth century, 66 percent of the

nation's women's colleges were in the South, and only six of the white state universities in the region were coeducational."145 According to historian Barbara Solomon, prior to 1910 Virginia had four state-supported colleges for men, while supporting no women's colleges. This, in part, was due to the fear that such education would create "a type of woman from whom 'we devoutly pray to be spared': boisterous and bold."146 Educational reform was one of the issues tackled by young women who had graduated from a college and went on to join a club or association. Some of these clubs began with a more literary focus but became more and more concerned with social issues.147 According to Scott, "Southern women were almost a decade behind the more emancipated eastern and western women. The years 1884-87 were the period when numbers of clubs came spontaneously to life in the South."148 Their new found sense of independence led many women to enter a wide range of public arenas and help to insure that they would "never [have] to be entirely helpless or dependent again."149 They formed "not just associations to support suffrage or the Lost Cause, but temperance societies, educational and civic reform groups, church and missionary organizations, literary leagues, and women's clubs [and] involved ladies in a variety of efforts aimed at personal and social uplift."150 Women began to recognize the power of numbers and began to join their clubs together in federations. Between 1894 and 1907, every Southern state formed a federation of clubs to build public opinion for state needs. These clubs and organizations often developed into agencies. The major significance of these clubs and organizations is the women’s training schools that were spawned. Despite the grass roots level organization in the South, the women’s suffrage movement lagged behind the rest of the country. The social structure of the plantation culture still existed, and the image of the southern lady and her place in the culture persisted.151 Clubs and civic organizations were particularly important for southern women because they were able to bond together, share ideas, and acquire leadership skills without involving themselves in activities considered to be unfeminine.

Florida State College for Women What is now Florida State University in Tallahassee, Florida began in 1843 with the “Misses Bates School,” which became the Leon Female Academy. The West Florida Seminary opened in 1857, absorbing a newly established Florida Institute and the Leon Female Academy,

in 1858. West Florida Seminary became Florida State College in 1901. Four years later an effort to consolidate Florida’s post-secondary schools resulted in the Buckman Bill. This act separated students into four colleges: the Florida Normal and Industrial College for Negroes, the Institute for the Blind, Deaf, and Dumb, University of the State of Florida, and Florida Female College. The university was for the white men of the state, and the college was for white women. However, students began calling their new institution the Florida State College for Women and ultimately forced the legislature to so name the college by 1909.152 Prior to the establishment of Florida Female College, intercollegiate athletics were present at the institution. Football, baseball, track and field, and women’s basketball were all pictured in yearbooks, as well as golf and tennis clubs, though the opponents from other institutions were not identified. The continuation of athletics after the men’s departure in 1905 seemed to be underway. In the fall of 1905, an athletic association was formed and women’s competition in basketball remained. However, by 1906 faculty became critical of the basketball uniforms, calling their below the knee bloomers and midi blouses undignified. The final game in the 1907 season, against Stetson College, further upset the faculty when arguments took place between game officials, one from Stetson and one from Florida Female College.153 The following year only local basketball games were approved for the college team. Unfortunately, stipulations excluding all male spectators who were not relatives or faculty members were considered unreasonable by other local teams. As a result, an intra-college rivalry began with the creation of two teams, the Stars and Crescents. Although there was student pressure to resume intercollegiate competition and a slim majority of faculty voted for resumption in 1910, President Conradi overrode the vote, continuing the ban.154 In 1913, the first Field Day was held for FSCW students only. It included competition in tennis, basketball, swimming, and track and field events. The following year the event was extended to encompass two days, and in 1915 a few male non-faculty members, business leaders and potential sponsors from the community were able to attend by invitation only. This was indicative of the trend at women’s colleges during this period. Intercollegiate and interscholastic contests were restricted, male spectators were discouraged, travel was virtually eliminated, and practice time was minimal. Awards to individuals usually comprised a letter jacket or simply being named one of the best athletes in a particular game or for the field day event overall.155

Montgomery’s College Years In 1914, Katherine Montgomery was twenty years old when she began her freshman year at Florida State College for Women (FSCW) as an education major. She quickly became involved in the clubs and activities available for students, such as the Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) and the student newspaper, the Florida Flambeau. Her brother, Edwin, later recounted that when Montgomery entered FSCW there were no recreation programs for the students and the only facility available was two tennis courts. Evidently, Katie had played basketball in high school so she asked permission from the faculty to organize two basketball teams at FSCW. They were hesitant because of concerns about the threat to the health of the young ladies. They did allow her to create a basketball court, with lights, and organize intramural games. The games were so popular among the students that sometimes all six hundred would come out to watch and cheer.156 The sparse financial resources available to Montgomery caused her to be very frugal, especially during her freshman year. There was no money for extra clothes and sometimes she washed her clothes every night so she could wear them the next day. She drew on the experiences of her youth to create inexpensive and simple entertainment for herself and her classmates, such as the time when she helped host a “backward party” to celebrate a friend’s birthday. Everyone attending wore their clothes backwards, and they somehow wrote a letter backwards for the birthday girl to open later that year. In the summers after both her freshman and sophomore years, Montgomery taught at the Mallory School in Suwanee County, and she was able to obtain a part-time job during her sophomore year to help ease the financial burden. During her senior year, Montgomery was given a position as a teaching assistant in “physical culture,” which she continued during the summer after graduation.157 Montgomery was especially active in the athletic programs that developed at FSCW. Faculty resistance to intercollegiate teams gave way field days held on the campus. From the time she entered FSCW, Montgomery began to be recognized as a talented and versatile athlete. In April 1915, the Florida Flambeau reported that she was on the track team for the “Junior Normals,” as the freshman education majors were called; she played center field and helped the baseball team win the tournament; and she placed third on the still rings in the gymnastic competition. Similar articles about her athletic prowess continued throughout her years as a student. In 1916, a cheer was sung in her honor to heckle her team’s opponents on the Odd

Team: “O, here comes Kate Montgomery. O, how in the world do you know? We know her by her mighty play, and the Odd Team lying low, rah, rah. And the Odd Team lying Low.” Montgomery was an “Even” Team member because her intended year of graduation was 1918.158 Through her four years as a student, Montgomery competed in track and field, gymnastics, basketball, baseball, and softball.159 In fact, during the 1917 Field Day, Montgomery reportedly pitched so forcefully in the softball game, that she “‘actually laid one senior flat upon mother earth,’”160 and the Evens won twenty-five to ten. She was also selected as the third best all-around athlete. By the time she was a senior at FSCW, Montgomery was so popular that she was nominated for the presidency of the YWCA and elected as president of the Athletic Association.161 Near the end of her senior year, she was named the athlete with the highest point total and presented a “handsome Spaulding sweater with the ‘F’ upon it” amidst the cheers of her classmates.162 She graduated in June 1918 with a major in English.163 This credential, in conjunction with her experience teaching in public schools, provided Montgomery with a substantial resume far exceeding the qualifications of most other new graduates. This background unquestionably identified her as a palatable candidate for new positions being created at FSCW in the areas of women’s health and fitness.

Figure 4 – Anne Harwick in her uniform for the Women’s Olympic team164

CHAPTER 3

A NEW INSTRUCTOR

1918-1922

Montgomery Begins a Career After graduating from Florida State College for women (FSCW), Katherine Montgomery began her lifelong commitment to improving the health and fitness of students at the institution. In the summer of 1918, she worked as a teaching assistant in the physical culture department. This was the beginning of her transition from student to faculty member at FSCW. At the beginning of the fall semester, she became an instructor in the sub-collegiate department.165 The sub-collegiate department was for those students who had only completed the tenth grade of high school. Students who had completed eleventh grade entered FSCW as freshmen, and those who had graduated from high school entered FSCW as sophomores. Montgomery taught math, science, and hygiene. During her first year, Montgomery was viewed as a welcome addition by the faculty. She was known to spend much of her free time at the gymnasium organizing and supervising athletic activities. Another place she enjoyed spending time was at the FSCW facility at Lake Bradford. FSCW faculty purchased the land in 1915 for the use of the students. The facility was primitive for several years, but it eventually became one of Montgomery’s favorite retreats.166 During her summer break in 1919, Montgomery left Florida for Clyde, North Carolina to work as a camp counselor at the Skyland Camp. Over the course of the summer, she learned how to play bridge, which had been forbidden by her father as she was growing up, and played avidly for many years. While on a hiking trip with her camp charges, Montgomery fell and hurt herself; a poem in the camp newsletter reported that she “broke her bean.”167 She was hurt badly

38 but recovered enough to compete in the field day at the end of the camp session before returning to FSCW for the 1919-1920 school year.168 In the spring of 1920, Montgomery was offered a full-time position as an instructor in the physical culture department, which she readily accepted. When she informed her father of this promotion, he was less than pleased and responded “Why don’t you develop your mind and leave the development of the body to boys? Physical training is for boys and men; it is not for women. You don’t need a brain to teach physical culture.” Montgomery retorted “Yes, you do! To teach physical activities you must be intelligent.” She still had not convinced her father, and he countered “You’ll have to show me!”169 The enrollment at FSCW had steadily increased since its creation as a separate institution for the young women of Florida. In 1905, its first year of existence, the enrollment was 308 students. By 1912, the student population had increased to 413. When Montgomery enrolled, there were 636 students at FSCW. In 1915, the steady enrollment increased, along with a rigorous college level curriculum, led to the accreditation of the college by the Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools of the Southern States. FSCW was the first state supported college for women that was accredited by this organization. There was growing interest in sports among the students, especially in participation in field day events such as baseball and track and field.170

American Industrialization and Urbanization The era of industrialization was a time of significant social change. This was the period when sports and education became woven together as part of our culture. Important factors in the evolution of sports in American schools were the liberalization of morals, changing attitudes regarding recreational activities, transformation and expansion of the educational system, and an increase in leisure time, which developed as a result of industrialization.171 This period of American industrialization was also a period when our political system based on democratic principles was at odds with our competitive capitalist economic system. The struggle between these two systems is clearly displayed in arguments that would ensue over the virtues of the men’s commercial model of sports versus the women’s educational model of athletics. The research that exists regarding the development of American sport concentrates primarily on the simultaneous development of sport, industrial modernization, and urbanization.

39 Early speculations about the increase in sport popularity centered on the ever-expanding urban population that was deprived of rigorous rural life and healthy fresh air. Particularly for the upper class, time for an activity like golf was available and a symbol of status.172 Upper-class women were somewhat freer than women of lower classes to express individual tastes due to availability of finances. They also had more cultural freedom from the social structure of the lower classes because of their position in society. Since clubwomen had the money and the status to set trends instead of follow them, they were able to indulge themselves on athletic wardrobes, which were more liberal and functional than their more common counterparts. Those seeking success emulate higher classes; therefore, they were protected from the criticism of sexual misconduct. Women who played golf and tennis consequently were instrumental in setting new, more liberal trends in fashion. Country clubs across the nation were also changing the attire for proper ladies.173 Wealthy female club members were both financially able and socially freer from restrictions to experiment with more appropriate costumes for these sports. There were concerns during this period about the poor health of young women, and exercise was seen as a way to make them more healthy and attractive. The bicycle craze hit the South during this time period. In order for women to ride safely, it was necessary for hemlines to rise above the top of the boot. It became more acceptable for women to wear shorter skirts or skirts with split legs for riding a bicycle, but the practice became more acceptable in other settings as well.174

Athletics and Education Increased Together The development of college sponsored athletic teams did not occur in an orderly fashion in America. Students at colleges and universities independently organized sports teams and began to challenge students at other institutions. As student initiated and student led contests, they were poorly organized, and there was little control over either the game itself or spectators. These events increased in number and popularity and developed into what has been described as “unsanctioned mass migrations from one campus to another.”175 The lack of control over these competitions concerned townspeople around the college where these events were being held. School and college reputations were subject to the ridicule of the community if their student body was unruly whether it was an activity sanctioned by the institution or not. Consequently,

40 college administrators had to consider whether to bring the activities under the supervision and control of their institution. There were also positive reasons for having these teams identified as representatives of the college. Students had to finance teams themselves and solicited support from former students, parents, and the community. Therefore, this support could translate into greater support for the institution itself. It became apparent to college administrators that, in competing for the interest of the increasing population of high school graduates, they could neither afford to squelch the enthusiasm created by athletic participation nor allow these athletic contests to proliferate without regulation.176 Team sports were the concern and the glory of higher education because of the number of student participants and spectators involved. Baseball, as an American sport, was well under way before gaining a boost in popularity as a recreational activity for Civil War soldiers. The first college baseball game was played in 1867 between Princeton and Yale. Football, however, would become the team sport that would have the greatest social and financial impact on American colleges and universities. The first college football game was played in 1869 by Princeton and Rutgers. Early rules for football games varied significantly mirroring either soccer or rugby. These two sports eventually fused into the sport we know today as American football.177 In many cases, these athletic events, along with other clubs and extracurricular activities, were as important to potential college applicants as the academic reputation of the institution. Allowing athletics to be a part of the social life of college students was not nearly as difficult, philosophically, for administrators as was the act of fielding teams as representatives of the educational institutions. Much debate took place amongst educators about whether institutes of higher learning were the proper promoters of athletic competition.178 However, by 1875, “self-direction had gained some acceptance as a more educationally sound policy than total supervision.”179 This philosophy also made college a more attractive place for potential students. It was additionally evident that educational institutions were willing to take control of this student driven phenomenon and incorporate it into the educational system for its potential financial return. Colleges and universities became increasingly interested in taking advantage of the financial boon that athletics could provide. In creating or providing athletic teams, they enticed a growing number of graduating high school seniors to attend their institution. It was not uncommon, by the late 1920s, for colleges to invest ten percent or more of their total capital in

41 the athletic program. This type of investment was worth the cost. For example, in 1903 Yale’s football program produced an income equal to that of the law, divinity, and medical schools combined.180 During the 1890s, the development of intercollegiate athletics coincided with direct involvement of college officials with alumni affairs. Alumni offices were established on college campuses and began publication of alumni magazines. Colleges often used intercollegiate sports as a means of increasing school pride and soliciting alumni contributions for worthy programs. Apparently, even at the beginning of institutional control of athletics, funding for the athletic department was separate from that of the institution. Even in the early 1900s, college presidents received much pressure from alumni, and some were even forced to resign based on their handling of their institution’s athletic programs.181 This division of finances would lead to increasing tensions between the athletic and academic branches of the institutions; this tension still exists today in many places. Community support of colleges also increased as athletic programs developed. There was financial gain to be had by those owning businesses around the institutions. The institutions themselves became a great source of civic pride. Boys in the community began to emulate college athletes.182 As intercollegiate athletics expanded, its influence spread exponentially around the country far beyond the college community itself. From a student-athlete’s standpoint, there was increased availability of financial rewards in several forms. In 1900, Penn State’s Board of Trustees sanctioned athletic scholarships that included room, board, and tuition. Even before this, James Hogan was described as receiving the following benefits in return for playing football for Yale: a luxurious room, free meals at a prestigious undergraduate club, a trip to Cuba with a trainer, one hundred dollars per year, free tuition, money from sales of baseball scorecards, a commission from the American Tobacco Company, and more. Coaches were also able to reap financial benefits. Coach Amos Alonzo Stagg in 1905 took his University of Chicago football players to an exclusive golf club for relaxation at university expense. After beating Yale, Columbia coach George Foster Sanford received a salary increase of five thousand dollars. The goal of winning had replaced the chivalrous attitudes espoused by early supporters of athletic. The lure of profit for coaches and institutions had caused a marked increase in unethical practices. Several institutions reneged on their support for athletic teams.183 Colleges and universities rethinking and sometimes retracting

42 their support for educationally sponsored athletic teams is evidence that other paths for athletic competition were considered by many. Football was often the focus of these controversies in educational institutions. President Theodore Roosevelt and Harvard President Charles W. Eliot were involved in a serious debate surrounding football in the early 1900s. Columbia University had banned football due to scandals at the turn of the century that involved payment of football players, confrontations between athletic interests and faculty, and incidents of brutality on the playing field. Many deaths occurred during the course of football games across the nation, and moral abuses and brutality were common in college football.184 After a season in which Roosevelt’s son was injured during a Harvard-Yale contest, a critical juncture was reached in the history of football and all college athletics. A decision was made to ban football at Harvard; however, supporters managed to persuade faculty and administration of Harvard and other institutions that radical rule changes would solve problems associated with the game. Historians have debated the role that President Roosevelt played in this controversy. Roosevelt called a conference of educational leaders and expressed his desire to decrease the violence within the game. Some historians have suggested that the President actually issued an ultimatum threatening to ban football. This crisis led to the formation of the National Collegiate Athletic Association. Ironically, this event would legitimize all college sports by creating a rules structure and a governing body further entrenching athletics in the educational environment.185 Before athletics could become incorporated within the educational system of the United States, the system itself had to expand. When the Civil War began, there were little more than three hundred high schools in the country. The brevity of the school year and the low number of older students in the educational system prior to the Civil War discouraged increases in athletic participation.186 The number of high schools in the period immediately following the Civil War increased dramatically. One legal reason for this expansion was the Michigan Supreme Court Ruling in 1872, which specified that tax money for education could be spent on public high schools. This ruling ultimately spread throughout the country. Between 1890 and 1929, enrollment in high schools increased twenty times faster than the population of the country. The percentage of youth ages fourteen to seventeen years old enrolled in high schools in the United States increased

43 from 6.7% in 1890, to 11.4% in 1900, and to 15.4% in 1910. Also, with increased industrial development came a change in attitudes toward educational goals. A classical and religious or moral education gave way to secular education, which focused on individuals and their social and vocational development.187 The increase in high school enrollment would subsequently affect post-secondary schools. In 1876, there were 311 colleges and universities in the United States. Many of those entering college were from upper and upper-middle class families, and the vast majority had not attended public high schools. In 1895, just over two decades after the Michigan ruling, forty-one percent of those admitted to college were from public high schools. By 1939, colleges and universities numbered nearly two thousand.188 The Lynds’ Middletown study reported a seven hundred percent increase in state university enrollment between 1890 and 1924.189 A major reason for the increases in school enrollment was a campaign by Progressive educators to increase the male student population in public schools. Male dropout rates had been significantly higher than female rates since the mid-1800s. There are several reasons given for this problem. For example, in elementary school boys were supervised by one instructor, but the multi-teacher format of the high school was less effective in keeping young males focused. There was also concern about the lack of masculine qualities in the education environment due to the large number of female teachers. At the beginning of the century, it was common for males to drop out of school to go to work. Child labor laws may have contributed to the declining drop out rate; however, increases in male attendance began even before these laws were enacted. This was due to the elimination of many children’s jobs through technological innovations and the efforts of educators to address the needs of male students.190 Curriculum in public schools changed drastically at the end of the 1800s. A Committee of Ten met in 1893 under the leadership of President Eliot of Harvard, and many changes in the direction of secondary schools were proposed. A large number of high schools developed two distinctive curriculum tracks. One was college-preparatory in nature, and the other was more technical and vocational in its direction. Boys and girls were educated separately in many peripheral areas such as vocational, physical, and sex education. These efforts by educators and societal influences, which increased school attendance, prepared many more students for higher education. College enrollment increased dramatically as a result.191

44 Educational philosophies of the time were apparently much more instrumental in drawing organized sports into American high schools. Before the turn of the century, many educators were seeking ways to cure some of the social ills spawned by industrialization, and retention of male students in school had been a major concern. By 1918, the National Education Association had issued a report, entitled “Cardinal Principles of Secondary Education.” This document came to be viewed as the practical guide of the modern comprehensive high school. The Cardinal Principles favored using athletics, among other things, as a means of promoting the social development of America’s youth.192 It was only a matter of time before athletics spread in to the high schools. As with college athletics, students organized the first high school teams. There were concerns from high school administrators and faculty about the appropriateness of these sports in the high school setting, as there had been with colleges.193 High school athletics developed very quickly nationwide because of college efforts and community interest. This fertile ground for high school sports produced results so quickly that secondary school administrators struggled to maintain control. High school administrators moved through the same process that many college administrators had just navigated. Unethical practices were common. Some teams representing high schools in the early stages of interscholastic athletics were “composed totally of non- students. Power associated with high school athletics grew very quickly, and governing bodies had to be expeditiously created. In 1902, the National Education Association “spent their whole time” on the topic of “School Athletics.” Pressures from the community and from students again, ultimately, won out and high schools moved toward controlling athletic events.194 High schools felt significant pressure from institutions of higher education whose recruiting tactics had become more and more aggressive. Chicago school superintendent Edwin G. Cooley expressed the views of many high school administrators of the time. He accused colleges of stealing high school athletes before students had completed their education. Recruiting practices were extraordinarily competitive and often students were enrolled in college before finishing high school. Coach Stagg at the University of Chicago kept detailed card files on area high school athletes, though in 1900 he criticized recruiting as violating the code of amateurism. Even so, within five years he was attracting over two hundred champion athletes to the largest interscholastic track meet in the West. This was a common practice of football coaches during this era in order to informally scrutinize the skills of top high school athletes for

45 their programs. Eventually, high school administrators began to feel uncomfortable because of pressures from colleges and their athletic associations and stopped having state tournaments at college sites around the 1920s. Colleges in turn sought to continue their recruiting practices by providing coaches to the high schools; consequently, coaching programs were developed in colleges around this time. By 1930, interscholastic competition was a fully accepted and integrated part of public education for boys. Only three states did not have interscholastic athletic associations by this time.195 It is of interest here to note that attempts by secondary school administrators to thwart the efforts of colleges in unduly influencing their student athletes actually resulted in the creation of an entirely new athletic bureaucracy at the high school level. High school sports had the same type of effect on communities as colleges, perhaps to an even greater degree. In many communities, athletic teams dominated school and community life. High school athletes quickly became the most popular students in the school. Consequently, athletics had a significant influence in boys’ school attendance. Entrance into other clubs and organizations was easily achievable for high school sports stars because of their social status. Communities also rated schools in terms of their athletic success over academic reputation. There were many cases of recruiting outside of school districts and families relocating so youngsters could be on a certain school’s team.196

World War I and the Impact on Women’s Athletics Women were gaining a newfound freedom just after the turn of the century. Greater numbers of females were entering the industrial workforce, and by World War I it was necessary for women to take over positions normally reserved for men. Historian Barbara Solomon, author of In the Company of Educated Women, has described how women all over the country took advantage of the erosion of separate spheres during World War I. Working class as well as professional women chipped in to fill the roles of absent men. When the war was over, women did not abandon their pursuit of a wider range of opportunities. Instead, many female college graduates "knew that they would either work or pursue further study in preparation for professional work." Many of them still faced this decision, but a growing minority was able to have both. According to Solomon, "some working-class wives had always held jobs, and their numbers, along with the numbers of virtually every type of female worker, old and young,

46 married and single, professional and unskilled, rose throughout the twentieth century."197 Previously, women had been forced to choose between marriage and career. During World War I, the South focused its attention on mobilizing community resources for the war effort that "had important consequences for the development of new social services in the Southern states." The war also "contributed to the region's prosperity, brought an expansion in the functions of government, encouraged civic cooperation, enhanced the role of voluntary groups, and opened new avenues of social control, efficiency, and social justice."198 One of the major reform movements in the South during the war was the women's suffrage movement. Women in the South used the openness of the war period to become more involved in social reform.199 In fact, "Southern women contributed significantly to the political effort which led to the adoption of a wide range of social legislation in those years." Scott notes "it is curious in view of the deep conservatism of the majority of Southern women, many of whom never registered to vote, that those who did choose to live an active life were often found on the progressive side of the political spectrum." As time went on, women were more and more interested in "the mechanics of government" and "develop[ed] a concern for efficient organization." They educated voters and studied state constitutions to recommend improvements.200 McCandless writes that "women of both races and all classes were involved as individuals and as women's club members in various and sundry volunteer activities in their communities," including missionary societies, Sunday Schools, school improvement leagues, and temperance boards.201 One negative effect of the war was the interruption of education for women as "college presidents made it easy for women students to take leaves to work for the war, as nurses and farmers, while the men went to the front." When the war ended however, there was a great influx of young adults, including women, into colleges. The example set by the older generation during the war "not only demonstrated the utility of women's education but served as a call to younger women to take advantage of expanded opportunities."202 Southern women's colleges realized during the twenties that the education provided at their institutions "did not prepare [students] for the harsh realities of economic life," and they began to place more emphasis on industrial and home economic training.203 Teaching was one area where women were able to secure an abundance of professional positions. One area of specialization within the teaching profession was the new opportunities

47 created by recently formed programs of physical education at women’s colleges. An example of the profession’s expansion is the creation of the Association of Directors of Physical Education for Women in 1910. Such programs were slower to develop in the south, and, as a consequence, this organization only included the New England states until 1915. The early 1920’s brought a dramatic increase in compulsory education laws because of exploitation of children in the workforce and compulsory physical education classes spawned by poor performance of inductees on fitness tests during WWI.204 Each of these movements expanded physical education programs at colleges and universities. Concerns about the women's health led to the formation of two organizations in 1917 to direct the growing number of athletic programs: the Athletic Conference of American College Women and the Committee on Women's Athletics (CWA), which was part of the American Physical Education Association.205 By this time, women were influenced by a growing number of advocates for physical activity as a means of improving health and attractiveness. Some women exercised to improve their beauty, health, and fitness, while others used it as a means of therapy prescribed to overcome an illness. Advocates of women's participation in athletics felt that "the demands of discipline, obedience, emotional control and unselfishness required for successful participation in athletics developed a girl's character as she developed her muscles."206 Team sports like field hockey and individual sports, such as golf, tennis, swimming, and archery, were popular and approved of. However, many team sports for females were frowned upon because of aggressive play and the lower class of the participants. Consequently, play days for female college students were instituted by college physical education instructors to meet the needs for fitness while de- emphasizing detrimental competitive practices. The emphasis on play days was on participation and exercise, not on winning.207

Montgomery – A New Professional In 1921, Montgomery was asked to head a new Department of Physical Education at FSCW, which was being created for the first time. In order to be prepared for this new role, she spent the summers of 1921 and 1922 in New Haven, Connecticut at the New Haven Normal School of Gymnastics (NHNSG).208 This was to become an important time in the development of her ideas about women’s participation in athletics.

