Mining Capitalism and Contentious Politics in Bangladesh

MINING CAPITALISM AND CONTENTIOUS POLITICS IN BANGLADESH by Muhammad Omar Faruque A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Toronto © Copyright by Muhammad Omar Faruque 2019 MINING CAPITALISM AND CONTENTIOUS POLITICS IN BANGLADESH Muhammad Omar Faruque Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Toronto 2019 Abstract This dissertation analyses a social movement in Bangladesh fighting a potentially environmentally destructive resource extraction project as well as the country’s neoliberal energy policies. Grassroots community grievances against an open pit coalmine in Phulbari in the northwest region started small but culminated in a multi-scalar social movement, including anti-corporate mobilization against privatization of resource extraction at the national level. It also inspired a group of transnational advocacy groups to support the anti-mining movement. Drawing on critical development, social movement, and critical globalization scholarships, the dissertation analyses three distinct scales of the anti-coalmine social mobilizations: local, national, and transnational. Based on a set of qualitative interviews with local/national activists and transnational advocacy groups, I examine each of these scales through the lens of a specific theoretical approach. At the local level, drawing on scholarship on critical development studies, I consider the development of contentious political agency of grassroots communities to analyse the dynamics of the counter- movement against ‘accumulation by dispossession.’ At the national scale, I engage with critical globalization scholarship to analyse discourses of a radical social organization to challenge neoliberal development and its dominant narrative of capitalist modernity. I pay attention to the ii significance of its political rhetoric (nationalist imaginaries) to articulate a counter-hegemonic political agenda. Finally, at the transnational level, I use sociological scholarship on transnational activism to analyse the mobilization of transnational advocacy groups supporting grassroots mobilization to critically reflect on the dynamics of alliances of differently positioned actors who, although united to achieve a common goal, share different worldviews on how to confront the power of global capital in the periphery. I conclude with the lessons learned from the analysis of the Phulbari movement. I focus on three issues: the salient features of the movement, which can be applied in other cases, the significance of the Phulbari movement to confront resource extraction, and a note on rethinking coal politics in the era of climate crisis. iii To Sheikh Muhammad Shaheedullah & Anu Muhammad In recognition of their dedication to social movements to ensure the national resources in Bangladesh benefit its people iv Acknowledgements Before moving to acknowledging the contribution of many individuals, I want to mention my intellectual debt to several scholars whose works swayed my thinking as I wrote this dissertation. Stuart Kirsch’s research on political struggles of indigenous communities against environmental damage and landscape destruction caused by mining corporations in the Pacific region shaped my understanding of resource politics in Bangladesh. His book, Mining Capitalism: The Relationship between Corporations and their Critics, clarifies many subtle issues of grassroots struggles against extractive capital. I have borrowed part of the title of his book. However, I have taken a different perspective to examine the political struggles against resource extraction in Bangladesh and drawn on a broad range of sociological scholarship on development, globalization, and social movements. Philip McMichael’s work on critical development studies provided me with a convincing conceptual framework to dissect struggles against capitalist modernity. His book, Contesting Development: Critical Struggles for Social Change, emphasizes that popular discontent over ‘development’ in the global South is rooted in the ‘market calculus’ of neoliberal capitalism. Another significant influence on my thinking was Indian novelist and social critic, Arundhati Roy. Her non-fiction writing on the Save Narmada Movement (The Cost of Living) and social struggles over mineral development projects in tribal areas in India (Capitalism: A Ghost Story) triggered my interest in Bangladesh’s struggles. This project took longer than I anticipated, but despite many setbacks, I managed to complete it. I was slowed down but not halted by the many barriers I encountered. Many individuals helped me in various ways to overcome the challenges. It would not have been possible without the support of my mentors – a group of wonderful faculty members in the Department of Sociology at the University of Toronto. I must convey my deepest gratitude to all members of my dissertation committee: John Hannigan, Josée Johnston, Erik Schneiderhan, Bernd Baldus, and Zaheer Baber. Since the inception of the project, they have provided much needed intellectual support. Their input shaped the theoretical and empirical analysis of the materials. Every interaction with them helped me solve numerous problems that I was grappling with. They were very generous in agreeing to read various drafts of each chapter and offer incisive comments. Their contributions have been vital. v I am deeply indebted to my interlocutors in Dhaka and Phulbari who graciously shared their time. They patiently accommodated my requests for often lengthy conversations on various aspects of mining conflict and resource politics in Bangladesh. Some of them gave me relevant materials as well. The assistance of my local companion in Phulbari was indispensable, as it allowed me to carry out research in a place unknown to me. Without his labour and commitment, it would have been difficult to navigate remote rural areas and identify relevant participants. A group of transnational advocacy organizations located in various countries in the global North generously responded to my requests to participate in this study. Some members of the Bangladeshis diaspora in the United Kingdom, actively involved in transnational activism on the Phulbari coal project, agreed to be interviewed by telephone. I have refrained from mentioning any names here to protect the privacy of my interlocutors and local companion, as I promised them during my fieldwork. There is no doubt that without their cooperation, the research would have been unthinkable. Many individuals in Bangladesh provided myriad forms of support over the years. I owe them an enormous debt. It is not entirely possible to thank all of them individually. However, several persons