48 At the FSCW Field Day in March 1920, freshman Nell Carroll broke the national record in both the discus and the hurl ball and sophomore Antoinette “Tony” Mulliken tied the record in the hurdles. However, it was soon learned that their scores were not considered records because of the three-foot grade on the FSCW field. When this was discovered, Montgomery sought to regrade the field so future results would be considered for records. She emphatically stated in an interview “We will play on a regulation field…if we have to go ten miles to get it.”209 Montgomery was intent on record keeping because she had become a member of the Women’s Track Athletics Committee, which compiled track and field results to determine national records for women. Dr. Harry Eaton Stewart formed the committee in 1916. Stewart was a graduate of Yale and practiced medicine in Washington, Connecticut before opening New Haven School of Physical Therapy, the first of its kind in the country, in 1919. Stewart was also a member of the American Physical Education Association (APEA) and published high school and college track and field records for women in Spalding’s Athletic Almanac. Montgomery began sending him results from FSCW as early as 1920. The hard work of Montgomery and the FSCW students paid off for Nell Carroll. In the 1921 Field Day competition, Carroll set a world discus record.210 The FSCW faculty was asked to assume a leadership role in girls’ athletics in Florida. In 1921, a proposal was circulated regarding “approved athletic events for girls along with directions for their conduct…[and] also advocated establishment of state high school girls athletic records.” This was initiated after Dr. Riley of the State of Florida Extension Division spoke at FSCW. He suggested the “pressing need for extension work in athletics…[and] that interest might be stimulated in an annual track and field meet to be held on the FSCW campus for high school girls similar to the one held annually for boys in Gainesville [at the men’s college, the University of Florida].” In November 1921, the Faculty Committee on Athletics authorized Montgomery to invite high school girls to a track meet at FSCW the following spring. Montgomery helped organize and supervise the first State High School Track Meet for girls, which was held at FSCW in April 1922. Twelve schools from around the state competed in the meet with Leon High School winning the team championship. One athlete stood out in that competition. Lucy Fletcher from Greensboro High School recorded a broad jump of 8 feet 1 1/8 inches. 211

49 The Women’s Olympics In 1921, European women petitioned to be allowed to participate in the 1924 Olympic Games. When they were refused, it was decided to hold the First Women’s Modern Olympic Games in August of 1922 in Paris. Stewart began organizing tryouts in preparation for sending a team to the Olympics. Montgomery announced that five young women from Florida were chosen to try out for a team to represent the United States, including four students from FSCW who were standouts in Field Day events from 1920 to 1922. Margaret Boyle and Tony Mulliken were chosen for the 100-yard dash, Nell Carroll for discus and shotput, and Anne Harwick for the javelin. However, Lucy Fletcher, a ninth grader, was also selected based on her broad jump in the high school track meet. Of these five, only two ultimately made the trip to New York for the tryouts. Boyle, Mulliken, and Carroll were not cleared due to health reasons. Carroll had suffered back strain that was severe enough that she dropped out of school for a time. Fletcher decided not to attend the tryouts because her father was ill.212 Anne Harwick did elect to tryout for the team on May 13, 1922 at Oaksmere School in Mamaroneck, New York. One hundred and two girls from the East Coast competed at Oaksmere, and a telegraphic meet was held with a similar group from the West Coast in Los Angeles. Twenty-two different schools and colleges were represented during these tryouts. The New York Times wrote of the event: “Girls from the North and girls from the South, the greatest number ever assembled for a track meet in the United States, today made their bow at the Oaksmere School as formidable competitors for the honors of the cinderpath, which in America previously have gone to men.”213 Harwick was successful at the tryouts, breaking the world’s record for the javelin throw, which had previously been 122 feet 7 inches. This was a combined total for a throw with each hand. Although Anne came in second, her throws totaled 127 feet 10 inches besting the previous record by more than five feet. Lucy Fletcher was also chosen for the team though she had not attended the tryout. No one at Oaksmere jumped further than her mark from the track meet at FSCW earlier that spring. Anne Harwick returned to Tallahassee and began training with Katherine Montgomery to improve her right-handed throw; Harwick was left-handed. 214 Montgomery’s training of Harwick is a significant and telling event at the crossroads of her life. Helping Harwick train to compete at the highest level available to women indicates Montgomery’s support for such a competition.

50 Montgomery had been a fine athlete as a student. She was also a member of the National Women’s Track Athletic Committee formed by Dr. Harry Stewart. It was Stewart who accepted the invitation for the United States to send a team to compete in Paris, and it was he who also organized and supervised the tryouts at Oaksmere.215 Montgomery’s assistance in compiling records, participation on the track committee, and assertiveness in making sure Nell Carroll would have an official field in order to set a legitimate record show support for Stewart’s efforts. Montgomery had been communicating with Stewart for some time about the performance of FSCW athletes. The head of New Haven Normal School of Gymnastics (NHNSG), which Montgomery attended in the summer of 1921, was Dr. Hermann Arnold. Arnold was involved in various fitness and medical work related to athletes being done by organizations associated with Yale Medical School. Arnold was a podiatrist and Stewart was a physiotherapist at Yale Medical School so they were acquainted with each other. Montgomery’s summer attendance at NHNSG in 1921 and 1922 and continuing into the 1922-23 school year would certainly have allowed her the opportunity to meet and work with Stewart. Also, Helen Warlow of FSCW had attended NHNSG from 1920 to 1922. She was hired at FSCW and supervised the track and field events during Montgomery’s absence. 216 This is additional evidence of the connection between Stewart, Montgomery, and FSCW. It is also interesting to note the site of the tryouts when considering whether Montgomery viewed them as a positive event for women. The Oaksmere School was founded by Dr. Winifred Merrill. She was the first woman in the United States to earn a Ph.D. in mathematics. She graduated from Columbia University in 1886 after soliciting the support of the president of Columbia, Frederick Barnard, and personally appealing to each of the trustees to let her attend Columbia. Merrill was involved in the founding of Barnard College before withdrawing due to her husband’s disapproval. She founded the Oaksmere School for Girls in 1906. In the 1920-21 catalogue Oaksmere is described as having fifty acres of land, including waterfront property. In the gymnasium, there was a swimming pool, a basketball court, a room with various apparatus, and a room for practicing golf. There was a golf course with seven-holes on the property, as well as tennis courts, hockey field, baseball field, outdoor basketball court, skating rink, and track and field practice area.217

51 Harwick trained in Tallahassee for about two months before leaving for New York to train with the rest of the team. Montgomery probably left about the same time to attend the summer session at NHNSG. Lucy Fletcher had decided not to compete because her father was ill. At the 1922 tryouts, Anne had competed at the highest level for FSCW and was meeting very influential and highly educated women. After her return from Paris, Harwick would be hired “as assistant director of athletics at Oaksmere School.”218 One has to wonder how much Montgomery influenced Harwick’s job opportunity. Also, Lucy Fletcher made the team even though she did not attend the tryout at Oaksmere. Suzanne Becker was a physical education teacher and sponsor of several athletes from Leonia High School at the tryouts. Two of these girls made the team, and Becker was asked by Stewart to be the assistant coach. Montgomery’s contribution to this women’s international track and field team compares favorably with Becker’s. Harwick’s potential for contributions in throwing events was substantial. Also, with the exception of a family illness, Lucy Fletcher’s mark was of silver medal caliber falling less than one inch short of the Paris gold medal jump. Tony Mulliken, who was also selected for the tryouts but failed the qualifying health standards, ran the 100-yard dash in the same 12-second time as the gold medal winner in Paris. Therefore, if Montgomery’s full contingent of international caliber athletes would have all competed at their optimum levels in the 1922 Paris meet, it is feasible that three of Montgomery’s athletes may have medalled in the competition. Given the makeup of Stewart’s Women’s Track Athletic Committee (in December 1922 the officers were Stewart, president and coach; Montgomery, vice-president; Becker, secretary and assistant coach; and Joseph Angola, treasurer and assistant coach), perhaps the only reason she did not serve as assistant coach is that she had already enrolled at NHNSG for the fall term.219 On August 1, 1922 the first American women to compete in an international track and field competition sailed for Europe on the Aquitania. A reporter for the New York Times wrote: Before the war women were virtually strangers to the track and field, but in the stress of conflict, particularly in Europe, when womanhood stepped forward to fill the jobs left vacant by the departure of men to the battlefront, they participated in games to fit them for their more strenuous duties in industry. The result was that running, jumping and weight throwing became part of the feminine calendar.…Instead of standing on the side lines cheering their brothers and sweethearts on the field, thousands of girls spent the Spring training and preparing themselves, not always under expert tutelage, but sufficiently well to break half a dozen world records when they went into competition…Thirteen girls were

52 picked to go to Europe. The judges are positive that the thirteen are the best in the nation. For the last few days they have been gathered at Newark, N.J., training at Veequahic Park. They have dropped frivolity and flapperism and are as serious minded as a boxer on the verge of championship bout.220

The trip only took six days, but the team used some of their time on the ship to continue their training. The team was very businesslike in their attitude toward preparation for the competition. Lucile “Ludy” Godbold described running three laps around the ship to practice for the 1000 meters. The girls also paid attention to their diet and restricted their sugar intake by not eating cake and sweets. The early arrival gave them about two weeks to practice and sightsee before the meet scheduled for August 20.221 Stewart was interviewed the day before the event and commented “‘I would rather not make any predictions about our chances to win, but Americans can be assured that our team will be well in the front and fighting hard in every event on the card… We have a wonderfully well- balanced team. We may not have as many individual stars as some of the other teams, but every girl in our squad can be counted on to do her part well. We are relying on nerve and American grit to pull us through.’”222 Teams from Great Britain, Czechoslovakia, France, and Switzerland competed against the United States in Paris. There were eleven events involved in the games, including a 1,000-meter race, which was not included in Olympic competition until 1960. Great Britain won the meet with fifty points, and the United States was second with thirty-one points. France came in third, followed by Czechoslovakia and Switzerland, respectively. Camille Sabie, from New Jersey broke the world record for the 100-yard hurdles, while Ludy Godbold, from South Carolina, set a new record for the shot put. The team won four gold medals, one silver, and three bronze. Camille Sabie won three medals herself, two gold and one bronze. Anne Harwick was picked to compete in the javelin but was not able to compete, possibly due to “overtraining.” She did compete in the 300 meters and came in third in her heat, but she did not place in the finals. In an exhibition after the completion of the games, Harwick finished second in the baseball throw.223 Ludy Godbold described the scene at the Pershing Stadium: “The meet began right after [lunch]. Just before it began each team marched around the field, with one member carrying her nation’s flag. I was chosen to carry Old Glory, and believe me, I was proud to lead that American team around the track. There were about 20,000 people to see us. The Americans

53 were seated in the center of the Stadium… It was a grand sight to see all those people from five countries yelling in five different languages.”224 Suzanne Becker later reflected on her experience as an assistant coach for the team and her surprise at the negative reaction in the United States. She wrote “Upon our return to the States, I found a very considerable amount of criticism and opposition to competitive athletics for women. I attended a Women’s Physical Education Association Convention in Washington at which several speakers claimed that participants were subjected to hazards that were a potential danger to their future life. Needless to say I took vigorous exception.”225 Just before the games in Paris, Harry Stewart had been elected one of the vice-presidents of the Federation Sportive Feminine Internationale, the body that organized and supervised the games themselves. This was just one matter on Stewart’s part that began to draw negative attention from the Women’s Athletic Commission (WAC) of the APEA. Early in 1922, Stewart had begun soliciting support for a team to go to the Olympics. At the time, he was a member of the WAC and asked the committee to take over the responsibility for women’s track and field records as well as governing the sport itself. The WAC decided not to make a decision at that time and told Stewart to continue “any work…that might prove helpful to the committee.” He evidently took this to mean that he should continue with his efforts in record keeping and organization of track and field.226 Stewart asked the Amateur Athletic Union (AAU), which was held in contempt by the APEA, for assistance in sponsorship of the women’s team. Stewart’s actions began to draw the scorn of Blanche Trilling who was the chair of the WAC. Trilling began efforts to organize a track and field subcommittee but was having difficulty finding someone to chair the committee. Stewart’s actions made her realize that she needed to proceed quickly on this matter. The editor of the American Physical Education Review, James McCurdy, advised Trilling that it might be prudent “to have some of the women on this committee [Stewart’s Women’s Track Athletics Committee] on your own committee, provided they are the type of women you want. I think it might be unfortunate to have the Women’s Athletics swing over to the AAU. It is probably true that there will be a group of the more ‘sporty’ women who will go with that group. I do not believe that they will take the leadership of the women with them.”227 The WAC and many men associated with the APEA were firmly against a team from the United States attending the Women’s international track competition in Paris. There were several reasons for their opposition to the competition not the

54 least of which was the notion that Stewart was trying to take independent control of women’s track and field, which Stewart vehemently denied. On April 26, 1922, Stewart wrote to Carl Shrader, the head of Physical Education in the state of Massachusetts and member of the APEA. Stewart explained that, when he originally formed his committee, his “position was that we were not dealing with a theory as to whether or not girls should do track athletics, but with the unmistakable [sic] fact that they were actually doing it in large numbers. It was simply a question of controlling this sport or allowing it to go wild.” Stewart also wrote that he had always felt “that the Physical Education Association should be the controlling body as it now is in basketball and field hockey and I was much disappointed at their refusal to take over track.” Stewart had even asked Trilling to be on his association, however she declined.228 Stewart’s attempts to get the WAC involved in his efforts appear to contradict the claims that he was a renegade. This chain of events appears to contradict Cahn’s characterization of Stewart as a renegade physical educator. Taken in conjunction with his employment at NHNSG under other prominent physical educators of the time, Stewart’s efforts appear to have been impassioned support for his team and flexible to that end. Trilling continued to be critical of Stewart. She was under the impression that he had given assurances at the May 1922 WAC convention that he would disband his track committee after he returned from the competition in Paris. In an October 1922 letter to Trilling, Stewart displays his frustration at what he considered a misrepresentation of his intentions: “We had put in years of hard work when the group now headed by you stood back and would do nothing and that I personally would be only too glad to withdraw from the work when it was in the hands of those who would further the true interest of it and not try to suppress it. With your objection to all competition in a distinctly competitive sport, I do not feel that your committee is doing this. I do not see how you have any claim to a sport developed by the work of others.”229 The condemnation of Stewart’s efforts was elevated and expanded to other organizations. The Recreation Congress, meeting in Atlantic City on October 9-12, 1922, resolved that “We regard the representation of America at the Women’s International Olympic Games held in Paris in July 1922 as inopportune and unauthorized by any national representative body and in view of the present state of women’s athletics in this country, we are not in favor of international competition at this time.” It is not known who was present at this meeting, but it is interesting that the above resolution was printed in the February 1923 issue of the American Physical

55 Education Review side by side with the report of the Women’s Athletic Committee Report. Stewart continued the work that he had begun and held a meeting on December 2, 1922 in Mamaroneck, New York, the town where Oaksmere School was located, to reorganize his committee as the National Women’s Track Athletic Association and to elect new officers. This is when Katherine Montgomery was elected vice-president.230 If she accepted this position after all the criticism that happened before December of 1922, it is evidence that she had not fully capitulated until after this time. As a student, Montgomery had participated in athletic competition wholeheartedly, and even spoke in favor of intercollegiate athletics on behalf of her peers at FSCW. She had encouraged some of her students to try out for the Women’s World Games and assisted one in preparing for the event. These stances as well as policies at FSCW, such as charging admission to the Odd/Even Thanksgiving basketball game for the first time in 1919, would soon be declared improper for the future direction of athletics for women.231 Montgomery was about to start a new physical education program at FSCW at precisely the time when concerns about the direction of physical education and athletics for women were coming to a head.

Figure 5 – Katherine Montgomery in FSCW Letter Sweater232

CHAPTER 4

A NEW DIRECTION

1923-1940

Societal Changes During the early part of the 1900s, intercollegiate athletics was promoted as a masculine activity. This characterization of athletics created societal biases against rigorous athletics for females. Moderate exercise was consequently construed as being best for women’s health. Whatever the underlying cause, two distinct directions for physical education programs emerged. The gender segregation of colleges prevalent in the eastern United States allowed these two ideologies to develop independently of each other. Fitness and hygiene were the focus of women’s programs, while most men’s programs were driven by athletics.233 A male speaker at a 1922 meeting of directors of physical education said that in many institutions “the two terms, physical education and intercollegiate athletics, are used interchangeably…[and] in some colleges all physical education is intercollegiate athletics.”234 It was common by the late 1920s for men’s colleges to invest ten percent or more of their total capital in athletic programs. Thus, men’s athletic administrators and coaches quickly realized their value and exacted significant salaries for their work, often garnering greater status and salaries than college presidents and other faculty members of their institutions.235 This was not the case with women in physical education. After World War I, the nation entered the Roaring Twenties. This was the era of the flapper and young women, and men, were eager to enjoy life. The southern economic situation muted the post-war exuberance felt in other areas of the nation because of various agricultural problems such as declining prices and insect infestations.236

58 Social factors were working toward inclusion of the female population in high school and college athletics. There were five million women working in mills in 1905. By 1920, the number had grown to eight million women working in a variety of jobs. During this time, women acquired the right to collect and control finances, and the notion of equal pay for equal work started to gain acceptance. The passage of the nineteenth amendment giving women the right to vote also had liberalizing influences on the female population. However, the great strides toward the liberalizing of female roles did not in any way suggest the achievement of equality.237 As an example, the National Council of Education reported in 1930 its consensus that the school should foster a sexually differentiated ideal of ‘home membership’: ‘The man to provide the income; to be in the home when practicable and help in training the children. The woman to buy wisely; to manage the home so as to preserve family morale; to preserve her own health and bear children intelligently; to train the children wisely.’238

The onset and duration of the Depression changed the expectations of all Americans. According to Barbara Solomon, “Unemployment and increasing poverty cut deeply into the middle class and brought deprivation to people who had lived protected lives."239 The Southern economy had not been doing well even in the 1920s. The price of agricultural products had been dropping due to global competition. The South, in particular, was vulnerable to these effects because of a lack of crop diversity and depleted soil fertility. The situation continued to decline in the 1930s, and in 1938 "Franklin D. Roosevelt called the South 'the Nation's No. 1 economic problem.'"240 The work programs of the New Deal did provide some relief, and there were some long-term improvements in the region, such as dams built by the Tennessee Valley Authority, which provided inexpensive electricity to seven Southern states. However, there was also an increased level of racism as blacks were driven out of jobs needed by whites.241 The Depression caused many females to face the reality that "every individual should be prepared for the eventuality of employment of some type in case of financial need."242 Regardless of whether they were married or not, women often were forced to work during the Depression in order to provide income for their families. Some women were able to find jobs more easily than men because women could be paid less money. However, there was also widespread opposition "to a woman's taking a job away from a man [which] certainly limited a woman's choices and opportunities."243 In the South, the widening of opportunities during the

59 1920s and 1930s decreased the pressure on women to marry. As historian Anne Firor Scott points out, "there is no way to compare the pain of having to choose [marriage or work] against the pain of having no choice."244 New Deal programs created a wide range of jobs for women in the South. Unskilled women were put to work in sewing rooms that in turn provided much needed clothing for the destitute of the region. Other women were employed as social workers in the offices of the work relief agencies where "the task of administering means tests to relief applicants and certifying needy persons for work inundated state" Federal Emergency Relief Agency offices. The government also needed trained social workers and "scholarships enabled a sizable number of young women to obtain graduate degrees in social work."245 The impact of education on salary is evident even during the Depression. The median income of relatively well-educated women in 1933 was $2,400, while many families in the country had an income below $1,000. Historian Barbara Solomon notes, "female-dominated fields paid less than male-dominated ones, but the few professional fields in which women were found paid higher than other female occupations."246 As a point of comparison, Montgomery’s salary for the year 1925-1926 was $2,300.00. She was listed as the Director of Physical Education, and her salary was just above the average salary for all faculty members at FSCW.247 Women of the South continued to be involved in reform movements even during the Depression, and they assumed leadership roles in organizations that helped provide relief. For example, "for the Works Progress Administration women's projects, the sponsor was often a women's club or the local parent-teacher association."248 Southern women also were influential in seeking protection for female workers and children against unfair labor practices. By asserting this new political influence they began to have greater effects on the economy of the region.249 The expansion of educational opportunities for women slowed some with the onset of the Great Depression. Those students who were able to remain in college during the economic hardships "remained insulated in part from the worst of the crisis. At a time of desperate poverty for millions of Americans, college students were privileged, even though many worked their way through."250 The curriculum at the women's colleges of the South began to place more emphasis on home economics during this period, as well as "'practical' courses that would help women to understand and improve the world around them."251

60 Katherine Montgomery and Northern Influence Some time before the printing of the February 1923 issue of the American Physical Education Review, Katherine Montgomery applied for membership to the American Physical Education Association (APEA). The journal lists her membership as becoming active in January 1923.252 The precise moment of her awareness of the controversy surrounding Harry Stewart’s actions with regards to the women’s track and field competition in Paris is not known. Clearly, there was a change of behavior between the summer of 1922, when she assisted Anne Harwick with her training, and her graduation from New Haven Normal School of Gymnastics (NHNSG) in the spring of 1923. It is possible that members of the APEA made her aware of their displeasure with Stewart and their contrary position regarding women’s involvement in international track and field competitions. In January 1923, Blanche Trilling wrote to Carl Shrader, who was then the president of the APEA, and told him of plans to invite two YWCA women to join the APEA. The first, Helen McKinstry, was “in charge of the Central Branch of the New York YWCA, and Julia Capen was a “field secretary for the YWCA.” Capen, in particular, was “proposed as a member …because she needed ‘purifying.’” She had favored YWCA track and field meets “and should be given the opportunity to hear viewpoints from women opposing these kinds of events.”253 Perhaps Montgomery was also targeted for “purifying.” Montgomery began attending the NHNSG during the summer of 1921. She continued her work the following summer and through the 1922-1923 school year. Montgomery and many of her fellow students at NHNSG were about sixty-five miles from Springfield.254 It is likely that some of the New Haven students took advantage of the proximity of the convention. Not long after the meeting, there is evidence of a significant change in her opinions about women’s participation in competitive athletics. William G. Anderson had originally formed the NHNSG as the Brooklyn Normal School of Gymnastics in 1886. When he was employed by Yale University in 1892 as the Associate Director of the gymnasium, the school was relocated to New Haven and renamed the Anderson Normal School of Gymnastics. Anderson is an important figure in the study of health and physical education due to his involvement in founding the American Association of the Advancement of Physical Education (AAAPE) in 1885. This organization later became the American Physical Education Association (APEA). In 1895, Anderson became the Dean of the Chautauqua Summer School for Physical Education, a summer program affiliated with Yale

61 University. E. Hermann Arnold assumed the directorship of the NHNSG in 1896. Arnold had been an instructor at the NHNSG since its move to New Haven and was also influential in the field of physical education, having published several books on the topic. He served as the president of the APEA in 1916.255 Arnold was the director of NHNSG when Montgomery arrived in 1921 and continued in this capacity until his death in 1929. The NHNSG became Arnold College and later merged with what is now the University of Bridgeport. In 1918, the school was described in a history of New Haven as having a campus of three acres, on which are seven buildings…together with an athletic field in East Haven and a farm of one hundred and twenty-five acres on which are found ten buildings. All this equipment is utilized in the training of the one hundred and seventy-five students and the increase in the school property is indicative also of the improved methods of work which have been introduced.256

In February of 1914, Stewart, a New Haven physiotherapist, published research in the American Physical Education Review that revealed vigorous exercise was beneficial for girls’ hearts and that track was advantageous over other sports to this end because of the different types of activities involved and the large number of participants. As early as 1916, Stewart was compiling a list of women’s national track and field records. In 1918, members of Stewart’s committee represented institutions from across the United States and included Ina Gittings from the University of Montana.257 Gittings, who had moved on to Arizona State University by 1922, would later write an article titled “Why Cramp Competition?” for the Journal of Health and Physical Education. By 1919, Stewart was serving as an instructor at NHNSG. While at the NHNSG, Montgomery was inducted into the Pen Society for scholarship and the Sword Society for physical ability. She also continued to be involved with the National Women’s Track Athletic Committee that was organized by Harry Stewart.258 Montgomery’s association with Stewart and his track committee would put her at odds with professional organizations, such as the APEA which discouraged women’s participation in international track and field competitions. Before long, she would be forced to choose between the conflicting ideals of Stewart and the APEA. Montgomery graduated in 1923 from the NHNSG with a certification in physical education and physiotherapy, Dr. Stewart’s specialty. She returned to Tallahassee to assume the duties as head of the Department of Physical Education. Her return to FSCW to assume the responsibility for directing the newly established department would be

62 difficult in and of itself. Having to do so while in the middle of such a controversy must have made the transition into a new profession even more stressful or challenging.

The Conventions Montgomery’s affiliation with Stewart and his committee was cause enough to incur the ire of the female athletic leadership. Her status amongst those seeking a better path for women’s athletics would be further jeopardized by the Amateur Athletic Union’s (AAU) ultimate acceptance of the Women’s World Games. The AAU had been formed in 1888 and primarily served men’s athletics. The organization had stayed clear of female athletics largely because of the belief that the public sphere was not the proper place for women. However, the AAU’s position on women’s athletics changed in 1914 when it became involved in women’s athletic competitions.259 The AAU also took notice of women’s track and field when Harry Stewart began soliciting support to send a track team to Paris.260 The organization was at first reluctant to give its support. As evidence, on August 1, 1922, the New York Times published an announcement that warned “women amateur athletes against competing in athletic events that have not been approved by the Metropolitan A. A. U. Committee on Women’s Track and Field Athletics.”261 This position was put forth less than three weeks before the meet in Paris. The AAU would assume control over women’s track and field in November 1922.262 After the AAU formed a committee to look into the matter of “women’s athletics,” female leaders in the American Physical Education Association (APEA) began to fear that the AAU would soon attempt to control women’s athletics nationwide. They moved to form an alliance with the newly formed NAAF. APEA members dominated the Women’s Division of the NAAF (WDNAAF).263 Through these two bodies, the APEA and the WDNAAF, female leaders “devised a two-pronged strategy to suppress competitive activities that they believed undermined their authority and the best interests of female athletes.”264 They hastened to set standards for athletics in schools and colleges and worked to move educators’ influence beyond the college and into community athletic programs. In stating publicly that the female leaders of women’s athletics should guide women’s athletic programs beyond secondary and post- secondary educational institutions, they were claiming for themselves the moral authority over all such activities for young women.

63 The war effort would provide just the ammunition that the women’s athletic leadership had been seeking: the prominent and influential female voice of Lou Henry Hoover. There were growing concerns in the United States about the lack of physical fitness and increased interest in spectator sports on the part of Americans. Professional and college sports gained a wider audience. Soldiers relaxing during World War I were encouraged to both participate in and watch athletic events. However, many young men were not physically fit and after the war was over the War Department revealed statistics regarding the large number of volunteers rejected for service because of their lack of fitness. The Secretaries of War and Navy were approached by the nation’s leaders in the areas of medicine, physical education, and outdoor recreation to begin discussions about how to improve this situation.265 In early 1922, Lou Henry Hoover, the wife of then Secretary of Commerce and future president Herbert Hoover, was asked to join in discussions about the formation of a new “national organization to promote sports activities for men and women.”266 Hoover was approached based on her involvement with the Girl Scouts, interest in women’s health issues, and promotion of women’s athletic activities. She agreed to become part of these meetings but was firmly committed to the idea of a separate subsection devoted to issues surrounding women’s athletics. When the organization was finally formed in December 1922, it was called the National Amateur Athletic Federation (NAAF), and Hoover was selected as Vice President in charge of the Women’s Division.267 The stories of Lou Henry Hoover’s childhood are very similar to those of Katherine Montgomery. Hoover was known as a tomboy in her childhood, and she had been active in outdoor activities and athletics for most of her life. Some of the stories of her youth relate camping and hiking trips with her father. When she attended Stanford University, she was on the women’s basketball team and participated in the first women’s intercollegiate game between Stanford and Berkeley in 1896. By the time she was asked to be involved in the formation of the NAAF, she had been active in the Girl Scouts and had been elected president of that organization in 1922.268 Despite the fact that Hoover had been involved in intercollegiate competition, sport historian Jan Beran writes Lou’s overriding ambition…was to provide opportunities for every girl and woman to be physically active…She lamented the fact that so few women and girls knew how to play and were merely spectators…She was firmly committed to the principle that all females should have the opportunity to participate in athletics

64 and believed that mass participation was preferable to channeling resources into the training of a small number of superb athletes for competition.269

Hoover was so committed to this idea that she personally contributed $1,000 toward the cost of the meeting in Washington and promised an annual pledge of $500.270 Hoover’s involvement in women’s athletics by way of the Girl Scouts was not atypical during this time. Many female leaders were involved in physical education, athletic, educational, and recreational organizations simultaneously. The common leadership of these organizations provided an opportunity for consolidation of philosophical ideas and direction. Conversely, such consolidation of power and direction would hinder the expression of critical opinions necessary to refine new ideological positions. Hoover called a meeting of the new WDNAAF on April 6 and 7, 1923 in Washington, D.C. The report from the meeting stated: “we believe we are in the early stages of a great advancement in athletics for girls and women which is destined to be of incalculable value for the vigor, health, and character-training of girls and women as citizens and future mothers.”271 The committee resolved to control women’s athletics at all societal levels, and they sought to create a joint executive board with women members being selected by women. There were sixteen resolutions adopted by the attendees at the conference: 1. the word “athletics” was suggested to mean both competitive and noncompetitive physical activity. 2. they called for the establishment of “a universal physical education that will assist in the preparation of our boys and girls for the duties, opportunities, and joys of citizenship and of life as a whole.” 3. there should be a greater focus on studying the “problems and program of physical activities for the prepubescent as well as for the adolescent girl. 4. “girls and women…[should] be protected from exploitation for the enjoyment of the spectator,” and “schools [should] stress enjoyment of the sport and development of sportsmanship” rather than “the winning of championships.” 5. approved organizations should promote “participation…for all” rather than “intensive training…of the few.” 6. women should supervise and coach athletic activities for girls and women. 7. teacher training programs should emphasize hygiene and health issues, the importance of regular medical examinations, and “vigorous developmental recreation.” 8. “repeated medical examinations are necessary” to “maintain and build health.” 9. safeguards should be in place to protect against “anatomical and physiological conditions” that may cause “temporary unfitness for vigorous athletics.”

65 10. any awards granted for “athletic achievement be restricted to those things which are symbolical and which have the least possible intrinsic value.” 11. “suitable costumes be adopted for the various athletic activities.” 12. any publicity given to an athletic event should focus on “sport and not the individual or group competitors.” 13. any future international competitions should be under the control and organization of the WDNAAF. The committee made it clear that they disapproved of “the participation of American women and girls” in “international competitions” which had already occurred.” 14. committees should be established to further study the effects of athletic participation on girls and women.

The two final resolutions thanked the NAAF and Mrs. Hoover and requested that the NAAF publish and distribute these resolutions.272 One week after the WDNAAF meeting, the APEA convened their annual convention in Springfield, Massachusetts, including the Women’s Committee on Athletics. The program for the convention was printed in the April volume of Mind and Body. Some examples of the presentations planned for the general convention were: “Report on Physical Accomplishment Tests for Girls from Twelve to Twenty-one,” “Advantages and Disadvantages of Track Athletics for Girls,” and “Soccer as a Game for Girls.” One important presentation was scheduled for the Friday afternoon session: “Report of the Committee on Track Athletics for Girls and Women.” This was part of the meeting of the “Women’s Athletic Section,” which was headed by Blanche Trilling from the University of Wisconsin. Katherine Sibley, the director of Physical Education for Women at Syracuse University, was the head of the Committee on women’s track and field. The women’s athletic committee was scheduled to continue their meeting on Saturday morning.273 After the convention was held, a report of the events appeared in the May 1923 issue of Mind and Body. The editor of the journal, William Stecher, reported, “The hardest working subsection was the Women’s Athletic committee. As one delegate said ‘these women appeared to take recesses only to sleep, and she wasn’t certain if some of the members were not, even at that time, engaged in thinking out new stunts for girls.’”274 It was also noted by Stecher that more men attended the women’s section meeting as compared to the previous year’s meeting in Detroit, and the president of the APEA, Carl Schrader of the Sargent School in Cambridge, Massachusetts, made a presentation. Stecher went on to explain that it was:

66 perfectly natural that the men at the head of the physical education work in state departments or school systems, or recreation systems, industrial plants, etc., should be intensely interested in the development of athletics for women and girls. After all, perhaps the biggest part of this problem lies with the hundreds of thousands of girls in the public high schools and with the millions of girls in the public elementary schools. Under the generalship of Miss Trilling this important committee has made notable advances during the year towards formulating a program and selecting events for the development and control of a sane and interesting athletic life for girls.275

The report of this meeting that appeared in the American Physical Education Review contained excerpts of the resolutions from the NAAF meeting. The Committee on Women’s Athletics (CWA) further added that “no consideration of inter-institutional athletics is warranted unless” they meet certain guidelines such as “every girl…actually participates in a full season of such activities” and “these activities are conducted under the immediate leadership of properly trained women instructors, who have the educational value of the game in mind rather than winning.”276 The committee also advocated medical examinations for all participants and promoted the use of female officials. It was also stated that spectators for such events would be invited and no entrance fees would be collected. The CWA went on to suggest some areas that needed further attention: “the undesirability of traveling away from the home town or community to take part in competitions” and “the necessity of limiting the number of games.”277 In some respects, women’s leaders wanted to symbolically put hedges up around young women’s athletic competition.

Control of Women’s Athletics Women’s alternative to men’s intercollegiate athletic programs was field days. These events were more acceptable to female physical educators because all students were allowed to participate and the objectionable characteristics of competitive athletics were negated. Winning was de-emphasized, and over-strenuous play was controlled. Vassar College held the first field day in 1895 and included five track and field events. In comparison, the first field day held at the southern FSCW did not occur until 1913. It included competition in tennis, basketball, swimming, and track and field events. In the 1918 Field Day at FSCW, Montgomery received a letter sweater for her participation in basketball, baseball, and track and field events.278 These events were indicative of the trend at women’s colleges during this period. Intercollegiate and

67 interscholastic contests were discouraged and reduced, male spectators were often barred, travel was virtually eliminated, and practice time was minimal. Awards to individuals usually comprised a letter jacket or simply being named one of the best athletes in a particular game or for the field day event overall. Female leaders and physical educators tried to direct young women toward upper-class sport because these sports were socially acceptable. These sports usually involved less contact and were generally less strenuous. In addition to acceptability, the more feminine individual sports, such as golf and tennis, were seen as having greater carry-over value. The lessons learned in these activities were thought to prepare young ladies of stature for life after college.279 An excellent example of the differences in acceptability for sports associated with the working class versus those attributed to women of social status is the change in perception of Babe Didrickson. Didrickson competed in the 1932 Los Angeles Olympics and won two gold medals and a silver medal in track and field events.280 She came to prominence as an AAU athletic team member while growing up in Beaumont, Texas, which is about 250 miles from where Montgomery attended high school. At age nineteen Didrickson was hired to do office work and recruited to play basketball for the Employers’ Casualty Company. A 1932 photograph of her as a member of the team depicts the negative stereotypical athlete to which women’s leaders were opposed. She is pictured in a silky uniform that is revealing for the times and with a commercial logo prominently displayed on the chest. Later, “Didrickson took up golf and carefully cultivated a more feminine image. In addition to marrying George Zaharias, she let her hair grow and began wearing makeup and dresses.” 281 Didrickson was successful in redefining herself though her competitive spirit and athletic abilities were consistent throughout her career. The sport of field hockey sheds some light on the motivation of female leaders. Field hockey was a taxing team sport of upper class British origin introduced into the United States in 1901. It was played in long skirts and, later, kilts and had no male competitive counterpart. These factors allowed field hockey to generate dramatic increases in competitive teams within its first thirty years in America. Constance Applebee the originator of field hockey in this country reportedly held a clinic at FSCW. Though field hockey was significantly more strenuous than most activities condoned by women educators, the philosophical inconsistency of promoting this activity was overlooked because of the heritage of the sport. One graduate of Radcliffe

68 recollected: “’On the national level you had to be a debutante – upper crust – to even afford to play hockey after college.’” 282 A woman’s field hockey team may be made up of aggressive athletes competing in a rigorous manner. However, the wardrobe and pedigree of the players and lack of any masculine images associated with the sport made the matches acceptable. Field days were eventually replaced by “play days.” These were created as a partial substitute for women’s athletics. Athletes from several colleges came together with no previously organized practices, and students were mixed so that no institution would be represented by a particular team. The first play days, including high school and college girls, began at FSCW in 1928. As athletic programs for secondary school girls started to dwindle, boys junior varsity programs developed. It is speculated that this happened because of the vacuum left by women’s sports at public schools. Extra coaches and facilities were made available, increasing the difference in participation in competitive athletics between boys and girls.283 Telegraphic meets were also held and were competitive in nature. Blanche Trilling, head of the APEA’s Women’s Athletic Committee, identified these meets as “an emotional outlet for those with intercollegiate aspirations.”284 In these events, students performed at their own institutions and their scores or times would be consolidated and winners identified. This format was also used in the tryouts for the 1922 Women’s World Games. Women from both the west and east coasts competed and the results were compiled and sent by telegraph.285 Field Days were dropped from the list of FSCW activities in 1932 because of “lack of student interest and participation.”286 Mildred Usher suggests that the demise of field day may be related to the WDNAAF opposition to women’s participation in track and field events in the Olympics of 1932.287 At the annual meeting of the Women’s Division of NAAF in 1929, the members agreed to go on the record as opposing the participation of women from the United States in the 1932 Olympics. Mabel Lee listed some of the resolutions adopted at the meeting: I. WHEREAS, Competition in the Olympic Games would, among other things (1) entail the specialized training of a few, (2) offer opportunity for exploitation of girls and women, and (3) offer opportunity for possible overstrain in preparation for and during the Games themselves, be it RESOLVED, that the Women’s Division of the National Amateur Athletic Federation go on record as disapproving of competition for girls and women in the Olympic Games, . . . . .

69 III. WHEREAS, The Women’s Division is interested in promoting the ideal of Play for Play’s sake, of Play on a large scale, of Play and recreation properly safeguarded, IV. WHEREAS, It is interested in promoting types and programs of activities suitable to girls as girls, be it RESOLVED, That the Women’s Division … shall ask for the opportunity of putting on in Los Angeles during the Games (not as a part of the Olympic program) a festival which might include singing, dancing, mass sports and games … demonstrations, exhibitions, etc. IV. WHEREAS, … a crisis is at hand whereby the Platform and principles of the Women’s Division will be severely tested, BE IT RESOLVED, That the members of the Women’s Division and all who are interested in the Federation and its ideals … do all in their power to spread more actively the principles advocated by this Division and to work unceasingly toward putting on for girls a program of sports and games … which shall (1) include every member of the group; (2) be broad and diversified; (3) be adapted to the special needs and abilities and capacities of the participants; with emphasis upon participation rather than upon winning.288

Strong opposition to women’s international participation began much earlier. Given Montgomery’s involvement with the Women’s Track Athletic Association and the Women’s World Games of 1922 and their negative reception among women’s athletic leaders, it is unclear why Montgomery allowed field days to go on so long at FSCW. It would seem likely that she would attempt to distance herself from the track association as quickly as possible. By the 1930s and 40s, the development of more competitive sports days seemed to signal an impending resumption of intercollegiate competition. These days allowed for several practices before the event by teams representing their schools. Some colleges refused to condone or participate in these events because they too closely resembled intercollegiate competition.289 Sports days began at FSCW in 1938. Montgomery begrudgingly bowed to students’ wishes like most other college physical education directors of the era. She continued to believe that events should be a positive experience for all involved with a minimal amount of non- participant spectators. She also held firm on the discouragement of track and field, as noted in a Sports Day program: “Track and field events are not approved for competition in Sports Days, because of their low (or negative) social values.”290 Sports days did, however, give beleaguered physical education directors and other leaders an alternative to varsity sports for students who wanted intercollegiate competition.

70 Despite the efforts of the NAAF and CWA, the AAU continued to involve itself more deeply in women’s athletics. Its contrary stance as to the direction of women’s sports and its antagonistic view of the attitudes of women leaders was expressed well in a 1930 AAU committee report. The author sarcastically commented “‘I...expected to see fainting girls carried away in ambulances, others laced in straight jackets after severe cases of hysteria and some in complete collapse after extreme cases of melancholia.’”291 To further combat the premise that strenuous exercise had a detrimental impact on the health of women, the AAU sponsored a study of 233 women athletes. The results showed that “nearly every one saw an overall health improvement and suffered no ill effects on menstruation due to competition.”292 This follows the position reiterated by the AAU for at least a decade that such activities would positively affect women’s health, and could actually help in “reproducing a stalwart male citizenry.”293 The AAU contributed to the notion that its meets were making spectacles of women’s athletic events. In many states, extra steps were taken to ensure that contests were well advertised and that spectators would receive more than the opportunity to view the game itself. In Florida, the AAU women’s state basketball tournament included bus tours, post game dances, and a beauty contest. The AAU combined “free throw contests, pep contest, sportsmanship trophy, motorboat and air plane rides, sightseeing, free movies for the players, [and] dances” with the athletic competition.294 Beyond the hype, the visual image that may have infuriated leaders of the NAAF and CWA the most was that of female participants led, almost exclusively, by male coaches. The AAU’s programs were a concern of the Florida High School Athletic Association (FHSAA), as evidenced by their regulation that “AAU meets are not sanctioned unless sponsored by some member high school, and the Florida High School Athletic Association eligibility rules are enforced.”295 However, the association did attempt to work with the AAU. For example, in 1940, representatives of the AAU and others interested in girls’ athletics met to discuss the formation of “a committee of women to have entire charge of girls’ programs, with authority to plan events and set up conditions under which contests between girls’ teams shall be held.”296 The FHSAA also attempted to regulate those schools that already had interscholastic competition, especially basketball. Girls were limited to “forty quarters of interscholastic basketball in a season” and “no more than one basketball game within a twenty-four hour period.” In addition, girls’ teams were supposed to be “coached by a woman.”297

71 Montgomery’s Influence Increases Montgomery’s career was beginning just as the ink was drying on the report from the newly established WDNAAF. Her work with the National Committee on Women’s Track and Field and her assistance in preparing Anne Harwick for the 1922 Women’s World Games must have caused much inner conflict. This set of circumstances may have had a major effect on Montgomery’s philosophy on athletics for women.298 Perhaps, like other women’s athletic leaders of the time, the potential for the AAU to garner more power in the women’s athletic struggle led to her change of direction toward the NAAF position. Another possibility is that pressure from national figures in women’s athletics supporting the NAAF’s position coerced her into altering her philosophy. Serving as a new department head of the newly established Department of Physical Education, she probably believed she had little choice but to follow the lead of those respected in the field. A further indication of her change of heart appeared in December 1923 when she wrote “some radical recommendations must be made…concerning basketball.”299 This early targeting of basketball by Montgomery as a problem to be dealt with is evidence that she fell in line with her peers. Basketball had been another area of major concern for anti-competition leaders because of the AAU’s large organization and influence over female athletes in the sport.300 Montgomery established herself as the authority on women’s sports in Florida by training and placing female physical education teachers. In 1923, there were only 5 Physical Education teachers in public schools in the state of Florida. This number would increase to 51 by 1930 and 62 by 1934. Her indirect influence, by way of her philosophies being transferred to Florida schools through her students, occurred during a benchmark period in the organization of state high school athletics.301 In 1928, the first bylaws for the Florida High School Athletic Association (FHSAA) were created establishing a statewide organizational structure for competitive athletics.302 Had the increase in female physical education instructors in secondary schools in Florida occurred later, competitive girl’s athletics may have developed from individual schools through this organization before Montgomery and her proteges could successfully oppose their existence. In 1929, the first physical education department for girls started at Leon High School in Tallahassee under the supervision of Montgomery. Mode Stone, the principal and later Dean of the School of Education at FSCW, asked for her assistance in the development of this

72 department. He later wrote that she responded willingly and enthusiastically. He went on to state that from this start, physical education expanded throughout the state “largely as a result of her efforts.”303 According to her biographer, Dorothy Tucker, she was also “credited with having had more influence on physical education programs throughout the state than any other person.”304 These comments attest to the influence Montgomery had outside of her college. Montgomery, being the department head of the only women’s physical education program in the Florida state college system, was the specialist sought when new schools and new departments of physical education were developed in Florida’s public schools. Montgomery began campaigning in 1923 to have a new gymnasium facility built on the campus of FSCW. An event in 1925 hastened the need for a new facility. An Odd pep rally during the Thanksgiving competition week caused the floor of the gym to cave in. Although there were no injuries, this accident accentuated the need for a new gymnasium. The increasing enrollment of FSCW also provided justification for the expense. Montgomery traveled to different colleges and universities in the South and Southwest to scrutinize their facilities and get ideas for FSCW. She also studied plans, diagrams, and literature for recommendations and consequently was a significant factor in the construction plans for the new facility that was ultimately constructed.305 The architect, Rudolph Weaver, presented plans, based largely on Montgomery’s drawings, for the new gym in September 1928. The legislature approved funding for two out of three proposed wings, and J.L. Crouse from Greensboro, North Carolina was chosen to construct the building based on his low bid. Construction began early in 1929 on an L shaped building with a pool, a gym with a balcony, dressing rooms, showers, lockers, and a laundry. Problems with subcontractors delayed the schedule, but the facility was finally completed in December 1929.306 The final cost of construction of the gymnasium was $323,052.72.307 Later, in 1959, the gym was renamed the Montgomery Gym to honor the woman who was influential in its creation. At the entrance is a commemorative plaque that was presented to Montgomery at the Silver Jubilee celebration of the Department of Physical Education. The plaque is inscribed as follows: In appreciation to Dr. Katherine W. Montgomery. Our friend and leader, who believed in us, inspired us, and taught us the joy of learning and the value of knowledge in life. Our triumphs shall be her triumphs for she has helped to make

73 our start in life a good one. Her character, ideals, keen interest, and sincere devotion will be a constant inspiration to many.308

Montgomery continued to pursue higher levels of training and education. In 1928, she obtained a leave of absence to begin work on a master’s degree at Teacher’s College, Columbia University in New York City. She majored in Physical Education and earned the degree in 1929. As she had earlier, Montgomery traveled north for further professional development. One of her professors was Goodwin Watson who taught Montgomery in Education 207 B, a psychology course with two to three hundred students, during the fall semester of 1928. After the semester ended, Watson wrote to Montgomery: “It is a pleasure to send you this note of congratulation for the excellent quality of your work…I am sorry that the size of our class made it impossible for me to get as well acquainted with the individual students as I should like to have been.”309 Montgomery again excelled in her studies, as she had while a student at the NHNSG. Montgomery, and most of her colleagues, remained vigilant and pro-active in their efforts to protect their students from the evils of competition regardless of student opinion. Florida, and other states holding state AAU basketball championships, often included beauty pageants for tournament participants.310 The female athletic hierarchy advocated involvement with groups outside the public educational system to quash just this type of offensive activity. To that end, Montgomery held sports clinics, worked with recreation leaders, and was also instrumental in the formation of the Girl’s Advisory Council of the FHSAA.311 Montgomery’s primary power and influence, however, continued to be the physical education majors that she trained who had taken positions as teachers throughout Florida. Between 1935 and 1939, thirty-six physical education students from FSCW were placed as teachers around the state of Florida.312 She was a major force in the continuing development of physical education programs in the state, thus allowing for an expansion of athletic philosophies practiced at FSCW. In 1933, Montgomery had toured the state to prevent proposed funding cuts in Physical Education because of the financial crunch caused by the Great Depression. By 1938, Physical Education had been reinstated as a requirement for high school graduation after having survived the cutting of “frill” programs during depression times.313 Even throughout this period, the number of Physical Education instructors at FSCW remained constant despite the effects of the depression.314

74 Placing students throughout the state who in turn involved themselves in debates about female athletic participation in their schools and their surrounding communities gave Montgomery a line of communication directly into Florida schools. Montgomery and colleague Grace Fox worked as representatives for the National Section on Women’s Athletics (NSWA) to set up a chain of communication. An effort was made to “reach a woman in each county of the state who taught physical education for girls or conducted recreation programs, including athletics for girls and women.” All were asked to study the best policies for “keeping athletics ‘on a high plane.’”315 Correspondence to Cornelia Hunt in 1940, a future member of the FHSAA Girl’s Advisory Council, continued to identify the AAU as counterproductive to appropriate competition. Montgomery wrote, “Florida educators will hold out for better athletic competition than that sponsored by the Amateur Athletic Union in most places.”316 By the close of the 1940s she would conduct extensive surveys for her doctoral dissertation in order to provide research to achieve this goal.

Figure 6 – Front of Gymnasium at Florida State College for Women317

Figure 7 - Inside of Gymnasium at Florida State College for Women318

CHAPTER 5

Demise of the Platform

1941 - 1958

The Backdrop of World War II Some historians have suggested that the South may have been more affected by World War II than the Civil War.319 In the fall of 1942, the president of Wellesley College, Mildred H. McAfee, in a speech to the Woman’s College of North Carolina suggested, "'We are fighting a stupendous war…partly to attack a social philosophy which treats individuals as nothing but representatives of their group.'"320 World War II came to be seen as an ideological war; and students would need to be prepared to fight, not only the enemy army, but also their ideas. This caused particular problems in the segregated South because Southerners would now be fighting the idea of a genetically superior race while ascribing to the same belief themselves.321 Just before the United States entered World War II, about fifteen percent of married women held a job. This percentage increased throughout the war, and by 1945 it had reached twenty-five percent and married women represented one third of all women workers. Despite these numbers, a majority of people in the country was still opposed to married women and mothers working. The involvement of the United States in World War II led to a demand for more women workers, married or unmarried, to fill the jobs left behind by male soldiers. It also created more opportunities for women to have access to higher education and professions. At the beginning of the war, more women in America had access to higher education than in other modernized nations. However, as the war continued, female enrollments in college began to drop as women took advantage of the vast number of jobs available rather than completing college. This trend continued when the war was over as large numbers of women dropped out of college in order to marry returning soldiers. In some instances, women left private colleges to enroll in less expensive institutions. However, access to higher education did not translate into

77 greater acceptance of women’s educational credentials in the workforce. Women were still channeled into unskilled jobs, and they received lower pay than men. Even so, these positions were paying more than in past years. Women not only contributed to the war effort at home; they also enlisted in the military. Other women joined voluntary organizations that contributed funds and materials for the war effort.322 The war also affected the type of education women were receiving. Some leaders advocated the idea that women's colleges should begin to emphasize social sciences and training in practical issues so women could better understand the world around them. Others favored training women in skills that would help them better prepare to assume positions created by the vacuum of so many men leaving to fight the war. The military conflict prompted many southern institutions to offer men entering the military the option of accelerated programs so they could complete their degree before enlisting, and some women also took advantage of this option.323 The war was having a profound impact on society in general. The education system in particular was being influenced by the conflict and would see significant changes when men returned home from battle. The influx of young men back into the United States after the war would change the rules of the contest being played out by Montgomery and others with regards to women’s athletics.

Montgomery at New York University Katherine Montgomery began working on her doctorate in Education in 1935 at New York University in New York City, again choosing to go to a northern university for her graduate work. A former classmate, in nominating Montgomery for an alumni award in 1937, wrote that she had “one semester and one summer toward her …degree from New York University [and] is planning another semester next year.”324 In 1941, she finished her degree requirements with the completion of her dissertation, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics for Adolescent Girls.325 The chair of her committee was Jay B. Nash who had authored many books on Physical Education and was well known in the field. He became the head of the Physical Education department at New York University in 1930.326 In a letter to Montgomery in September 1935, Nash wrote: “You made a real outstanding contribution in the principles course this summer, as well as in connection with the whole camp. Your work in the Principles course showed a very

78 definite grasp of subject matter and a keen intellect. It was a real joy to have had you there.”327 Nash had been a student of Dr. Thomas Wood at Columbia University where Dr. Wood had developed a natural program of physical education “consisting of games and sport to nurture the intellect as well as foster moral and social well-being.”328 According to Paula Welch, the philosophy of Jay Nash “reflected the wholistic nature of the individual in that there is no such thing as physical activity apart from thinking and feeling, with the latter also entailing its physical counterpart. Nash was concerned with the ultimate well-being of the individual not only in the physical sense as identified by organic vigor and neuromuscular skills, but in sound character and emotional development too.”329 Nash was not an advocate of the men’s commercial model of athletics. Ellen Gerber describes Nash as a “professional leader of great influence” and cites the following from Nash’s own work to show his position regarding athletic competition: The earmarks of bad athletics…will always centre around intensive coaching of a few, neglect of the many, spectators, gate receipts, State and National Championships. Such activities are not educational. They exist to give publicity to the coach, the principal of the school, the president of the university, the alumni, some local newspapers, the town boosters’ club, and the players.330

This educational environment, and Montgomery’s experiences since her days at New Haven Normal School of Gymnastics, left her with a much different mindset during this transitional period in her career, as her dissertation demonstrates.

Montgomery’s Dissertation Montgomery’s self-confidence and belief in her own philosophical values are well framed in the second sentence of her dissertation, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics for Adolescent Girls (New York University, 1941). After noting that Florida continues to have problems with girl’s athletics, she basically cites her own policy indirectly by stating, “The State High School Athletic Association today prohibits track meets and basketball tournaments for girls.”331 Her footnote correctly attributes this policy to the FHSAA itself. However, the power to create this new policy had been granted to Montgomery in 1925, thus the rule enacted in 1927 was likely her own. Thus, Montgomery in effect, cites herself to legitimate the appropriate direction of women’s athletics in the state.

79 On page three, Montgomery pays tribute to the Women’s Division of the National Amateur Athletic Federation (WDNAAF) and appears to lament the controversy in which she took part. She credits the WDNAAF with being the primary positive influence behind the advancement of women’s athletics. Almost apologetically, Montgomery recalls the criticisms of the “Paris Olympics” and notes their significance as one of the primary motivators of the WDNAAF to take control of women’s athletics. Montgomery had previously surveyed eight hundred freshmen at Florida State College for Women (FSCW) in 1934 to determine which physical activities were of interest to them. The results were used to design the curriculum in physical education at FSCW. In 1936, another survey was used to gather information about the hobbies of eight hundred students attending a summer session. The data influenced the organization of the recreational program at FSCW. Montgomery also surveyed high school students in order to assist in the work of the State Parent Teachers’ Physical Education Committee. Over five hundred students were asked about their “likes, dislikes, desires, and experience in physical education.”332 The compilation of this information would provide Montgomery with a valuable base of knowledge from which to begin her dissertation. Montgomery was especially interested in influencing the athletic programs available to high school girls in the state of Florida. As she states in her preface, “Leaders of girls’ athletics in Florida differ in their beliefs and practices in the conduct of competition…There is a need for sound principles and procedures upon which the leaders may agree for the conduct of competitive athletics for adolescent girls.”333 Montgomery used the survey method once again, gathering the opinions of individuals involved in various national organizations. This data would then be used to help establish best principles and practices regarding women’s athletics.334 It was her hope that the results of this research would be widely accepted if it were produced from the expert opinions of many individuals involved in national organizations, rather than from one person or organization. Montgomery cited three earlier surveys by Roy Brammell, C.E. Morley, and Christine White as evidence that “Florida is not alone in grappling with the problem of competitive athletics for girls.”335 In 1933, Brammell published a National Survey of Secondary Education and found that “The objection to interscholastic athletics for girls is primarily against certain sports and not against all interscholastic contests.”336 He concluded his research by identifying

80 one hundred twenty four schools out of three hundred twenty seven schools surveyed as being involved in interscholastic competition for girls in various sports. The Morley study in 1934 found that, of 2,228 schools, over twenty-eight percent “were conducting interscholastic athletics for girls in several games” and just under ten thousand girls played basketball competitively.337 According to Montgomery, Morley did not mention Texas or Florida, but cited other studies that identified adolescent girls as participating in basketball tournaments in these states. Christine White also researched the topic of girls and athletics in 1940 for a committee of the National Section on Women’s Athletics (NSWA). White reported that nine states held girls’ basketball championships, and six of these nine states were in the southern region. Montgomery concluded her preface by noting that “Florida does not stand alone in facing problems created by interscholastic competition in athletics for adolescent girls” and that “the results of this study should be helpful to many leaders of girls’ athletics.”338 Montgomery first needed to establish a definition for the key term in her study. The term “interscholastic” was more broadly defined by Montgomery than is the custom today. The group to be studied was defined as girls twelve to twenty in either high school or college and further specified that interscholastic contests included school athletics as well as recreational, industrial, and religious teams.339 Montgomery created an elaborate set of criteria in order to select participants for her survey to help define appropriate policy and procedure for women’s athletics. First, national organizations were selected to participate in the survey if they were actively involved in girls’ interscholastic athletics and agreed to participate in the study. From these organizations, members would be chosen based on recommendations from present chairmen or presidents of the national organizations and if two prominent figures, based on a complicated process, did not exclude the individual as unqualified. Montgomery sent out letters in October 1939 requesting recommendations for individuals to help determine best practices in the conduct of interscholastic athletics for adolescent girls. By November, she had begun to identify those who would be appropriate members for her survey.340 “Jury” members were selected based on leadership, background, and experience. Having three persons from each organization was determined to serve as an “equality” precaution. It was also determined that attempts would be made to include representatives from as many states

81 as possible. Women were selected where there were similarities amongst qualifications of potential candidates.341 There were thirty-three individuals ultimately selected to serve on Montgomery’s jury, twenty-seven women and six men. They represented four geographic regions of the country: seventeen from the northeast, five from the south, seven from the Midwest, and four from the southwest. Six of the jury members were officers of national organizations related to health, recreation, or physical education. Six of them were leaders of college physical education programs. Another group of twelve jury members were heads of community athletic or recreation programs. The position of state director of physical education was held by three of the jury members, while one was a school superintendent. Therefore, these individuals were involved in leadership of physical education and athletics at various levels.342 Once Montgomery had identified the members of the best practice jury, she sent each person a questionnaire, which listed forty-seven principles for comment from the jury. The jurors for Montgomery’s study were asked to signify whether they approved or disapproved of each principle and also give reasons for their decision. If they disagreed, they were to provide a substitute principle. After receiving the replies from the first questionnaire, Montgomery found that a more specific survey needed to be generated in order to determine: The location of a place for the athletic program The scheduled hours for the events The type of athletic competition for girls Equalization of competition through classification Transportation of players.343

A second survey of seven questions was then sent to the jury for clarification of these issues. Even after the results were received, there was still some uncertainty on Montgomery’s part as to which types of competition were appropriate for adolescent girls. She sent out a third questionnaire that separated specific sports for jurors comments and categorized types of competition in which females were involved. Jurors now had the opportunity to specifically comment on archery, swimming, golf, badminton, basketball, or various other sports and state preferences for or against intramural programs, play days, sports days, district and county tournaments, state tournaments, or national tournaments. Once these results were tabulated, Montgomery compiled a list of principles and policies to be considered best practices in terms of competition for adolescent girls.344

82 Perhaps the most interesting part of Montgomery’s dissertation is the comments of individual jury members that she provided in the appendix. Taken as a whole there are several items of interest. First, there was an overwhelming belief that interscholastic competition for girls was completely unacceptable. Twenty-four of thirty-three jury members took the time to attest to this in their own words. However, Montgomery stated that a few jury members thought that all competitive activities were beneficial if properly supervised.345 As an example, a juror from the National Recreation Association – Industrial Group commented “I think in any inter athletic competition winning is the most objective.”346 Sports were also characterized in terms of religious and political values. Throughout this dissertation, Montgomery and jury members used religious language to describe athletic practices. Montgomery summarized juror’s attitudes about interscholastic activity by stating “Competition was not an evil in itself but evils are easily associated with it when the type of competition becomes intense and the winning is of too great importance.”347 Members of the National Society of State Directors of Physical Education and Health declared that “For health and moral protection” girls “should be at home when night comes” and that “spectators also cause evil effects.”348 Montgomery posed questions based on democratic principles, for instance “For the youth in a democracy the spirit of cooperation is of value, while intense competition tends to destroy the spirit of unity.”349 Aside from individual agreement with these questions as framed by Montgomery, there are numerous references to democracy by ten different jury members. A member of the National Federation of State High School Athletic Associations commented, “In any democratic group an opportunity for choice is essential” and further stipulated that “Golf tournaments are ‘undemocratic because [they are] prohibitive in price for many.’”350 A juror from the National Section on Women’s Athletics of AAHPER disagreed with Montgomery’s principle by proclaiming “Democracy is a challenge to the individual’s capacity to take defeat as well as victory.”351 It can be easily deduced from these comments that religion and the notion of democratic values are important considerations underpinning belief systems regarding the competition issue. Other individual comments provide insight into the mindset of jury members beyond yes or no responses. For instance, a member of the National Recreation Association wondered aloud if properly conducted competitions could be found within the parameters that Montgomery’s

83 research suggested. A member of the National Society of Directors of Physical Education for College Women characterized the word “athletics” in a pejorative manner, reducing the term to mean competition.352 Several comments provide insight into the hypocrisy of this athletic debate. Members went out of their way to exclude tennis from their ideas about what activities should be restricted. Comments identifying the Amateur Athletic Union (AAU) as an ongoing antagonist to the women’s platform are noted. A female member of the AAU expressed her attempts to move her association toward the women’s platform and inclusion of more female members. In contrast, a different AAU jury member, while defending athletic road trips, echoed Ina Gittings’ article, “Why Cramp Competition?,” by asking the question “‘Why limit possibilities?.’” Another statement supporting broader freedoms for female athletes concluded that it was debatable whether girls needed to be home by nightfall. The juror noted that girls regularly attended theaters, parties, movies, and other events during the evening hours.353 Other jurors had much different views regarding females’ emotional disposition and social needs. One member concluded that interscholastic competitions should be held in conjunction with “‘luncheons, teas, or dinner parties.’” Another juror believed that “‘girls do not suffer defeat well and tend to become emotionally overwrought when losing.’”354 A member of the Women’s Division of the National Amateur Athletic Federation (WDNAAF) responded to the concern about small high schools having inadequate populations for anything other than interscholastic athletics in a thought provoking manner yet ended her comment in a somewhat emotional manner: To the questions from small high schools as to what they can do if it is impossible for them to develop an intramural program I should reply that if the high schools were so small that they could not muster enough students for team games, that their program should include badminton, tennis, deck tennis, hiking, swimming, roller-skating, excursions and all the things that do not demand teams. We have placed too much emphasis upon the need of team sports to satisfy the gang instinct. If you live in isolated communities, gangs will play little part in your existence….first, last and all the time I oppose inter-school competition on any basis. A Play day once a year is excitement enough for our movie-made children.”355

The statistics used by Montgomery to legitimate her claims of the mathematical importance of the numbers selected to establish principles appear thorough; however, the

84 application of her statistics is illogical. Many of the statistics used by Montgomery are based on randomness. Therefore, the following statement is offered: Hence chances are only 14 in 10,000 cases that more than half of any Jury will not agree on any item that has been established by 26 of 33 jurors. It is practically certain then, that in any jury more than half will agree on the principle if 26 of 33 now agree.356

Given that the members of the jury were not randomly selected, but specifically identified based on certain criteria, it does not logically follow that other individuals in the field would similarly respond to this survey. Consequently, the numbers used by Montgomery to establish principles are only subjectively significant. The numbers that were ultimately used for this research to establish principles were affirmative votes by twenty-seven or more jury members. Twenty-five or twenty-six affirmative votes would indicate a recommendation of a principle. The following principles were developed as a result of Montgomery’s surveys. The primary value of athletic competition should be the welfare of participants and neuromuscular development. Athletics should emphasize play rather than winning and the democratic value of group cooperation. Emotional stress is undesirable and should be avoided. Participants should be adequately trained, efficiently organized, and focused on skill development rather than increasing strength or endurance. Student choice in activities is suggested, as is maximum participation, which should only be restricted because of facility limitations. Women should be certified as healthy, have parental consent, and compete against others of similar ability. Uniforms should be comfortable, becoming, and appropriate for the particular activity. Officials are most qualified when they are nonpartisan females with expertise in that activity. Events should be conducted during mid-morning or afternoon hours with transportation under the control of the organization and chaperones provided. Vigorous activities should be restricted to once a week and equipment should be in good working order. First aid and medical attention should always be on hand. Coaches should be trained and female if possible. Participants should not be given rewards primarily for winning, and organizations should not primarily seek profit. Taking gate receipts is therefore antithetical toward these principles because accepting these funds leads to an emphasis on winning.357 A few principles appear to be in direct contradiction with each other. One states that women should be home by nightfall while another stipulates by midnight. Also, coeducational activities are said to be valuable if they do not involve contact or give special advantage to either

85 sex. This seemingly contradicts other principles that advocate grouping based on similar size and skill. Track and field is not approved for intramural teams, play days, or sports days. Field hockey is only suggested for intramural play, and basketball is not suggested for sports days. Telegraphic meets are recommended if activities are standardized in terms of timed events or skill scoring. Jury members were divided on their opinions of county and district tournaments but generally believed that no state or national tournaments should be held. Tennis was the exception to this rule.358 The next step was to select individuals who were actually involved in athletics for girls. Montgomery again solicited nominations of people who exhibited best practices on this issue. She contacted three hundred sixty two representatives of national clubs and organizations for recommendations. Two hundred nineteen responses resulted in six hundred thirty nine nominations. Montgomery contacted the seventy-three individuals who were nominated more than once. The result was a list of thirty people who agreed to participate in her study. All of them were women, twenty-five were teachers at high schools, three were at colleges, and two were at recreation centers. The geographic makeup of this group consisted of four individuals from the north, thirteen from the south, five from the Midwest, two from the southwest, and six from the northwest. 359 In a letter dated February 20, 1940, Montgomery suggested meeting these best practice nominees at “the National Convention of the American Association of Health, Physical Education, and Recreation [AAHPER] in Chicago” in April 1940 or at the Southern District meeting of AAHPER in Birmingham in March 1940. As an alternative, she suggested “it may be possible for me to attend one of your athletic programs if you will send me your schedule for this spring.”360 The fact that Montgomery was willing to go to their school is evidence of her tenacity in completing this project. As already indicated, these individuals were located in all regions of the country. Montgomery concluded her study by boldly asserting: we now have, for the first time in the history of girls’ athletics, principles and policies established, not by one organization alone, but by the joint opinion of qualified jurors recommended by all the national organizations actively interested in this field.361

She stated that her research found disagreement amongst national leaders over which individuals in the country demonstrated best practices. However, this research would be beneficial toward

86 that end. The last pages of her research included a table describing existing practices in opposition to those that her jury recommended. She again gives us insight into her assertive nature by creating a hypothetical town called Passé to reference current questionable practices.362 There is substantial evidence that Montgomery went to great lengths to collect and compile this data. There was a genuine effort to present dissenting views on these issues. Many facts were presented and suggestions were made for application of the findings. Areas for further research were identified. Montgomery’s attempt to legitimate the statistical significance of this study was based on unscientific notions. Many of her choices of survey participants and the wording of survey questions were selected as a means of verifying a particular set of ideas, and, consequently, the research was biased to some extent. The conclusion for this study was known and sought before the data were collected. Attempts by Montgomery and other leaders to bolster the platform by means of persuasion were to a degree successful because of some of the premises on which their position was based. However, Montgomery’s dissertation is an example of how individuals and organizations allow their passion for their philosophical views to distort research findings for the purpose of establishing as fact their ideological position. Montgomery’s research was merely a continuation of her practical attempts at influencing organizational practices, particularly in Florida and the southern region. She had already had great success in establishing her authority over the state’s practices for females at the high school level. Her ability to project her influence and the philosophies of the women’s athletic leadership into communities, as the WDNAAF’s platform had proposed, was highly successful and unmistakably evident in policies and procedures created for girls by the Florida High School Athletic Association (FHSA).

Florida High School Athletic Association The FHSAA was officially organized at the annual Principal’s Conference on April 9, 1920. There had been talk for several years about organizing such a body, especially after the first high school track meet for boys in 1915. There were twenty-nine schools originally involved in the FHSAA. The group met concurrently with the Principal’s Conference held each year in Gainesville. A decision was made to change the FHSAA meeting to coincide with the annual meeting of the Florida Educational Association in 1933.363 This change would likely

87 have had a positive effect on opportunities for female educators in the state to have greater direct influence on the athletic association. Katherine Montgomery’s influence on the FHSAA regarding girls’ athletics was profound.364 In 1945, she “appointed a committee of women to make recommendations…for the improvement of the girls’ program.”365 In the same year, a committee known as the Girls’ Advisory Council was formed to advise the FHSAA on matters pertaining to girls’ interscholastic athletics. They met for the first time on February 23, 1946, and created a list of recommendations for girl’s sports in Florida. First, a certified female Physical Education teacher should be hired by all schools to oversee girl’s athletic programs. Second, girls’ teams should be coached by women who were part of the regular school faculty. Third, that a representative should gather information from schools in their district and organize athletic programs. Fourth, that provisions should be made for the training of female officials. And fifth, sports days would be the only junior high school activity sanctioned by the association for girls’.366 In 1950, a meeting to establish a “permanent organization” for those concerned about girls’ athletics was announced.367 Although the FHSAA primarily dealt with boys’ sports, girl’s competitive teams existed in many schools in Florida. Stetson University sponsored a girl’s basketball championship tournament until 1925. In that same year, the FHSAA took the unprecedented step of approving an amendment to their constitution stating “The Director of girls’ athletics at the Florida State College for Women is authorized, subject to the approval of the Association, to promulgate rules and regulations to determine the management of all girls’ athletics of the Florida High School Athletic Association.”368 Because Montgomery had been the head of the Department of Physical Education at FSCW since 1923, she alone would possess this new authority. The amendment passed and two years later, in 1927, the FHSAA passed another amendment which stated “No member of the association shall enter, or permit to be entered, a girls’ team in any interscholastic track meet or basketball tournament.”369 This new policy fell squarely in line with Montgomery’s goals and objectives for girls and women’s athletics for the state of Florida. This is further evidence that shortly after the conference of 1923, Montgomery had adopted the philosophy espoused by the leaders of women’s athletics and had made significant strides in implementing the new official platform.

88 Dissenters Within a decade of the creation of the women’s competitive athletic platform, students and professionals in the field observed inconsistent implementation of policies toward different types of sports and physical education leaders’ involvement in highly competitive athletics. Gladys Palmer, professor of physical education at Ohio State University, along with the Athletic Federation of College Women (AFCW), sparked a debate about the inconsistency between the anti-competitive platform of the WDNAAF and the actual practices of those policies. In 1936, the AFCW changed its policy on intercollegiate competition, voting to favor such contests. In the mid-1930s, Palmer observed that some of the same women who were against intercollegiate competition for their students were participating themselves in national competitions. She cited, as an example, a national archery tournament that had produced four female division winners who were teachers of physical education. Also of note was a Field Hockey Association tournament, hosted by the University of Michigan. It was held in 1934 and included some college teams.370 In 1941, Palmer attempted to organize “both a women’s national championship in golf and a Women’s National Collegiate Athletic Association for the benefit of ‘the ever increasing number of highly skilled sportswomen found in our colleges today.’”371 She hosted the first women’s national golf tournament and invited college students from across the nation to attend. Palmer quickly found that girls being invited to competition as representatives of their educational institutions continued to cross the line for many physical education directors.372 The hypocrisy of the noncompetitive position for female sports would become increasingly difficult to defend. A student at Ohio State related, “her instructors looked down their noses on students who played in summer industrial softball leagues. In autumn, however, these students were ‘the very same people who played field hockey with me, with a kilt on instead of a pair of long pants…and everybody thought they were super.’”373 Katie Montgomery reflected educators’ biases in her actions of 1933 when she attempted, unsuccessfully, to replace the Thanksgiving basketball and volleyball events with hockey and soccer.374 Given these inconsistencies, athletic directors found themselves in the position of having to constantly explain to skeptical students why they were against intercollegiate competition. Young women’s desire to keep competitive teams alive led to the creation of unsanctioned sports clubs. This example of female student initiative mirrors the actions of male students in the late

89 nineteenth century. Eventually, these semi-organized activities were responsible for educators’ acceptance of athletics back into schools and colleges. Ina E. Gittings is an early example of a professional who saw athletic competition as a positive experience for females. As early as 1931, she had written an article entitled “Why Cramp Competition?.” In her article, she explained that many young instructors were for competition but were at that time uncomfortable with voicing their opinions that were in opposition to their superiors. She believed that female leaders should “graciously concede and be in on the inevitable.”375 Two portions of American society that resisted the new female athletic platform throughout the ideological conflict were high schools and African-American colleges. There were several characteristics shared by these groups that contributed to their willingness to accept intercollegiate and interscholastic activities. Very often a lack of funds and an insufficient student enrollment discouraged intramural competition. Unlike elite, northern institutions, students within these groups had greater ties to their community. Finally, the expansion of the education system was due in large part to greater access of schooling for those in lower socio- economic groups. These individuals were less apt to be troubled by vigorous competitive activities.376 In the early twentieth century, efforts by the CWA and the APEA to curtail interscholastic competition were successful in some venues. However, high schools had distanced themselves from colleges and universities during the period of male athletic expansion. This independent organizational structure allowed for greater freedom in decisions about the values of athletic competition for their school or district. Some high schools suffered from a lack of resources and physical education programs. At small schools, the need for intramural programs so that all could participate was irrational. Often, these schools did not have a large enough student enrollment to support an intramural program. Some girls played primarily because teams needed additional players. Typically, facilities were not dominated by men’s sports at rural high schools either. Girls and boys usually split time in existing facilities.377 In small towns and rural settings, women were more likely to be partners with men. Athletes in these areas were “daughters and granddaughters of women who were accustomed to a vigorous and demanding life.”378 Men in these communities knew that women were capable of strength and stamina beyond that often displayed by their urban sisters, and in these settings such

90 capabilities were valued. Girls played with and against boys in these communities and were often encouraged to do so by coaches with little objection from the community. For these females, the notion that it was unladylike to work and sweat was ridiculous.379 The wearing of undignified uniforms was a problem for those against high school competition. Girls in small, rural towns often played in uniforms that were made by parents. Parents would probably have objected if they believed the uniforms were inappropriate. There was little entertainment in many of these sparsely populated areas. Thus, these contests were both a source of community interest and pride and were a way to keep youngsters from leaving for more interesting urban areas.380 Charges that these contests were primarily for the enjoyment of the spectators would probably have fallen on deaf ears in rural areas. Males coaching females was not generally considered a problem either. Again, men and women were used to working cooperatively. Quite often, male school superintendents coached girls’ teams because of the lack of female coaches. Women were seldom trained for high-level competition due to the stance of female college directors of physical education.381 In places like Iowa and Texas, girls’ high school basketball games were a community event. In Iowa, almost 250 teams competed when the state basketball tournament began in the early 1920s. In particular, high schools in the west and mid-west often ignored the suggestions to stop interscholastic athletics.382 In 1940, Life magazine included a photo essay on the Iowa High School State Championship featuring “Pretty Virginia Harris.” The article portrayed Harris as sexually attractive and unabashedly so. The writer described her dating habits, pictured her exposed back during a health exam with a male doctor (covered only by a blanket) and many of the pictures accentuated her legs. The article favorably described the attention given to the girls and the 27,000 people who attended the tournament.383 Historically, black colleges were just beginning to offer physical education classes when the conflict about women’s sports occurred in the early 1920s. Intercollegiate athletics for black females, however, greatly expanded in the mid-1920s. A presumed reason for this is the opportunities for head to head competition against white athletes. This opportunity for "affirming black athletic excellence" was a means of demonstrating at least physical equality to their white counterparts.384 Generally, departments of physical education did not begin to appear in these institutions in large numbers until the mid-1930s. The lack of activity and fitness

91 instruction for students and the general problem of insufficient resources made intercollegiate competition a viable alternative for fitness and exercise. Also, community well-being superseded the focus on individual health espoused by northern elite universities. Black students were more likely to be from working-class backgrounds and were less likely to view sports as unladylike.385

Biases Exposed A weakness of the women’s athletic platform was the hypocrisy evident to students in the treatment of various athletic activities. Track and field could be compared to swimming in many ways. There were events that required endurance and strength, and the AAU conducted competitions in each. There was travel to national and international events, and women often competed for both individual and team awards. There was also social time for the athletes at events, and there was little, if any, body contact during the events. Swimming, however, received little condemnation while track was scorned. Swimming was considered a beautiful sport while track was looked down on as a working class activity. Later, questions about which sport actually developed more feminine looking bodies and which was the more beautiful sport would come into question.386 The problems affecting the perception of track and field, and other women’s team sports like softball/baseball and basketball, included: socio-economic status of the participants, similarities of women’s uniforms to men’s, competition with black athletes, male administration of teams, and commercialism of events. The type of girl that competed in track was often referred to when objections arose about Olympic competition.387 Women track athletes, as with softball and basketball athletes, were frequently on industrial teams sponsored by businesses, administered by the AAU, coached by men and covered by the media with attention to audience attendance. Women athletic directors had also seen men’s collegiate football coaches use invitational track meets at their colleges and universities to attract athletes for the purpose of recruiting. All of these aspects except the existence of black /white competition, were noted as reasons to steer college girls toward other, more ladylike activities. Field days may have been changed to play days due to the WDNAAF’s opposition to track and field. Years later when play days were changed to the more competitive sports days,

92 track and field was often left out due to its perceived low, or negative, social value. This, again, seems to be a contradiction if the background of the participants is excluded from consideration. The independence of the work and reward and semi-social atmosphere could easily be construed as excellent carry-over benefits of the sport. Field hockey, to some degree, existed as an anomaly among other women’s sports of the time. Field hockey involved several elements identified as undesirable by professional women educators of the time. It was a competitive team sport, often strenuous and involved organizational structures outside of scholastic and collegiate control. Also, there was travel to competitions, teams for the highly skilled, and national and international competition.388 Field hockey was a “special case” for several reasons. First, it was not compared to men’s play because men did not participate in field hockey in the early 1900’s.389 The game of field hockey was tailor-made for the needs of the new female hierarchy of women’s athletics. Because men were not involved in the sport in the United States, there was no administrative structure in place prior to female leaders’ assimilation of the sport. Field hockey was introduced, administered, coached, officiated, and efficiently organized by women. Constance Applebee, who introduced the sport in 1901, was instrumental in founding the United States Field Hockey Association and starting the Pocono Hockey Camp in 1922.390 The date of the inception of the Field Hockey Association and the Pocono Camp are significant because no criticisms of the sport by the women’s athletic competition leadership have been cited even though their creation coincided with concerns over competitive practices in women’s sport. Field hockey incorporated high standards and a simple and stable set of rules and regulations. This allowed the game to develop without the power struggles that occurred with men’s football over the proper way to play the game. In contrast, a major source of tension between the AAU and its female critics over women’s basketball was the decision over what were the most appropriate rules.391 Another virtue of field hockey was the elite aura of the sport that kept it in high regards with female educators. The game had British roots and was introduced by a British lady. Competition was most prominent at private prestigious high schools and colleges in the Boston area.392 These were the factors that kept field hockey out of the competition argument. Though the sport included many of the characteristics that female physical education directors were criticizing, enough of the “proper” social goals were considered to be present to allow the sport

93 to be encouraged. Joan Hult, physical educator and sport historian put it this way: “Women said to you Monday morning, ‘Do not compete in high level competition.’ But on Saturdays and Sundays they all went to the field hockey tournament. And as long as they had tea and crumpets and it was all women, then it was perfectly legitimate.”393 Individual sports, such as golf, tennis, archery and swimming, for women also escaped some of the harshest criticisms of the early 1900’s. Like field hockey, these sports continued to flourish while many women’s team sports were on the decline. Unlike field hockey, these sports were part of the female physical education curriculum nationwide. Also, students often competed with and against other college students in these individual sports during play days, sports days and telegraphic meets though seldom as varsity school units.394 In the late 1800’s, country clubs including “ball sports” began to appear. Because these clubs were beyond the access and scrutiny of the common people, sports such as golf and tennis maintained their social status. British sports were imported as a sign that club members had made their mark on society. Just being able to afford the equipment and appropriate attire was beyond most ordinary people's means.395 Sports such as tennis and golf were non-combative and generally seen as less strenuous. There are questions about whether these sports were actually played in a less strenuous and less aggressive way than their team sport counterparts. There was clearly the perception of a more ladylike contest. Another element of these sports was the social nature of these activities. Again, since these activities were played in country club setting, the contests usually had a more cordial and social atmosphere. It was observed that, “...the enjoyment of tennis revolved around the ‘social intercourse’ at the club house.”396 Individual sports were thought to have more carry-over or life long value than sports like basketball for young college students. Women who emulated those of high station and engaged in socializing as part of the athletic ritual were seen as developing characteristics needed beyond college. It has also been postulated that individual sports teach the leadership skills needed in white-collar jobs. Those who are more affluent and have greater independence must be self- motivating and are in positions that require administrative skills. Team sports, on the other hand, have been associated with workers. In these sports one must know her position, respect those in authority, be able to act as part of the unit and be willing to sacrifice yourself for the good of the whole.397

94 Athletics for women of the upper class was accepted much more readily. The leisure class in America had been using their free time to involve themselves in athletics for decades with little disapproval of their actions. Activities such as archery, tennis, and golf were considered aristocratic imports from Europe and participants were often dressed in the latest fashion. National championships in these sports had been held for women since before the turn of the century. Women stars in archery, tennis, and golf were often depicted by the media as fine examples of femininity, while those participating in sports of lower status were often depicted in a more tawdry fashion.398 Ultimately, too many inconsistencies existed in the women’s platform in order to make the message credible. Opposition surfaced within the ranks of professional female leaders, amongst students, and with those entities that the WDNAAF and others sympathetic to their cause tried to influence outside the educational environment. Montgomery and FSCW would not escape this erosion.

Katherine Montgomery Pressures began to develop from students who wanted to participate in competitive athletics at FSCW. Athletes who participated on AAU teams and in state and national tournaments were part of the FSCW student body. An AAU swimmer, Katherine Rawls, attended FSCW in 1936 for one year. She dropped out to train to compete in an AAU international competition in Australia. There were also two AAU tennis players, sisters Margaret and Beth Lancaster, who competed in state and national competitions while students at FSCW.399 Whether student support for intercollegiate competition was prominent because of participation in high school athletics, media attention to female athletes, or exposure to peers who competed, such support did exist. For example, a 1938 poll of FSCW upperclassmen showed overwhelming support of intercollegiate competition.400 This poll may be further evidence of how policies for women’s athletics and attitudes regarding women’s athletics filtered from the North to the South. For example, fourteen years earlier and just after the NAAF convention, “Wellesley students voted 237 to 33 in favor of intercollegiate sports, with Radcliffe, Mount Holyoke, Wheaton, and Connecticut College also reporting similar interests.”401 While attempts were being made to regulate athletic competition for girls in Florida high schools and at FSCW, challenges to the old guard arose from the ranks. The Athletic Federation of College Women changed their opinion in favor of competition for women.402 Martin College

95 in Tennessee invited FSCW to come to an expense paid tournament. The offer was rejected by Katie and FSCW President Dr. Conradi as a violation of school policy against intercollegiate competition.403 In 1941, Gladys Palmer invited FSCW to participate in what was the first national women’s collegiate golf championship.404 The tournament did not require paid admission, did not include team competition, discouraged overemphasis of individuals, coaches or institutions, and included “no male or nonfaculty officers in the organization.”405 Montgomery responded to the invitation in character, stating “To conduct a National Tournament in any activity and at the same time not emphasizing winning of championships, is as difficult a feat as entering water and expecting to remain dry.”406 The end of World War II would bring changes that even Katie could not restrain. The need for more college space for men returning from the war forced the institution into becoming co-educational. Consequently, FSCW became Florida State University (FSU) in 1947.407 With the change came men’s athletics and a decreased likelihood that females would accept limitations regarding their participation in athletics. Female students organized club teams, competed against other colleges informally, and generally mirrored the development of men’s athletics before the turn of the century. By 1955, physical education conference speakers were openly demanding equal opportunity to compete. The parallel between Katherine Montgomery’s life and the struggles over the proper conduct of women’s athletic competition and the professional manner in which she dedicated herself to her career at FSCW and FSU can be no more poignantly illustrated than by her exit from each of these circumstances. Montgomery died on the day that her resignation from FSU became effective, October 1, 1958. Her death preceded southern college women becoming significantly involved in intercollegiate athletics. Ironically, she died while listening to an FSU intercollegiate football game.408

Figure 8 – Katherine Montgomery Honored with Commemorative plaque from Physical Education Majors from 1930-1955409

CHAPTER 6

CONCLUSIONS

Montgomery’s Response to the Platform Montgomery became a participant in a movement larger than herself. This is particularly true because of the timing of her entrance into the field of physical education, and the fray over athletics. The debate over competition had already taken form during her training to become a professional in the field, and, though she was more mature in years and experience than most other college graduates, she was still quite young and inexperienced compared to other female leaders. As a professional woman in the South, her opportunities to learn from other professionals in the field were sparse, if not non-existent. Montgomery’s acquiescence to the desires of those garnering power over women’s athletics is apparent in her change in behavior. As a student, Montgomery was an aggressive athlete and spoke out in favor of competitive athletics for women. Later, as a professional, she kept national records for track and field and was involved with national and international track and field organizations. She also participated in the training of elite athletes for international competition. These factors are clear evidence that her philosophical position changed early in her professional career. Her ideas changed from a stance consistent with many modern collegiate women’s coaches to one that, in every apparent detail, coincided with the female athletic hierarchy of her era. Of considerable interest is the question of whether this change in attitude was a change of heart based on the argument promulgated by the leaders in her field or a modification of behavior based on self-preservation given her inexperience and need to demonstrate professionalism. Of course, this speculation over which factor is responsible for her change in position regarding women’s athletic competition does not suggest that such motivations are mutually exclusive. It

98 is probable that each had some non-quantifiable effect, both consciously and subconsciously. There has been no documented evidence found during the course of this research that demonstrates conclusively whether Montgomery’s change of behavior was primarily motivated by self-interest or ethical and moral conviction. There is, however, overwhelming evidence that Montgomery’s power and influence at FSCW, in the state of Florida, and the Southern region increased steadily and significantly for three decades after acquiring the reigns of the physical education department. There were women’s athletic leaders present before her career began and those that emerged afterward, who publicly expressed opposition to the platform directing women’s athletics. At no time during the course of her career is there evidence that Montgomery ever attempted to re-align herself with these individuals even though she had an opportunity to change when her power and influence was greater. There is, however, substantial evidence that she toed-the-line for those of the platform until the end of her career and life. This research has documented Katherine Montgomery’s actions with regard to the policies and procedures of women’s athletics. With no irrefutable evidence as to the motives for modifying her actions, several prominent factors will be explored here as relevant in clarifying why Montgomery and the female hierarchy espoused their particular brand of competitive athletics for women.

Educational Model vs. Commercial Model Female leaders in the field often delineated their self-described educational model of competitive athletics from that of the established male model of which they characterized as commercial. In this history of competitive athletics, these terms commercial and educational are closely associated with the underpinning values of capitalism and democracy. Particularly from the female model supporters of the period, this discourse appears frequently. Men’s football, and later men’s basketball, became a financial well-spring for colleges and their surrounding communities around the outset of the twentieth century. There were concerns over the integrity of athletic competitions and for the health of participants. Negative reactions to the income generated by athletic teams and departments, and whether this development was in the best interest of athletes or their institutions, seemed to give way much more quickly than worries over the health of athletes and the integrity of contests.

99 Though the roaring twenties and the nineteenth amendment were part of the social psyche shortly after World War I, America continued to be influenced by conservative religious thought particularly in the South. This environment, and the social structures it produced, would hinder the development process for women’s athletics more than men’s in a commercial athletic scenario. The type of women’s athletics that may have been necessary, during this time in American history, to produce significant financial returns for women’s athletic teams would likely have taken the form espoused by the AAU. It was the contention of female athletic leaders that women’s athletic events, particularly moneymaking events, were successful because of the overtly sexual exploitative nature of the uniforms, peripheral events, and spectator involvement. These factors made the male commercial model of athletics successful and a commercial female model unlikely, even if the female athletic leadership would have desired such a structure. The democratic values presented in the female educational model of athletics emphasized health, fitness, participation, and the joy of all participants. These views are often compared in the literature to the nation’s democratic values expressed in American political ideals. Conversely, one might suggest that women defining their model of athletics as “educational” could be countered by the argument, that the male model of athletics was also educational. Men were entering a workplace that required teamwork and a competitive nature inherent in a capitalist economic system. Indeed, many experts on athletics argue that participation in competitive athletics helps to provide the essential skills needed for the workforce. Research regarding this characteristic of athletics identifies team sports as efficient in producing blue- collar values and individual sports producing entrepreneurial qualities necessary for many white- collar jobs.410 It is not clear if leaders truly believed, as Wayman contended, that “‘What is sauce for the gander,…is not good for the goose!’”411 or if their motivations were of a more self-serving nature. Prominent female physical educators such as Mabel Lee overemphasized the potential for harm to female athletes if exposed to organizations with philosophies contrary to their own.412 Katherine Montgomery frequently displayed this protective nature in statements about the negative aspects of competition. Through the creation of the NAAF division, a relatively small group of female leaders could now act with more power on these possessive tendencies. This cohort now occupying national positions in physical education, athletic organizations, and wielding significant power in local athletic and recreation groups for women, solidified a power

100 structure for women’s athletics based in the public education system. This educational model was contrary to the commercial model that developed for men’s sports. College faculty was the primary force behind the direction of female athletics, while male athletics were managed by coaches and alumni.413 There are a number of sport historians who support the notion that men’s athletics developed concurrently with, and because of, American industrialization and urbanization between 1880 and 1920.414 If there is a strong relationship between men’s athletics and this period in American history, when the opportunities presented by capitalism trumped the welfare of our citizens, then the reaction by female leaders to the men’s commercial model of athletics could be viewed from a social structural prospective. Future research might inquire about whether the female reaction may have existed in part as a balance between our economic and political systems.

A New Bureaucracy Another important aspect of Montgomery’s life and women’s athletic history is the development of a new bureaucratic structure for women’s sports, fitness, and recreation. The opportunity for females to procure control over these areas for young women was hastened because of the proliferation of single-sex colleges. The existence of intercollegiate and interscholastic athletic teams, and the inclination to organize or disband such teams, appears to be significantly correlated with coeducation. Women were participating in intercollegiate and interscholastic athletics prior to the establishment of Florida State College for Women as a single-sex institution. Whether such competition would have expanded if coeducation had continued is not known. However, it seems likely, particularly in light of criticism by female leaders, that male coaches were increasing the number and competitiveness of women’s teams before single-sex colleges proliferated. Female leaders were able to consolidate power during this period but lost much of their influence by World War II, from internal conflicts and because of the movement back toward coeducation. There is considerable evidence, as described in Chapter 5, that western coeducational institutions, high schools, and African-American colleges were less than wholeheartedly compliant with the wishes of the women’s athletic hierarchy. Women did gain control of women’s health, athletic, and recreational issues during the time they controlled the

101 environment from which the future female instructors of the nation in these disciplines were a captive audience. Their actions may have simply been an opportunity to put forth a more refined and ethical version of physical activity, or conversely, an opportunistic grab for power. Though the motives of the female athletic hierarchy may have been benevolent, it can be construed that it was in their self-interest to seize this power given the opportunity. By placing students in positions of authority around the country, their ideology was more likely to be promulgated and their positions atop the hierarchy would include an exponentially expanding base of followers. Added authority and acclaim would generally lead to greater job security and financial consideration. The seeking of status and financial reward or security might be interpreted as a capitalist or commercial view of the motives of these leaders. If the concerns and intentions of the leadership were genuinely motivated by concern for young women’s health and well-being it is difficult to criticize the intent of their platform. In practice, the leaders themselves either participated in or promoted other rigorous, competitive activities as exemplified by the sport of field hockey. Chastising those who promoted or participated in what was perceived as blue-collar sports, because of their rigors or competitiveness, was hypocritical. This bent toward acceptance of upper-class types of activities while lower and middle class student populations in the public education system were increasing seems shortsighted. The upturn in student numbers among these socio-economic groups was surely positive for the country from both democratic and educational perspectives. To fail to incorporate objectives consistent with the environmental backgrounds of these groups or to attempt to assimilate a majority of these students into a social value system different than their own was inconsistent with the democratic value of inclusion. Another flaw in the structure created by female leaders was the synthesis of purposes, philosophies, and policies of various groups. Organizations and clubs overseeing recreation, physical education, education, and athletics included members and administrators from each of the other groups. In the short term, this was helpful toward the goal of consolidating power and purpose. Conversely, there were fewer people with power across the breadth of these organizations from which to hear dissenting views and causes for concern. Hence, opportunities to identify inconsistencies and make adjustments and modifications to platform policies were sparse. Also, the possibilities of these groups serving different needs, as we are accustomed to

102 today, were either unrecognized or unacceptable to the hierarchy of the period. Today, the separation of organizational objectives between these groups is more apparent. The model for women’s athletics put forth by the WDNAAF and CWA was not inferior to the male models of intercollegiate and interscholastic competition or to the AAU’s intended direction of women’s sports. However, there were contradictions within the stance held by female leaders that were not easily resolved. First, the effort to decrease the number of female individuals and events that portrayed the “athletic girl” image was problematic given the increasing numbers of participants in physical education. Second, as Cahn has argued, leaders of women’s sports “leveled charges against commercial and sexual exploitation in sport, yet neglected to examine either the economic exploitation of working women or their own class or racial biases. Instead, women sport reformers acted to defend their interests as professional, middle-class women.”415 There seems to be a high correlation between the anti-collegiate attitudes of physical education leaders and the upper-socioeconomic, northern, elite women’s institutions. Activities and attitudes of the northern colleges and universities appear to have dominated philosophical thought on this issue with its influence eventually spreading south and west. Ron Smith suggests, “that many women physical educators through much of the twentieth century favored a separatist, noncompetitive model for a less forthright, though rational reason. An argument can be made that leading women physical educators advocated the women’s model of sport in part to protect their power and control over women’s collegiate sport—and they did it at the expense of the skilled women athletes whom they said they were attempting to protect from exploitation.”416 Within the walls of their gymnasium women physical educators were virtually autonomous. Having a women’s division in the NAAF had provided their group with a national stage from which an “interlocking directorate” of female physical educators could sway public opinion and consolidate influence toward the control of women’s athletics.417

Implications Today Today, the capitalist/commercial model of men’s athletics is flourishing. Female athletics have a similar structure to male post-secondary and professional athletics. Influence

103 over secondary schools is more pervasive than ever and physical education in many high schools across the country is largely geared toward athletics. Physical education departments are often staffed by coaches to a much greater degree than teachers of health and fitness. The title of “coach” is bestowed on teachers in secondary schools by athletes and non-athletes alike as a sign of respect and status within the social structure of schools. No term is used to raise the status of coaches in high schools such as teacher, instructor, professor, or as an example “Miss Katie.” Teachers at middle and high schools are frequently selected for employment based on coaching experience above teaching credentials and experience. Boy’s football and basketball coaches are garnering what some might describe as outrageous salaries. A few high school coaches are currently receiving six- digit salaries. Many college coaches in these two men’s sports often make millions of dollars in salaries. Moreover, they substantially add to their income from shoe contracts, talk shows, and endorsements often provide significant extra income above their salary. Many of these aspects of athletics today are generally accepted and are often celebrated as part of our social structure. In light of this current disposition of athletics, revisiting some of the elements of the alternatives Montgomery and other female athletic leaders of the past were face with is in order.

Further Research Some social scientists believe that capitalism and democracy are ultimately incompatible. It is not necessary to espouse this position to consider the possibility that our present political system can be at odds with our economic system. The dichotomy between the men’s and women’s athletic debate during Montgomery’s time can and should be analyzed in this light for implications for today. Most countries in the world do not have highly competitive interscholastic or intercollegiate athletic teams. Many educational leaders in other countries are appalled at our lack of reflection as to how much influence sports equipment and apparel manufacturers have in our educational institutions. In most countries, school athletics are intramural in nature and competitive athletics are outside of the educational sphere. American soccer is an example of an alternative athletic possibility. A majority of high schools and colleges field teams. Unlike most school sports, however, scouts, and thus scholarship offers, are primarily found amongst travel league teams unassociated with schools.

104 This mirrors the European athletic structure. Soccer has developed this way because those from outside of our country have greater knowledge about the sport and many quality coaches have not entered the country as teachers and are, thus, outside of the education system. Hiring coaches from within the school teaching staff is becoming necessary for control, liability, and communication concerns. Consequently, this trend in soccer is likely to continue. In many places in the nation, state department of education and local school districts are rebelling against the trend of elite soccer athletes refusing to participate, or being instructed not to participate on school soccer teams. There are examples of this occurring with gymnastics, tennis, and other individual and less widely practiced sports. The implication of this trend in soccer effects many more student athletes. The sport of soccer is reviewed as an example of how school athletics might have evolved differently. An attempt might have been made by female leaders to allow competitive sports to exist outside of the educational sphere while pushing their platform in schools and colleges. The wisdom of creating intercollegiate athletics for men was weighed before acceptance by educators of the early twentieth century. Although athletics are clearly entrenched in our educational system today, changes and modifications will surely take place in the future. It is the opinion of this researcher that comparisons of competitive athletic practices with education systems in other industrialized nations should be undertaken. The existence of competitive commercial models of school athletics, especially with regards to capitalist economic systems, should be compared with the existence of education/democratic models of school athletics promulgated by female leaders of Montgomery’s era. Is the trend in school athletics in the United States and in other industrialized countries toward more commercial models, serving elite athletes and creating more spectators, or are there movements afoot that may move school physical activities back toward the WDNAAF position espoused in the 1930s and 1940s?

105

APPENDIX A: FLORIDA HIGH SCHOOL ATHLETIC ASSOCIATION – KEY EVENTS FOR GIRLS’ INTERSCHOLASTIC ATHLETICS

106 Florida High School Athletic Association – Key Events for Girls’ Interscholastic Athletics

1920 FHSAA organized at a meeting in Gainesville with twenty-nine schools as charter members418 1925 FHSAA approved an amendment to their constitution stating “The Director of girls’ athletics at the Florida State College for Women is authorized, subject to the approval of the Association, to promulgate rules and regulations to determine the management of all girls’ athletics of the Florida High School Athletic Association.”419 1927 FHSAA passed another amendment which stated “No member of the association shall enter, or permit to be entered, a girls’ team in any interscholastic track meet or basketball tournament.”420 1928 FHSAA Constitution & Bylaws included a list of girls records in swimming as early as 1920421 1935 FHSAA Constitution & Bylaws included this statement: “No member of this Association shall enter, or permit to be entered, a girls’ team in any interscholastic track meet or basketball tournament. This rule shall not apply to meets or tournaments arranged by county or city school systems, to which events schools outside such systems are denied entrance.”422 1938 “The question of whether girls’ basketball courts should have two or three divisions was brought up at the meeting of the Legislative Council but no action was taken. The members felt that this should be determined by the competing schools rather than by a state regulation, unless the schools which have girls’ basketball should express a preference. The Executive Secretary proposes at the end of the present season to make a poll of all schools which have girls’ basketball to see what is the preference and report back to the Council.”423 1939 FHSAA Constitution & Bylaws: “AAU meets are not sanctioned unless sponsored by some member high school, and the Florida High School Athletic Association eligibility rules are enforced.”424 Executive Secretary, LaFayette Golden also mentioned AAU meets: “Your attention is called to the fact that AAU contests which are not sanctioned by this office, whether held in this state or elsewhere, are outlawed so far as high school athletes are concerned, and participation in them…makes the participant ineligible for further high school competition.”425 1940 AAU meets are again mentioned by Golden: “This office is in receipt of a statement to the effect that there will be a Junior AAU Girls Swimming Meet in St. Petersburg…This meet is not being sponsored by the Association; in fact no request has been made for approval, and so far as we know this is a purely commercial venture. Under provisions of the Constitution, member schools are prohibited from entering such a meet.”426 Minutes of the Meeting of the Legislative Council – “The Florida Division of the AAU was represented by President Nash Higgins, Mr. Joe Burns of Jacksonville, and Mrs. Cordelia B. Hunt of Tampa. Mrs. Hunt, and Miss Katherine Johnson of the Department of Public Recreation of Orlando, and Miss Nancy Lutz of the Department of Health and Physical Education, Duval County Public Schools, represented those primarily interested in physical education and athletics for girls.

107 Both delegations were heard by the Council. President Gilbert thanked them for their interest and assistance in working programs for high school students. It was moved and ordered that a committee be appointed to work with those interested in girls’ athletics for the purpose of working out a plan whereby the Florida High School Athletic Association can sponsor a committee of women to have entire charge of girls’ programs, with authority to plan events and set up conditions under which contests between girls’ teams shall be held.”427 1941 Proposal No. 3: “Article 8, Section G: Games allowed girls. Change “forty quarters” to “sixty quarters.”428 “The attention of the Executive Secretary has been called to the fact that we failed to report last spring a change in the regulations concerning the number of games in which a girl may participate. At the spring meeting in Tampa, the regulation was changed to allow participation in 60 quarters with a caution that an accurate record must be kept.”429 “Under the new regulations a girl may participate in sixty quarters of basketball after the first of January. Girls’ tournaments, except county or church schools, are prohibited.”430 1943 “Interscholastic athletics serve a very definite purpose in the war effort both in promoting the physical fitness program and building morale…”431 Katherine Montgomery and Grace Fox noted for attending a Regional Physical Fitness Institute in Atlanta. 432 “Lets all pull together and keep the boys and girls who are still in school in good condition for whatever tasks the future may bring. Interscholastic athletics is the capstone of the physical fitness program.”433 1944 “No girl shall participate in more than forty quarters of interscholastic basketball in a season….No girl shall participate in more than one basketball game within a twenty-four hour period….No boy shall participate in more than twenty basketball games in a season, in addition to three tournaments.”434 “Each girl’s team must be coached by a woman who is a regular member of the school faculty. She may be assisted by a man, but she must be present at all practice periods and all games, and must be in complete charge of the girls team.”435 “Practically the only attention which is being given to interscholastic competition for girls is that basketball program maintained by some schools. We need more interest in more sports for girls. It is the hope of your secretary that a plan may be worked out in the near future whereby the women of our schools who have charge of the girls’ activities may have a council to cope with the girls’ interscholastic problems and make specific recommendations to the Association. The Health and Physical Education groups are doing wonderful work, but are not primarily concerned with interscholastic competition. If the schools do not accept this responsibility, the work will be done by non-school interests. The foregoing statements are statements of opinion by the Executive Secretary and are not to be construed as official Association commitments.”436 “In several centers women who are interested in basketball for women and girls are doing a fine job of training officials for such contests….we welcome the assistance of all those who are interested in improving the game.”437

108 1945 “Your attention is called again to the fact that all girls must be in charge of women during practice periods and games, even though it may be necessary to have the technical coaching done by men.”438 “At the request of the Executive Secretary, Miss Katherine Montgomery of FSCW has appointed a committee of women to make recommendations to the next annual meeting of the Association, or the next regular meeting of the Legislative Council for improvement of the girls’ program.”439 “Officials for girls’ basketball games shall be registered with the Executive Secretary as officials for girls’ contests. Wherever they are available officials for girls’ games should be women who have made a special study of the problems involved in athletic competition by girls.”440 “An attempt will be made to set up machinery for a division, to be handled by women especially interested in working with girls, under the authority and supervision of the Association, to manage and supervise girls’ interscholastic athletics. Some more adequate provision for the girls has been needed for years and we must be something now if we are to be in position to meet the greater problems which will be presented to us at the close of the war.”441 “Mrs. Cordelia B. Hunt of Tampa appeared before the Council representing the committee which had worked on a proposal for a division of the Association to handle girls’ interscholastic competition. It was the opinion of the Council that the plan of organization submitted was unnecessarily complicated but that the purpose of the plan was very worthwhile. The following resolution was adopted unanimously: ‘Whereas the Legislative Council of the Florida High School Athletic Association realized the desirability of having a group of women especially interested in the athletic activities of high school girls who will take the responsibility of studying the needs of the girls and making recommendations to the Association concerning regulations for girls’ competition; Be it therefore resolved that each District Director appoint a woman from one of the schools in his district to be a member of a group to be known as the GIRLS’ ADVISORY COUNCIL of the Florida High School Athletic Association. That the eight members of the Girls’ Advisory Council select their own Chairman, Vice- Chairman, and Secretary, and that they meet at such times as may seem necessary, but particularly just prior to the spring meeting of the Association and make recommendations for regulations governing girls’ athletic contests. That the Legislative Council pledges itself to give careful and sympathetic consideration to the proposals of the Girls’ Advisory Council and instructs the Executive Secretary to co-operate with the group in every way possible.’”442 1946 “The first meeting of the Girls’ Advisory Council was held in Orlando on Saturday, February 23….The Advisory Council favors the encouragement of intramural and sports day activities. Where there are other types of interscholastic activities the council recommends the following: First: That all schools employ certified women (in Physical Education) to conduct the athletic program for girls. Second: That girls athletics be coached by a woman who is a regular member of the school faculty. Third: That the Florida High School Athletic Association employ a full time secretary for the work of the boys and girls program. Fourth: That each district chairman meet once each year with all interested members of her district,

109 to plan for the athletic program for girls, with sports days being considered. Fifth: That the athletic program be extended to include at least three interscholastic activities during the year, if possible. Sixth: That in each district, boards for training women officials be organized. Seventh: That there be no interscholastic athletics among junior high school girls, other than sports days.”443 “Because of the increasing tempo of competition in diamondball, it seemed necessary to require that contestants in this sport be filed with the state office in the same manner as required for contestants in other sports.”444 1948 “Girls’ Division: Each District Director shall appoint annually a woman from one of the schools of his district to be a member of a group to be known as the Girls’ Advisory Council of the Florida High School Athletic Association. The twelve members of the Girls’ Advisory council shall select their own Chairman, Vice- Chairman, and Secretary and shall meet at such times as may seem necessary, but particularly before the spring meeting of the Association and make recommendations for regulations governing girls’ athletic contests. The Executive Secretary of the Association shall cooperate with the Girls’ Advisory Council in every way possible.”445 “Each girls’ basketball team must be coached by a woman who is a regular member of the school faculty. She shall be in complete charge of coaching girls’ basketball teams, and no man may take part in such coaching.”446 “All schools which are planning to sponsor golf are urged to consider the advisability of entering girls as well as boys in the state golf tournament.”447 “The Girls Advisory Council has planned basketball clinics in various sections of the state for girls’ coaches, officials, and students interested in basketball. A tentative schedule of six clinics has been made. A large attendance at these clinics should be of great service to girls’ interscholastic competition.”448 “The Girls’ Advisory Council would like to report that its first planned project met with fine co-operation throughout the state. At a called meeting last April the members of the Advisory Council decided to sponsor a state wide project of basketball clinics. This was decided because we felt that this was our most (controversial) often slighted portion of the interscholastic athletic program at present. We felt we needed a means of getting a more unified program, better qualified officials, improve standards for girls’ basketball. We feel we have made a good start toward this goal and report that six clinics have been held in the state prior to the opening of the basketball season…The attendance was satisfactory and consisted of 670 students and 123 officials, teachers and coaches.”449 1950 “Dorothy H. Thomason of Miami has notified us of a meeting to be held…at which time those women working in the fields of health and physical education and interscholastic competition for girls will undertake to form a permanent organization.”450

110

APPENDIX B – KATHERINE MONTGOMERY PROFESSIONAL RESUME

111 Katherine Montgomery Professional Resume

Education

1912 Marlin High School 1914-1918 Florida State College for Women – A.B. in English 1922-1923 New Haven Normal School of Gymnastics – Diploma and Certificate in Physical Education, Recreation, and Physiotheraphy 1928-1929 Teachers College, Columbia University – M.A. in Physical Education 1940-1941 New York University – Ed.D. in Physical Education

Professional Experience 1912-1916 Public school teacher – Lafayette County, Suwanee County, and Mayo Public Schools, Florida 1918-1920 Instructor – Florida State College for Women, Sub-Collegiate Division – General Science, Mathematics, and Health Education 1920-1923 Instructor – Florida State College for Women – Physical Education 1923-1947 Director of Physical Education – Florida State College for Women 1947-1958 Director of Physical Education for Women – Florida State University

Publications 1923 High School Basketball for Girls,” Journal of Florida Education Association, December 1923 1924 “Physical Education for Girls,” Journal of Florida Education Association, January 1924 1928 Volleyball for Women 1930 “Physical and Health Education,” Journal of Florida Education Association, March 1930 1936-1948 Joint Author for Bulletin #5, Florida Department of Education, “The Secondary School Physical Education Program” 1939 “What is Physical Education,” Florida Parent Teacher, January 1939 1939 “Is it Worthwhile?,” Florida Parent Teacher, March 1939 1939 “The Three R’s of Life Today,” Florida Parent Teacher, April 1939 1939 “Pretty is as Pretty Does,” Florida Parent Teacher, May 1939 1939 “Shall Florida’s Youth Be Physically Illiterate?,” Florida Parent Teacher, June 1939 1939 “Fundamentals,” Florida Parent Teacher, September 1939 1939 “How Well Do We Know Our Children?,” Florida Parent Teacher November 1939 1942 “Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of Interscholastic Athletics for Adolescent Girls,” Research Quartherly, March 1942 1943-1944 Edited the three Newsletters of the Southern Association of Health, Physical Education, and Recreation, May and October, 1943 and January 1944 1948 “The Place of Physical Education for Women in the College Program,” Proceedings of the International Congress of Physical Education

112 for Girls and Women, Copenhagen Denmark, July 23-28, 1949 1950 “Inter $chola$tic$ - Florida Fashion,” Journal of Florida Education Association, May 1950 1955 contributing author Counseling and Guidance in General Education 1955 co-author Handbook on Physical Education for College Women 1956 History of the Southern Association of Physical Education for College Women

Professional Memberships, Offices, and Awards 1920-1923 National Track and Field Committee 1922-1926 State Chairman for Girls Athletics for the Florida Athletic Association 1923 Pen Society and Sword Society at New Haven Normal School of Gymnastics 1923-1927 Secretary of Florida Health Education Council 1923-1930 State Chairman for the Woman’s Division of the National Amateur Athletic Federation 1923-1930 State Chairman of Basketball for the Editorial and Rules Committee of the American Physical Education Association 1925-1926 President of Florida Education Association Section on Health, Physical Education, and Recreation 1926-1928 Chairman of Women’s Athletics for the Florida High School Athletic Association 1929-1933 National Chairman of Volleyball for the Editorial and Rules Committee of the American Physical Education Association 1930-1932 State Curriculum Committee for P.E. in the Elementary and Secondary School 1935-1937 Vice-President of Southern Association of Directors of Physical Education for College Women 1936-1938 State Chairman of the Physical Education Committee for the Florida Congress of Parent Teachers Association 1937-1938 President Florida Association Directors of Physical Education for College Women 1938-1939 Vice-President Florida Recreation Association 1939 Selected for Who’s Who in American Education 1939-1940 Chairman Health Education for Florida Parent Teachers’ Association 1939-1940 President of the Southern Association of Physical Education for College Women 1939-1940 Executive Board of the National Association of Physical Education for College Women 1941 Governor’s Safety Council 1940 Legislative and Preparedness Committee of the American Association of Health, Physical Education, and Recreation 1941 Committee on National Defense of the National Association of Physical Education for College Women 1942 Public Relations Committee of the National Association of Physical Education for College Women

113 1942 Representative to the South Eastern Conference on Physical Fitness 1942-1943 President-Elect of the Southern District of the American Association of Health, Physical Education, and Recreation 1942-1944 Committee on Cooperative Study of Professional Education of the American Association of Health, Physical Education, and Recreation 1942-1944 Committee of State Consultants for Physical Education 1943-1944 President of the Southern District of the American Association of Health, Physical Education, and Recreation 1943-1944 Representative Assembly American Association of Health, Physical Education, and Recreation 1944 Honor Award from American Association of Health, Physical Education, and Recreation 1949-1950 Chairman Board of Directors of the Tallahassee Recreation Association 1951 Honor Award from the Southern Association for Health Physical Education and Recreation 1952 Honor Award from the Florida Association for Health Physical Education and Recreation 1953 American Red Cross medal and certificate of appreciation 1953-1954 Honor Awards Committee of the American Association of Health, Physical Education, and Recreation 1954-1958 Secretary-Treasurer of Florida Education Association Section on Health, Physical Education, and Recreation 1954 Legislative Committee of the National Association of Physical Education for College Women 1955 Commemorative plaque from Physical Education Majors from 1930-1955 1956 Selected for both Who’s Who in American Women and Pioneer Women in Florida 1957 Delegate for the Comparative Education Association to the International Congress in Buenos Aires, Argentina

114

ENDNOTES

1 Judy Cooper, Memory Book of College Life, in files of the Florida State University Alumni Association.

2 Dorothy M. Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery: Her Life, Professional Career and Contributions to Physical Education (Ph.D. diss., Texas Woman’s University, 1960), 30, 35- 36, 41-43. Katherine Montgomery was known to her family as Kate or Katie. Her students, out of respect and affection, also called her Miss Katie. These names may be used throughout this dissertation with the intent of portraying Montgomery as the historical records depict her: professional yet part of the FSCW family.

3 Florida Flambeau (Florida State College for Women, Tallahassee, Florida), 17 April 1915; 1 May 1915; 22 May 1915; 22 January 1916; 8 April 1916; 3 June 1919; 21 October 1916; 25 November 1916; 2 December 1916; 13 January 1917; 10 February 1917; 3 March 1917; 17 March 1917; 24 March 1917; 31 March 1917; 2 June 1917; 16 March 1918; 23 March 1918. Robin J. Sellers, Femina Perfecta: The Genesis of Florida State University (Tallahassee, Florida: The Florida State University Foundation, 1995), 4-5, 7-9.

4 Katherine W. Montgomery, professional resume in files of the Florida State University Alumni Association. Katherine Montgomery, Faculty Record Form, Public Relations Office, Florida State University, no date. Florida Flambeau 12 October 1918. Florida Flambeau 20 January 1923.

5 “Dr. Katherine W. Montgomery,” Heritage Tower: The Torches, undated publication in files of Florida State University Alumni Association, Tallahassee, Florida. Florida Flambeau 30 April 1921. Mildred M. Usher, III, The Florida State University College of Education: A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University from 1905-1972 (Ph.D. diss., Florida State University, 1980), 85.

6 Throughout this research, the 1922 women’s international track meet in Paris has been identified in several different ways by various authors. See Paula Welch, History of American Physical Education and Sport, 2nd edition (Springfield, Illinois: Charles C. Thomas Publisher, 1996), 242.

7 Florida Flambeau 1 April 1922; 22 April 1922; 30 September 1922; 24 February 1923; 14 April 1923. Daily Democrat (Tallahassee, Florida), 12 May 1922; 22 May 1922; 31 May 1922; 12 July 1922. Tallahassee Democrat (Tallahassee, Florida), 12 September 1922. Flastacowo, Florida State College for Women Yearbook, 1923, 112. Ronald A. Smith, “Women’s Control of American College Sport: The Good of Those Who Played or an Exploitation by Those Who Controlled?,” Sport History Review 29 (May 1998), 108.

115

8 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 58. Welch, History of American Physical Education and Sport, 243. Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 44, 70.

9 Grace Fox, Biography of Fellow completed for American Association for Health, Physical Education and Recreation, 1944, American AAHPER Leader Biographies, Ma-Mu, AAHPERD Collection, Archives, Springfield College, Springfield, MA. Montgomery, professional resume. “Dr. Katherine W. Montgomery,” Heritage Tower: The Torches.

10 Ina E. Gittings, "Why Cramp Competition?" Journal of Health and Physical Education 2 (1931), 10-12, 54.

11 Gladys Palmer, “Policies in Women's Athletics,” Journal of Health and Physical Education 9, no. 9 (November 1938), 566.

12 Ron Smith, "Women's Control of American College Sport,” 105-106.

13 Harry A. Scott, Competitive Sports in Schools and Colleges (New York: Harper and Brothers, Publishers, 1951), 87-88.

14 Henry Steele Commager, "A Historian Looks at the American High School," The School Review, 66 (Spring 1958), 540-541.

15 David Tyack and Elisabeth Hansot, Learning Together: A History of Coeducation in American Schools (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 193.

16 Cahn, Coming on Strong, Chapters 1-3.

17 Ronald Smith, "Women's Control of American College Sport,” 105.

18 Pamela Grundy, Learning to Win: Sports, Education, and Social Change in Twentieth- Century North Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001), 4.

19 Nancy Struna, "Athletics and the Academy," History of Higher Education Annual (1989): 121-126.

20 Carl Kaestle, "Recent Methodological Developments in the History of American Education," in Complementary Methods for Research in Education, edited by Richard M. Jaeger, Washington, D.C.: American Educational Research Association, 1997), 119.

21 Kaestle, "Recent Methodological Developments," 120-121.

22 Kaestle, "Recent Methodological Developments," 121.

116

23 Kaestle, "Recent Methodological Developments," 121.

24 Marc Bloch, The Historian's Craft (New York: Vintage Books, 1953), 197.

25 See Ronald Smith's response to Susan Cahn in: Ronald Smith, “Women's Control of American College Sport,” 103-120.

26 Kaestle, "Recent Methodological Developments," 126.

27 Marlin’s Public Schools From the 1840s to 1960 (Marlin, Texas: Marlin Ex-Students Association, 1961), retrieved July 14, 2005 from http://www.rootsweb.com/~txfalls/ MARLINPUBLICSCHOOLSBOOK18401960.htm.

28Anne Firor Scott, The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics, 1830-1930 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1995), 14-21.

29 Steven Reiss, "Sport and the Redefinition of American Middle-Class Masculinity, 1840-1900," in Major Problems in American Sport History, edited by Steven A. Reiss (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997), 190-198. Stephen Hardy, "Sport in Urbanizing America: A Historical Review," Journal of Urban History 23, no. 6 (September 1997): 696.

30 Florida Flambeau, 29 April 1922, 20 May 1922. Daily Democrat, 22 May 1922.

31 Smith, "Women's Control of American College Sport,” 106.

32 Montgomery, professional resume.

33 Montgomery, professional resume.

34 Katherine Williams Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics for Adolescent Girls, (Ed.D. diss., New York University, 1941), i-iii.

35 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 164-184.

36 Montgomery, Faculty Record Form, Public Relations Office, Florida State University, no date. Katherine Montgomery, Alumni Information Sheet, Completed April 8, 1952, Florida State University, Alumni Association Records.

37 Roy Eddins, ed., Marlin Public Schools from the 1840s to 1960 (Marlin, Texas: Marlin Ex-students Association, 1961), 106.

38 Katherine W. Montgomery, professional resume in files of the Florida State University Alumni Association. Dorothy M. Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery: Her Life,

117

Professional Career and Contributions to Physical Education (Ph.D. diss., Texas Woman’s University, 1960),

39 Montgomery, professional resume.

40 Montgomery, Faculty Record Form.

41 Montgomery, professional resume.

42 “Board of Managers Elects Staff,” Florida Flambeau 3 June 1916, 1.

43 “YWCA Notes,” Florida Flambeau 30 September 1916, 1.

44 Montgomery, Faculty Record Form.

45 Beth Walton Moor, “Katherine W. Montgomery, Class of 1918, To Be Considered for an Alumna Award June, 1937 For Outstanding Work in the Field of Physical Education,” document in the files of the Florida State University Alumni Association, Tallahassee, Florida.

46 “YWCA,” Florida Flambeau 29 September 1917, 5.

47 “Sophomores Win Banner,” Florida Flambeau, 23 March 1918, 1 and 6.

48 Montgomery, Faculty Record Form.

49 “Alumnae Notes,” Florida Flambeau, 31 May 1919, 3.

50 Montgomery, professional resume.

51 FHSAA, Constitution and Bylaws.

52 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 57-58.

53 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 57.

54 Tallahassee Democrat, 12 July 1922.

55 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 57.

56 Florida Flambeau, 14 April 1923.

57 Montgomery, Faculty Record Form.

58 Montgomery, professional resume.

59 Florida Flambeau, 20 January 1923.

118

60 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 94-95.

61 Montgomery, professional resume.

62 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 84.

63 Montgomery, Faculty Record Form.

64 Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 131.

65 Constitution and Bylaws for the FHSAA.

66 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 83.

67 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 84.

68 Florida Flambeau, 13 May 1938.

69 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 84.

70 Florida Flambeau, 12 January 1934.

71 Florida Flambeau, 23 March 1934.

72 Florida Flambeau, 11 January 1935.

73 Grace Fox, Biography of Fellow completed for American Association for Health, Physical Education and Recreation, 1944, American AAHPER Leader Biographies, Ma-Mu, AAHPERD Collection, Archives, Springfield College, Springfield, MA.

74 Florida Flambeau, 3 May 1935.

75 Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 135.

76 Susan Cahn, Coming On Strong: Gender and Sexuality in Twentieth-Century Women’s Sport (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994), 95.

77 Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 136.

78 Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 149.

79 Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 132.

80 Florida Flambeau, 25 November 1938.

81 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 86.

119

82 Fox, Biography of Fellow for AAHPER.

83 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 95.

84 Montgomery, Faculty Record Form.

85 Florida Flambeau, 1 January 1941.

86 Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 134.

87 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 89.

88 Montgomery, professional resume.

89 Montgomery, Faculty Record Form.

90 FHSAA records for 1945-46.

91 Robin J. Sellers, Femina Perfecta: The Genesis of Florida State University (Tallahassee, Florida: The Florida State University Foundation, 1995), 273.

92 Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 224- 225.

93 “1914 FSCW Student’s Basketball Game at Field Day,” Florida Photographic Collection, State Library and Archives of Florida, Tallahassee, Florida.

94 “Florida State College for Women Field Day, 1918,” Florida Photographic Collection, State Library and Archives of Florida, Tallahassee, Florida.

95 Dorothy M. Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery: Her Life, Professional Career and Contributions to Physical Education (Ph.D. diss., Texas Woman’s University, 1960), 30-32.

96 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 32-35.

97 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 35-36.

98 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 36-38.

99 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 36-37.

100 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 39-40.

101 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 65-66.

102 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 40-41.

120

103 Marlin, 1851-1976 (Marlin, Texas: Marlin Chamber of Commerce, 1976), 134. Marlin’s Public Schools From the 1840s to 1960 (Marlin, Texas: Marlin Ex-Students Association, 1961), 106.

104 Marlin’s Public Schools, 88-89.

105 Marlin’s Public Schools, 90.

106 Marlin’s Public Schools, 89-92. Marlin, 1851-1976, 54-55. Marshall Smith, “Gone Are Rowdy Roughing it Days…,” Life (March 29, 1963), 107.

107 Marlin’s Public Schools, 93-94.

108 Marlin’s Public Schools, 94.

109 Marlin’s Public Schools, 95.

110 “Dr. Katherine W. Montgomery,” Heritage Tower: The Torches, undated publication in files of Florida State University Alumni Association, Tallahassee, Florida. Katherine W. Montgomery, professional resume in files of the Florida State University Alumni Association.

111 Casper W. Whitney, “Casper W. Whitney Probes the Evolution of the Country Club,” in Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Riess (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997), 171. Roxanne Albertson, “Sports and Games in Eastern Schools, 1780-1880,” in Sport in American Education: History and Perspective, eds. Wayne M. Ladd and Angela Lumpkin (Washington, D.C.: American Alliance for Health, Physical Education, Recreation and Dance, 1979), 19. Robert H. Boyle, “The Bizarre History of American Sport,” in Sport and American Society: Selected Readings, ed. George H. Sage (Reading, Massachusetts: Addison- Wesley Publishing Company, 1970), 45. John Rickards Betts, “Public Recreation, Public Parks, and Public Health Before the Civil War,” in Proceedings of the Big Ten Symposium on The History of Physical Education and Sport at Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio on March 1- 3, 1971, ed. Bruce L. Bennett (Chicago: The Athletic Institute, 1972), 35.

112 Stephen W. Pope, Patriotic Games: Sporting Traditions in the American Imagination, 1876-1926 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 3. Ronald A. Smith, “Amateurism in Late Nineteenth-Century College Sports,” in Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Riess (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997), 122-123. Donald Mrozek, “Sporting Life as Consumption, Fashion, and Display--The Pastimes of the Rich at the Turn of the Century,” in Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Riess (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997), 182-185.

113 Smith, “Amateurism in Late Nineteenth-Century College Sports,” 124-125. Robin D. Lester, “The Rise of the Spectator, the Coach, and the Player at the University of Chicago, 1895- 1905,” in Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Riess (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997), 133-37.

121

114 Mrozek, “Sporting Life as Consumption, Fashion, and Display,” 180-188.

115 Andrei S. Markovits, “The Other ‘American Exceptionalism’: Why is There No Soccer in the United States?,” The International Journal of the History of Sport 7 (September 1990), 246.

116 Markovits, “The Other ‘American Exceptionalism,’”241.

117 Albertson, “Sports and Games in Eastern Schools,” 19. For example, John Adams caused a scandal in 1825 when he put a billiards table in the White House. Bruce L. Bennett, “Sports in the South since 1865,” North American Society for Sport History: Proceedings, (1977), 21. Marianna Trekell, “The Effect of Some Cultural Changes upon the Sports and Physical Education Activities of American Women, 1860-1960,” in A History of Physical Education and Sport in the United States and Canada, ed. Earle F. Zeigler (Champaign, Illinois: Stipes Publishing Company, 1975), 159.

118 Mildred M. Usher, A History of Women's Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University From 1905-1972 (Ph.D. diss., Florida State University, 1980), 5.

119 Albertson, “Sports and Games in Eastern Schools,” 22. Betts, “Public Recreation, Public Parks, and Public Health Before the Civil War,” 34-35. Jack W. Berryman, “Anti-Urban Ideology as Reflected in Views on Sport, Exercise, and Health: The American Farmer, 1819- 1829,” North American Society for Sport History: Proceedings, (1977), 19.

120 Susan K. Cahn, Coming on Strong: Gender and Sexuality in Twentieth-Century Women (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994), 27-28, 62. Ellen Gerber, “The Controlled Development of Collegiate Sport for Women, 1923-1936,” Journal of Sport History 2 (Spring 1975), 15-19.

121 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 9, 14, 25, 83-84.

122 Debra Shattuck, “Bats, Balls, and Books: Baseball and Higher Education for Women at Three Eastern Women’s Colleges, 1866-1891,” Journal of Sport History 19 (Summer 1992), 97-98, 103, 107.

123 Earle F. Zeigler, “A Brief Chronicle of Sport and Physical Activity for Women,” Chap. in A History of Physical Education and Sport in the United States and Canada (Champaign, Illinois: Stipes Publishing Company, 1975), 146-148. “Senda Berenson Asserts the Value of Adapted Women’s Basketball, 1901,” Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Riess (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997), 253-255. Elliott Gorn and Michael Oriad, "Taking Sports Seriously," Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Reiss (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997), 4. Lynne Emery, “The First Intercollegiate Contest for Women: Basketball, April 4, 1896,” North American Society for Sport History: Proceedings, (1979): 19-20. Roberta J. Park, “Sport, Gender, and Society in the Late

122

Nineteenth Century,” in Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Riess (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997), 275.

124 Pamela Dean, “'Dear Sisters' and 'Hated Rivals': Athletics and Gender at Two New South Women's Colleges, 1893-1920.” Journal of Sport History 24, no. 3 (Fall 1997), 351-353. Jane Elizabeth Morrison, "The Major Changes in the Philosophy Underlying Women's Sports and Their Influence on Basketball Rules" (Master's thesis, Ohio State University, 1963), 114. Paula D. Hodgdon, An Investigation of the Development of Interscholastic and Intercollegiate Athletics for Girls and Women from 1917-1970 (Ph.D. diss., Springfield College, 1973), 66. Janice A. Beran, “Her Story in Iowa Basketball, 1893-1927: Acceptable Athleticism,” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for the Anthropological Study of Play, Baton Rouge, Louisiana, February 1983, 17.

125 Thomas Woody, A History of Women’s Education in the United States, vol. II (New York: The Science Press, 1929), 137-138, 143.

126 Woody, A History of Women’s Education in the United States, 138-139.

127 Woody, A History of Women’s Education in the United States, 140-147, 182.

128 Woody, A History of Women’s Education in the United States, 154.

129 Woody, A History of Women’s Education in the United States, 155.

130 Amy Thompson McCandless, The Past in the Present: Women's Higher Education in the Twentieth Century American South (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999), 84.

131 Woody, A History of Women’s Education in the United States, 203-204.

132 Christie Anne Farnham, The Education of the Southern Belle: Higher Education and Student Socialization in the Antebellum South (New York: New York University Press, 1994), 11-12. Solomon, Barbara Miller Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women: A History of Women and Higher Education in America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), 49, 54. McCandless, The Past in the Present, 24-25.

133 Farnham, The Education of the Southern Belle, 2.

134 Farnham, The Education of the Southern Belle, 2-3, 7, 18-19, 28, 93. Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women, 47. McCandless, The Past in the Present, 12, 20.

135 Lynne D. Gordon, "From Seminary to University: An Overview of Women's Higher Education, 1870-1920," in The History of Higher Education, eds. Lester Goodchild and Harold Wechsler (Needham, Massachusett: Simon & Schuster Custom Publishing, 1997), 474.

136 Anne Firor Scott, The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics, 1830-1930 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1995), 71-72.

123

137 McCandless, The Past in the Present, 34.

138 Scott, The Southern Lady, 106.

139 Scott, The Southern Lady, 106.

140 McCandless, The Past in the Present, 18. Farnham, The Education of the Southern Belle,16, 30.

141 Scott, The Southern Lady, 112.

142 Scott, The Southern Lady, 110.

143 McCandless, The Past in the Present, 27-28.

144 Scott, The Southern Lady, 110-111. McCandless, The Past in the Present, 34. Usher, A History of Women's Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 3. Drew G. Faust, Mothers of Invention: Women of the Slaveholding South in the American Civil War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 250-251. Woody, A History of Women’s Education in the United States, 188.

145 McCandless, The Past in the Present, 84.

146 Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women, 55-56. Gordon, "From Seminary to University,” 476, 488. McCandless, The Past in the Present, 83-84, 92.

147 McCandless, The Past in the Present, 28. Scott, The Southern Lady, 158.

148 Scott, The Southern Lady, 152.

149 Faust, Mothers of Invention, 251.

150 Faust, Mothers of Invention, 253.

151 Scott, The Southern Lady, 161, 170, 184.

152 Robin J. Sellers, Femina Perfecta: The Genesis of Florida State University (Tallahassee, Florida: The Florida State University Foundation, 1995), 4-5, 7-9, 30.

153 West Florida Seminary Yearbook, The Argo, Seminary West, 1900, 85-89. Florida State College Yearbook, The Argo, 1901-2, 72-76 and 94. Florida State College Yearbook, The Argo, 1903, 63-73. Sellers, 27-28.

154 Sellers, Femina Perfecta, 28-29, 68-69.

155 Sellers, Femina Perfecta, 69-70. “Middle West Society of Physical Education. Third Bulletin. February, 1923.,” American Physical Education Review 28 (February 1923), 177-178.

124

156 Florida Flambeau (Florida State College for Women, Tallahassee, Florida), 17 April 1915. Vic Smith, “’Dr. Kate’ founded FSU gym program,” Florida Times-Union, 7 August 1987, copy from Florida State University Alumni Office, no pages given.

157 Florida Flambeau 22 January 1916. Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 46-47, 51. Montgomery, professional resume.

158 Florida Flambeau 17 April 1915. “Dr. Katherine W. Montgomery,” Heritage Tower.

159 Florida Flambeau, 1 May 1922; 22 May 1915; 8 April 1916; 3 June 1916; 25 November 1916; 2 December 1916; 13 January 1917; 10 February 1917; 3 March 1917; 17 March 1917; 24 March 1917; 31 March 1917; 14 April 1917; 29 September 1917; 16 March 1918; 23 March 1918.

160 Florida Flambeau, 3 March 1917.

161 Florida Flambeau, 31 March 1917.

162 Florida Flambeau, 23 March 1918.

163Beth Walton Moor, “Katherine W. Montgomery, Class of 1918, To Be Considered for an Alumna Award June, 1937 For Outstanding Work in the Field of Physical Education,” document in the files of the Florida State University Alumni Association, Tallahassee, Florida. Montgomery, Faculty Record Form, Public Relations Office, Florida State University, no date.

164 “Anne Harwick,” retrieved 22 March 2005 from http://www.colacoll.edu/edenslibrary/ jane/Teammates.htm# ANNE.

165 Robin J. Sellers, Femina Perfecta: The Genesis of Florida State University (Tallahassee, Florida: The Florida State University Foundation, 1995), 14.

166 Montgomery, Faculty Record Form, Public Relations Office, Florida State University, no date. Katherine W. Montgomery, professional resume in files of the Florida State University Alumni Association. Sellers, Femina Perfecta, 108.

167 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 56.

168 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 54-56. Montgomery, professional resume.

169 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 56. Montgomery, professional resume.

170 Sellers, Femina Perfecta, 299, 305, 39.

171 Marianna Trekell, “The Effect of Some Cultural Changes Upon the Sports and Physical Education Activities of American Women, 1860-1960,” in A History of Physical Education and Sport in the United States and Canada, ed. Earle F. Zeigler (Champaign, Illinois:

125

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172 Steven A. Riess, ed., “What is Sport History,” in Major Problems in American Sport History (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997), 1-2. Harry A. Scott, Competitive Sports in Schools and Colleges (New York: Harper and Brothers, Publishers, 1951), 8-9. David L. Porter, “Adrian ‘Cap’ Anson: Professional Baseball Player-Manager,” North American Society for Sport History: Proceedings, (1980): 28. Bruce L. Bennett, “Sports in the South Since 1965,” North American Society for Sport History: Proceedings, (1977): 20. Steven Riess, “The Geography and Economics of Professional Baseball Parks 1871-1930,” North American Society for Sport History: Proceedings, (1978): 35. Susan Cahn, Coming on Strong: Gender and Sexuality in Twentieth Century Women’s Sport (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994), 22.

173 "Uniforming Sports Women," in Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Reiss (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1979), 240. "Anne O'Hagan Describes the Athletic American Girl, 1901," in Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Reiss (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1979), 250. Donald Mrozek, “Sporting Life as Consumption, Fashion, and Display – The Pastimes of the Rich at the Turn of the Century,” in Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Reiss (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1979), 182-183.

174 "Anne O'Hagan Describes the Athletic American Girl, 1901," 250-252. Paula Welch, History of American Physical Education and Sport, 2nd edition (Springfield, Illinois: Charles C. Thomas Publisher, 1996), 271.

175 Scott, Competitive Sports, 87.

176 Scott, Competitive Sports, 87-88.

177 Joseph E. Raycroft, “The Educational Value of Athletics in Schools and Colleges,” School and Society 3 (February, 1916), 295. Steven A. Riess, “Sport and the Redefinition of American Middle-Class Masculinity, 1840-1900,” in Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Riess (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997), 194. Guy Lewis, “Enterprise on the Campus: Developments in Intercollegiate Sport and Higher Education, 1875-1939,” Paper presented at the Proceedings of the Big Ten Symposium on the History of Physical Education and Sport at Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio on March 1-3, 1971, 54. James Montgomery, “The Growth of the Interscholastic Athletics Movement in the United States, 1890-1940,” in A History of the Physical Education and Sport in the United States and Canada, ed. Earle F. Zeigler (Champaign, Illinois: Stipes Publishing Company, 1975), 220. Boyle, “The Bizarre History of American Sport,” 52. Scott, Competitive Sports, 33.

178 Ronald A. Smith, “Harvard and Columbia and a Reconsideration of the 1905-06 Football Crisis,” North American Society for Sport History: Proceedings, (1980), 11.

126

179Angela Lumpkin, “Games, Gymnastics, and Athletics on the Campus of the First State University, 1800-1900,” North American Society for Sport History: Proceedings, (1980), 21.

180 Joel H. Spring, “Mass Culture and School Sports,” History of Education Quarterly (Winter 1974), 495. Andrei S. Markovits, "The Other ‘American Exceptionalism’: Why is There No Soccer in the United States?,” The International Journal of the History of Sport 7 (September 1990), 244-245.

181 Lewis, “Enterprise on the Campus,” 56-58. Scott, Competitive Sports, 91-92.

182 James Montgomery, “The Growth of the Interscholastic Athletics,” 220.

183 Raycroft, “The Educational Value of Athletics in Schools and Colleges,” 295. Lewis, “Enterprise on Campus,” 54. James Montgomery, “The Growth of the Interscholastic Athletics,” 220. Boyle, “The Bizarre History of American Sport,” 52. Markovits, “The Other ‘American Exceptionalism,’” 246. Ronald A. Smith, “Amateurism in Late Nineteenth-Century College Sports,” in Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Reiss (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997), 122-125. Smith, “Harvard and Columbia,” 11. Steven A. Riess, ed., “Henry Beach Needham Decries the Professionalization of College Athletes, 1905,” in Major Problems in American Sport History (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997), 119-120. Robin Lester, “The Rise of the Spectator, the Coach, and the Player at the University of Chicago, 1895-1905,” in Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Reiss (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997), 137.

184 Guy Lewis, “Theodore Roosevelt’s Role in the 1905 Football Controversy,” in A History of Physical Education and Sport in the United States and Canada, ed. Earle F. Zeigler (Champaign, Illinois: Stipes Publishing Company, 1975), 193-201. Mary Lou LeCompte, “Roosevelt and Doubleday: Myth’s that Fact Cannot Dispel,” North American Society for Sport History: Proceedings, (1977): 52. Smith, “Harvard and Columbia,” 11.

185 Lewis, “Theodore Roosevelt’s Role in the 1905 Football Controversy,” 193-201. LeCompte, “Roosevelt and Doubleday,” 52. Smith, “Harvard and Columbia,” 11. Scott, Competitive Sports, 90-91.

186 James Montgomery, “The Growth of the Interscholastic Athletics,” 218. Roxanne Albertson, “Sports and Games in Eastern Schools, 1780-1880,” in Sport in American Education: History and Perspective, ed. Wayne M. Ladd and Angela Lumpkin (Washington: American Alliance for Health, Physical Education, Recreation and Dance, 1979), 20.

187 James Montgomery, “The Growth of the Interscholastic Athletics,” 218.

188 Lewis, “Enterprise on Campus,” 54-55. James Montgomery, “The Growth of the Interscholastic Athletics,” 218. Reed Ueda, Avenues to adulthood: The origins of the high school and social mobility in an American suburb (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 91.

127

189 Lewis, “Enterprise on the Campus,” 54.

190 David Tyack and Elisabeth Hansot, Learning Together: A History of Coeducation in American Schools (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 166-171.

191 James Montgomery, “The Growth of the Interscholastic Athletics,” 218. Robert S. Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd, Middletown: A Study in Modern American Culture (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Publishers, 1929; reprint, Robert S. Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd, 1956), 181. Edward A. Krug, The Shaping of the American High School, Volume 2, 1920-1941 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press,1972), 3, 7.

192 Spring, “Mass Culture and School Sports,” 492.

193 Lewis, “Enterprise on the Campus,” 55.

194 Lewis, “Enterprise on the Campus,” 56-57.

195 Lester, “The Rise of the Spectator, the Coach, and the Player,” 134-135. Lewis, “Enterprise on the Campus,” 56-57. Tyack and Hansot, Learning Together, 193-198. James Montgomery, “The Growth of the Interscholastic Athletics,” 221-223. Scott, Competitive Sports, 35-36, 42-43, 100.

196 Lynd, Middletown, 213-216. Mills, 42. Ueda, Avenues to adulthood, 26. Scott, Competitive Sports, 100.

197 Barbara Miller Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women: A History of Women and Higher Education in America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), 139, 172, 174- 175.

198 Dewey W. Grantham, "The Promise of Southern Progressivism," in Major Problems in the History of the American South, eds. Paul D. Escott and David R. Goldfield (Lexington, Massachusetts: D.C. Heath and Company, 1990), 244.

199 Grantham, "The Promise of Southern Progressivism," 245.

200 Scott, Competitive Sports, 191, 194, 199-200.

201 Amy Thompson McCandless, The Past in the Present: Women's Higher Education in the Twentieth Century American South (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999), 60.

202 Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women, 139, 141.

203 Mccandless, The Past in the Present, 52.

128

204 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 57, 169, 173. Fred E. Leonard, A Guide to the History of Physical Education (Philadelphia: Lea & Febiger, 1947), 289.

205 Welch, History of American Physical Education and Sport, 2nd edition, 240-241.

206 Mildred M. Usher, A History of Women's Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University From 1905-1972 (Ph.D. diss., Florida State University, 1980), 10.

207 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 61, 65-66. Hodgdon, 58, 103. Usher, A History of Women's Intercollegiate Athletics, 110.

208 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 54-58.

209 Florida Flambeau, 19 February 1921, 21 March 1921.

210 Mary Henson Leigh, The Evolution of Women’s Participation in the Summer Olympic Games, 1900-1948 (Ph.D. diss., Ohio State University, 1974), 215-216. “Harry Eaton Stewart,” retrieved 22 March 2005 from http://www.colacoll.edu/edenslibrary/jane/Teammates.htm# HARRY. Florida Flambeau, 2 April 1921.

211 Florida Flambeau, 15 November 1919, 26 November 1921, 1 April 1922, 24 February 1923, 14 April 1923.

212 Daily Democrat, 12 May 1922, 22 May 1922, 6 July 1922. Florida Flambeau, 20 May 1922.

213 “High School Girl Sets World Mark,” The New York Times, 14 May 1922.

214 “High School Girl Sets World Mark,” The New York Times, 14 May 1922. Florida Flambeau, 20 May 1922. Usher, A History of Women's Intercollegiate Athletics, 89.

215 Grace Fox, Biography of Fellow completed for American Association for Health, Physical Education and Recreation, 1944, American AAHPER Leader Biographies, Ma-Mu, AAHPERD Collection, Archives, Springfield College, Springfield, MA. Ronald Smith, “Women’s Control of American College Sport: The Good of Those Who Played or an Exploitation by Those Who Controlled?,” Sport History Review 29 (1998), 108. “High School Girl Sets World Mark,” The New York Times, 14 May 1922.

216 “E. Hermann Arnold, M.D,” retrieved 15 March 2005 from http:/www.rootsweb.com/ ~ctnhvbio/Arnold_E_Hermann.html. “Harry Eaton Stewart,” retrieved 22 March 2005 from http://www.colacoll.edu/edenslibrary/jane/Teammates.htm# HARRY. Florida Flambeau 30 September 1922.

217 “Winifred Edgerton Merrill,” retrieved on 22 March 2005 from http://www.agnesscott. edu/lriddle/women/merrill.htm. “Oaksmere School,” retrieved on 22 March 2005 from http:// www.colacoll.edu/edenslibrary/jane/team.htm.

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218 Florida Flambeau, 30 September 1922.

219 Usher, A History of Women's Intercollegiate Athletics, 80, 87. “They Set the Mark: United States teammates who competed in the First International Track Meet for Women,” retrieved on 22 March 2005 from http://www. colacoll.edu/edenslibrary/jane/team.htm.

220 “Girl Athletes to Sail on Aquitania,” New York Times, 1 August 1922.

221 “Our Ludy Comes Home,” The Winthrop College News, 20 October 1922, retrieved on 22 March 2005 from http://www.colacoll.edu/edenslibrary/jane/news.htm.

222 Don Skene, “U.S. Girls are All Ready for Big Meet Today,” 20 August 1922 Chicago Tribune, 1, retrieved on 22 March 2005 from http://www.colacoll.edu/edenslibrary/Teammates/ news.htm.

223 “Complete results of the First International Track Meet for Women,” retrieved on 22 March 2005 from http://www.colacoll.edu/edenslibrary/jane/results.htm. Leigh, The Evolution of Women’s Participation in the Summer Olympic Games, 163. Tallahassee Democrat 12 September 1922. Flastacowo, 1923, 112.

224 “Our Ludy Comes Home,” 20 October 1922 The Winthrop College News, , retrieved on 22 March 2005 from http://www.colacoll.edu/edenslibrary/jane/news.htm.

225 Suzanne Becker Young to James Dawson, Jr, 1976, retrieved on 22 March 2005 from http://www.colacoll.edu/edenslibrary/Teammates/news.htm.

226 Leigh, The Evolution of Women’s Participation in the Summer Olympic Games, 216- 218.

227 Leigh, The Evolution of Women’s Participation in the Summer Olympic Games, 217, 220-224.

228 Dr. Harry Stewart to Carl Shrader, n.d. but probably 26 April 1922, excerpt in Leigh, 234-235. Leigh, 216-217.

229 Leigh, 250. Dr. Harry Stewart to Blanche Trilling, 30 October 1922, printed in Leigh 252-253.

230 “Atlantic City Recreation Congress,” American Physical Education Review 28 (Feb. 1923), 69. Leigh, 255.

231 Sellers, Femina Perfecta, 71.

232 Katherine Montgomery in FSCW Letter Sweater, photograph in the files of the Florida State University Alumni Association.

130

233 Susan Cahn, Coming on Strong: Gender and Sexuality in Twentieth Century Women’s Sport (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994), 8-9, 12-13.

234Edgar Fauver, “The Need of a Definite Formulation of the Aim and Scope of Intercollegiate Athletics” (paper presented at the annual meeting of the Society of Directors of Physical Education in Colleges, New York City, December 27, 1922), 255.

235 Joel H. Spring, “Mass Culture and School Sports,” History of Education Quarterly (Winter 1974), 492.

236 Barbara Miller Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women: A History of Women and Higher Education in America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), 157-158. Amy Thompson McCandless, The Past in the Present: Women's Higher Education in the Twentieth Century American South (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999), 52. Christie Anne Farnham, ed. Women of the American South: A Multicultural Reader (New York: New York University Press, 1999), 241.

237 Marianna Trekell, “The Effect of Some Cultural Changes Upon the Sports and Physical Education Activities of American Women, 1860-1960,” in A History of Physical Education and Sport in the United States and Canada, ed. Earle F. Zeigler (Champaign, Illinois: Stipes Publishing Company, 1975), 159-161. Joan S. Hult, “Have the Reports of the Death of Competitive Women’s Athletics, 1920-35, Been Greatly Exaggerated?” North American Society for Sport History: Proceedings, (1980), 42.

238 David Tyack and Elisabeth Hansot, Learning Together: A History of Coeducation in American Schools (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 183.

239 Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women, 167.

240 Farnham, Women of the American South, 241-242.

241 Farnham, Women of the American South, 241-242.

242 Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women, 170.

243 Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women, 180.

244Anne Firor Scott, The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics, 1830-1930 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1995), 220, 246.

245 Martha H. Swain, "A New Deal for Southern Women: Gender and Race in Women's Work Relief," in Women of the American South: A Multicultural Reader, ed. Christie Anne Farnham (New York: New York University Press, 1999), 246, 248-249.

246 Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women, 180.

131

247 “Salaries 1925-26, Florida State College for Women,” Edward Conradi Papers, Strozier Library Archives, Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida.

248 Swain, “A New Deal for Southern Women,” 251.

249 Scott, The Southern Lady, 230.

250 Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women, 167.

251 McCandless, The Past in the Present, 73,188.

252 “Applicants for Membership in the American Physical Education Association,” American Physical Education Review 28 (Feb. 1923), 70.

253 Mary Henson Leigh, The Evolution of Women’s Participation in the Summer Olympic Games, 1900-1948 (Ph.D. diss., Ohio State University, 1974), 257-258.

254 “Report of the Committee on Recommendations Regarding Inter- and Intra- Institutional Activities,” American Physical Education Review 28 (June 1923), 289.

255 Mabel Lee, A History of Physical Education and Sports in the U.S.A. (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1983), 99, 101, 130.

256 “E. Hermann Arnold, M.D.,” Modern History of New Haven and Eastern New Haven County, vol. II (New York: The S.J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1918), retrieved on 15 March 2005 from www.rootsweb.com/~ctnvbio/Arnold_E_Hermann.html.

257 Louise Mead Tricard, American Women’s Track and Field: A History, 1895 through 1980 (Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 1996), 63, 69, 70. Ina Gittings, “Why Cramp Competition?,” Journal of Health and Physical Education 2 (1931), 10- 12, 54.

258 Beth Walton Moor, “Katherine W. Montgomery, Class of 1918, To Be Considered for an Alumna Award June, 1937 For Outstanding Work in the Field of Physical Education,” document in the files of the Florida State University Alumni Association, Tallahassee, Florida. Grace Fox, Biography of Fellow completed for American Association for Health, Physical Education and Recreation, 1944, American AAHPER Leader Biographies, Ma-Mu, AAHPERD Collection, Archives, Springfield College, Springfield, MA.

259 Paula Welch, History of American Physical Education and Sport, 3rd ed. (Springfield, Illinois: Charles C. Thomas, Publisher, Ltd., 2004), 238-239.

260 Leigh, The Evolution of Women’s Participation, 227-228.

132

261 “Women Athletes Warned: Must Not Compete in Meets Not Approved by the A. A. U.,” New York Times, 1 August 1922.

262 Welch, History of American Physical Education and Sport, 243-244.

263 Ellen Gerber, “The Controlled Development of Collegiate Sport for Women, 1923- 1936,” Journal of Sport History 2 (Spring 1975), 6. “Women’s Athletic Committee Report,” American Physical Education Review 28 (February 1923), 68.

264 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 60-61.

265 Dale C. Mayer, Lou Henry Hoover: A Prototype for First Ladies (New York: Nova History Publications, 2004), 222.

266Mayer, Lou Henry Hoover, 223.

267Mayer, Lou Henry Hoover, 223-224.

268 Rebecca Christian, “’Don’t Forget Joy!’: Lou Henry Hoover and the Girl Scouts,” in Lou Henry Hoover: Essays on a Busy Life, ed. Dale Mayer (Worland, Wyoming: High Plains Publishing Company, Inc., 1994), 46.

269 Jan Beran, “Lou Henry Hoover and Women’s Sports,” in Lou Henry Hoover: Essays on a Busy Life, ed. Dale Mayer (Worland, Wyoming: High Plains Publishing Company, Inc., 1994), 49-51.

270 Mayer, Lou Henry Hoover, 224.

271 “Report of the Committee on Organization of the Conference on Athletics and Physical Education for Women and Girls, April 6 and 7, 1923, at Washington, D.C.,” American Physical Education Review 28 (June 1923), 284.

272 “Resolutions Adopted by the Conference on Athletics and Physical Recreation Held Under the Auspices of the National Amateur Athletic Federation at Washington, D.C., April 6-7, 1923,” American Physical Education Review 28 (June 1923), 286-288.

273 “American Physical Education Association: Preliminary Program of the National Convention, Springfield, Massachusetts, April 11-14, 1923,” Mind and Body 30, no. 317 (April 1923), 37-39.

274 “The Springfield Convention of the American Physical Education Association,” Mind and Body 30, no. 318 (May 1923), 71-72.

275 “The Springfield Convention”, 71-72.

133

276 “Report of the Committee on Recommendations Regarding Inter- and Intra- Institutional Activities,” American Physical Education Review 28 (June 1923), 289-290.

277 “Report of the Committee on Recommendations Regarding Inter- and Intra- Institutional Activities,” 289-290.

278 Robin J. Sellers, Femina Perfecta: The Genesis of Florida State University (Tallahassee, Florida: The Florida State University Foundation, 1995), 69-70. Florida Flambeau (Florida State College for Women, Tallahassee, Florida), 16 March 1918. “Middle West Society of Physical Education. Third Bulletin. February, 1923,” American Physical Education Review 28 (February 1923), 177-178.

279 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 89

280 Ronald Smith, “Women's Control of American College Sport: The Good of Those Who Played or an Exploitation by Those Who Controlled,” Sport History Review 29, no. 1 (1998): 107.

281 Cahn, Coming on Strong, photos and captions after 214.

282 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 97. Gerber, “The Controlled Development of Collegiate Sport for Women,” 13.

283 Gerber, “The Controlled Development of Collegiate Sport for Women,” 4.

284 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 66.

285 “High School Girl Sets World Mark,” The New York Times, 14 May 1922.

286 Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 171.

287 Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 171.

288 Mabel Lee, A History of Physical Education and Sports in the U.S.A. (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1983), 163.

289 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 66. Gerber, “The Controlled Development of Collegiate Sport for Women,” 4.

290 Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 132, 242-244.

134

291 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 308 (note #38)

292 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 73.

293 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 77.

294 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 95, 103.

295 Florida High School Athletic Association, Florida High School Athletic Association: Constitution and Bylaws, 1939 (Florida High School Athletic Association, Gainesville, Florida), 7-8.

296 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 2 December 1940 (Florida High School Athletic Association, Gainesville, Florida), 2.

297 Florida High School Athletic Association, Florida High School Athletic Association: Constitution and Bylaws, Rules and Regulation, 1944 (Florida High School Athletic Association, Gainesville, Florida) 9, 12.

298 Florida Flambeau, 20January 1923. Tallahassee Democrat, 12 July 1922. Dorothy M. Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery: Her Life, Professional Career and Contributions to Physical Education (Ph.D. diss., Texas Woman’s University, 1960), 94-95. Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 226-227.

299 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 95.

300 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 88.

301 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 84-85.

302 Florida High School Athletic Association, Florida High School Athletic Association: Constitution and Bylaws, Rules and Regulations (Revised, 1928)(Florida High School Athletic Association, Gainesville, Florida).

303 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 83-84.

304 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 83-84.

305 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 61. Sellers, Femina Perfecta, 125.

306 Sellers, Femina Perfecta, 126.

307 Florida State College for Women budget documents. Edward Conradi Papers, Strozier Library Archives, Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida.

135

308 “‘Miss Katie’ Montgomery Dies,” Florida State University, Alumni Bulletin (Winter 1959). 309 Katherine W. Montgomery, professional resume in files of the Florida State University Alumni Association. Florida Flambeau (Florida State College for Women, Tallahassee, Florida), 21 September 1925. Moor, “Katherine W. Montgomery, Class of 1918, To Be Considered for an Alumna Award June, 1937 For Outstanding Work in the Field of Physical Education,” copy of letter included with nomination.

310 Katherine Williams Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics for Adolescent Girls, (Ed.D. diss., New York University, 1941), 125.

311 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, (Florida High School Athletic Association, Gainesville, Florida) 21 February 1945.

312 “Class of 1935 – Enrolled to Teach,” Edward Conradi Papers, Strozier Library Archives, Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida. “Class of 1936 – Enrolled to Teach,” Conradi Papers. “Class of 1937,” Conradi Papers. “Class of 1938,” Conradi Papers. “Class of 1939,” Conradi Papers.

313 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 83-85.

314 Flastacowo - 1932, FSCW yearbook, Alumni Affairs Office, Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida. Flastacowo – 1933. Flastacowo – 1939.

315 Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 135-136. This appears to be a portion of the research conducted as part of Montgomery’s dissertation.

316 Tucker, Katherine Williams Montgomery, 95.

317 “Front of Gymnasium at Florida State College for Women,” photograph in the files of the Florida State University Alumni Association.

318 “Inside of Gymnasium at Florida State College for Women,” Special Collections, Strozier Library, Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida.

319 Martin Sosna, "World War II as a Watershed in Southern History," in Major Problems in the History of the American South, eds. Paul D. Escott and David R. Goldfield (Lexington, Massachusetts: D.C. Heath and Company, 1990), 455.

320 Quoted in Amy Thompson McCandless, The Past in the Present: Women's Higher Education in the Twentieth Century American South (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999), 200-201.

136

321 McCandless, The Past in the Present, 200-201, 196.

322 McCandless, The Past in the Present, 199, 197. Barbara Miller Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women: A History of Women and Higher Education in America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), 190, 175, 184, 186.

323 McCandless, The Past in the Present, 196, 198.

324 Beth Walton Moor, “Katherine W. Montgomery, Class of 1918, To Be Considered for an Alumna Award June, 1937 For Outstanding Work in the Field of Physical Education,” document in the files of the Florida State University Alumni Association, Tallahassee, Florida.

325 Katherine Williams Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics for Adolescent Girls, (Ed.D. diss., New York University, 1941).

326 Mabel Lee, A History of Physical Education and Sports in the U.S.A. (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1983), 282-284.

327 Jay B. Nash to Katherine Montgomery, 13 September 1935. Copy of letter included with the recommendation of Beth Walton Moor.

328 Paula Welch, History of American Physical Education and Sport, 3rd ed. (Springfield, Illinois: Charles C. Thomas, Publisher, Ltd., 2004), 123.

329 Welch, History of American Physical Education and Sport, 3rd ed., 124.

330 Ellen Gerber, “The Controlled Development of Collegiate Sport for Women, 1923- 1936,” Journal of Sport History 2 (Spring 1975), 20. Jay B. Nash, “Athletics for Girls,” The North American Review (January 1928) 225: 100, (quoted in Gerber, “The Controlled Development.”

331 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, i.

332 Moor, “Katherine W. Montgomery, Class of 1918.”

333 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, i.

334 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, i.

335 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, ii.

137

336 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, ii.

337 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, ii.

338 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, iii.

339 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 1-2.

340 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 8-9.

341 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 9.

342 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 21-26, 213-219.

343 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 27. Since in various parts of Montgomery’s dissertation, she identifies problems with response rates. However, she does not identify a lack of response as a problem with this survey. In reviewing the survey instruments Montgomery used for each of these three surveys, it appears that greater clarification of survey questions and greater opportunities for specific juror responses was included in each successive survey.

344 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 27-28.

345 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 251-319, 60.

346 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 257.

347 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 60.

348 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic”Athletics, 293, 265.

349 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 262.

138

350 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 284, 279.

351 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 263.

352 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 254, 283.

353 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 271, 280, 275, 294.

354 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 275, 284.

355 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 268.

356 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 12.

357 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 70-78.

358 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 71-74, 79-81.

359 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 82, 86-88.

360 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 196.

361 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 118.

362 Montgomery, Principles and Procedures in the Conduct of “Interscholastic” Athletics, 117, 119.

363 Ish W. Brant, An Historical Study of the Growth and Development of the Florida High School Athletic Association, (Master’s thesis, University of Florida, 1944), 16, 14.

364 See timeline in Appendix A regarding FHSAA position on women’s athletics and how it changed over time.

139

365 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, (Florida High School Athletic Association, Gainesville, Florida) 21 February 1945.

366 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, (Florida High School Athletic Association, Gainesville, Florida) 2 March 1946, 1-2.

367 FHSAA Bulletin, (Florida High School Athletic Association, Gainesville, Florida) March 1950, 1.

368 Brant, An Historical Study of the Growth and Development of the Florida High School Athletic Association, 117-118.

369 Brant, An Historical Study of the Growth and Development of the Florida High School Athletic Association, 118.

370 Gladys Palmer, “Policies in Women’s Athletics,” Journal of Health and Physical Education 9, no. 9 (November 1938): 565-567. Ronald Smith, “Women's Control of American College Sport: The Good of Those Who Played or an Exploitation by Those Who Controlled,” Sport History Review 29, no. 1 (1998): 109, 117.

371 Smith, “Women’s Control of American College Sport,” 109.

372 Smith, “Women’s Control of American College Sport,” 109, 117.

373 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 97-98.

374 Robin J. Sellers, Femina Perfecta: The Genesis of Florida State University (Tallahassee, Florida: The Florida State University Foundation, 1995), 232-233.

375 Ina E. Gittings, "Why Cramp Competition?" Journal of Health and Physical Education 2 (1931), 10-12.

376 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 38, 68-69, 81, 83, 91, 95, 101.

377 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 90. Jan Beran, “Her Story in Iowa Basketball, 1893-1927: Acceptable Athleticism,” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for the Anthropological Study of Play, Baton Rouge, Louisiana, February 1983, 10, 11.

378 Beran, “Her Story in Iowa Basketball,” 4.

379 Beran, “Her Story in Iowa Basketball,” 10, 12. Paula Hodgdon, An Investigation of the Development of Interscholastic and Intercollegiate Athletics for Girls and Women from 1917-1970 (Ph.D. dissertation, Springfield College, 1973), 99.

140

380 Beran, “Her Story in Iowa Basketball,” 15, 16. Hodgdon, “An Investigation of the Development,” 66.

381 Beran,1“Her Story in Iowa Basketball,” 1. Cahn, Coming on Strong, 103. Hodgdon, “An Investigation of the Development,” 99.

382 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 83, 91, 95, 101.

383 Life 8 (April 8, 1940), 41-48.

384 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 36-37. Patrick B. Miller, “To "Bring the Race Along Rapidly": Sport, Student Culture, and Educational Mission at Historically Black Colleges during the Interwar Years,” History of Education Quarterly 35, no. 2 (Summer 1995): 120.

385 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 38, 68-69, 81.

386 Hodgdon, “An Investigation of the Development,” 105. Cahn, Coming on Strong, 239.

387 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 37, 41, 222.

388 Helene Saxe MacLaughlin, "Field Hockey - Girls," American Physical Education Review 16, no. 1 (January 1911), 41-43. Paula D. Welch and Harold A. Lerch, History of American Physical Education and Sport, 2nd (Springfield, Illinois: Charles C. Thomas, Publisher, 1981), 239-241. Gladys E. Palmer, "Policies in Women's Athletics," Journal of Health and Physical Education 9, no. 9 (November 1938), 565-566. Hodgdon, "An Investigation of the Development,” 93, 97. Roberta J. Park, "Sport, Gender, and Society in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Reiss (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1979), 275.

389 Welch, History of American Physical Education and Sport, 2nd ed., 238-239.

390 Hodgdon, "An Investigation of the Development,” 61-64. Welch, History of American Physical Education and Sport, 238-239.

391 Hodgdon, "An Investigation of the Development,” 61-62. Andrei S. Markovits, "The Other 'American Exceptionalism': Why is there No Soccer in the United States?," The International Journal of the History of Sport 7 (September 1990), 246.

392 Welch, History of American Physical Education and Sport, 238-239.

393 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 97-98.

394 Hodgdon, "An Investigation of the Development,” 70,105. McCandless, The Past in the Present, 147.

141

395 "Caspar W.Whitney Probes the Evolution of the Country Club, 1894," "Uniforming Sports Women," in Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Reiss (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1979), 171. Donald Mrozek, "Sporting Life as Consumption, Fashion, and Display -- The Pastimes of the Rich at the Turn of the Century," in Major Problems in American Sport History ed. Steven A. Reiss (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1979), 183.

396 Mrozek, "Sporting Life as Consumption, Fashion, and Display,”182.

397 Allen Guttman, From Ritual to Record: The Nature of Modern Sport (New York: Columbia University Press, 1975), 59-60. Timothy O’Hanlon, “Interscholastic Athletics, 1900- 1940: Shaping Citizens for Unequal Roles in the Modern Industrial State,” Educational Theory 30, no. 2 (Spring 1980): 101.

398 Cahn, Coming on Strong, 15, 115-116, 213.

399 Florida Flambeau, 3 May 1935, 11 January 1935, 15 January 1937.

400 Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 149.

401 Gerber, 25.Cahn, Coming on Strong, 71.

402 Smith, "Women's Control of American College Sport," 109.

403 Florida Flambeau, 12 January 1934.

404 Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 165-66, 134.

405 Smith, "Women's Control of American College Sport," 109, 116-117.

406 Usher, A History of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics at Florida State University, 134.

407 Sellers, Femina Perfecta, 273.

408 “Dr. Katherine W. Montgomery,” Heritage Tower: The Torches, undated publication in files of Florida State University Alumni Association, Tallahassee, Florida. Edwin F. Montgomery, Jr., “KWM’s Family,” Speech at “A Major Event: Commemorative Luncheon in Celebration of Miss Katie Montgomery,” Tallahassee, April 17, 1998.

409 “Katherine Montgomery Honored with Commemorative plaque from Physical Education Majors from 1930-1955,” Special Collections, Strozier Library, Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida.

410 Allen Guttman, From Ritual to Record: The Nature of Modern Sport (New York: Columbia University Press, 1975), 59-60. Timothy O’Hanlon, “Interscholastic Athletics, 1900-

142

1940: Shaping Citizens for Unequal Roles in the Modern Industrial State,” Educational Theory 30, no. 2 (Spring 1980): 101.

411 Ronald Smith, “Women’s Control of American College Sport: The Good of Those Who Played or an Exploitation by Those Who Controlled,” Sport History Review 29, no. 1 (1998): 103.

412 Smith, “Women’s Control of American College Sport,” 104.

413 Ronald Smith, Sports and Freedom: The Rise of Big-Time College Athletics (New York Oxford University Press, 1988), 3,4, 26-37.

414Stephen Hardy, “Sport in Urbanizing America: A Historical Review,” Journal of Urban History 23, no. 6 (September 1997): 675-708. Steven Riess, City Games: The Evolution of American Urban Society and the Rise of Sport (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989). Joel Spring, “Mass Culture and School Sports,” History of Education Quarterly (Winter 1974): 483-498. Guttman, “Capitalism, Protestantism, and Modern Sport,” in From Ritual to Record, 57-89.

415 Susan Cahn, Coming on Strong: Gender and Sexuality in Twentieth-Century Women’s Sport (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1994), 76, 81.

416 Smith, “Women’s Control of American College Sport,” 105.

417 Smith, “Women’s Control of American College Sport,” 107-108.

418 FHSAA By-laws (Florida High School Activities Association, Inc., Revised July 1992), 85.

419 Ish W. Brant, An Historical Study of the Growth and Development of the Florida High School Athletic Association, (Master’s thesis, University of Florida, 1944), 117-118.

420 Brant, An Historical Study of the Growth and Development of the Florida High School Athletic Association, 118.

421Florida High School Athletic Association Constitution and By-Laws (Revised 1932), 29.

422 Florida High School Athletic Association Constitution and By-Laws (Revised 1935), 13.

423 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 5 December 1938.

143

424 Florida High School Athletic Association Constitution and By-Laws (Revised 1939), 7- 8.

425 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 6 March 1939.

426 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 10 April 1940.

427 Minutes of the Meeting of the Legislative Council, Jacksonville, Florida, 9 November 1940, included in General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 2 December 1940.

428 Proposed Amendments to the Constitution and Bylaws, Proposal number 3, included in General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 14 March 1941.

429 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 29 October 1941.

430 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 26 November 1941.

431 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 10 April 1943.

432 Health and Physical Education News Letter, enclosed with General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 15 January 1943.

433 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 31 August 1943.

434 Florida High School Athletic Association Constitution (Revised July, 1944), 9.

435 Florida High School Athletic Association Constitution (Revised July, 1944), 12.

436 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 16 November 1944.

437 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 16 November 1944.

438 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 2 January 1945.

144

439 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 22 February 1945.

440 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 15 April 1945.

441 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 15 April 1945.

442 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 31 May 1945.

443 General Letter to Member Schools, Lafayette Golden, Executive Secretary of Florida High School Athletic Association, 2 March 1946.

444 Florida High School Athletic Association Bulletin, vol. 1 (October 1946), 3.

445 Florida High School Athletic Association Constitution (Revised July, 1948), 6.

446 Florida High School Athletic Association Constitution (Revised July, 1948), 17.

447 Florida High School Athletic Association Bulletin, vol. 6 (February 1948), 4.

448 Florida High School Athletic Association Bulletin, vol. 3 (October 1948), 2.

449 Florida High School Athletic Association Bulletin, vol. 3 (January 1949), 3.

450 Florida High School Athletic Association Bulletin, (March 1950).

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Peter Liam Castelow was born on March 23, 1962 in Richmond, Virginia. He lived in Henrico County, Virginia his entire childhood, graduating from Highland Springs High School in 1980. He received a Bachelor’s of Science degree from Virginia Commonwealth University in 1987 and immediately began a teaching career. Peter taught intermittently in Richmond, Atlanta, and Tallahassee while pursuing graduate degrees. His teaching experience includes elementary school, middle school, high school, and college level instruction in public and private schools and across a broad spectrum of socio-economic and ethnic populations. He completed all course work for a Master’s of Arts in Sociology at Virginia Commonwealth University in 1994 before enrolling at Florida State University in 1996. There, he completed requirements for a Ph.D. in Educational Leadership and Policy Studies in the fall of 2005. Peter’s research interests include: educational history, school as a social system, educational policy, learning disabilities, and interscholastic athletics.

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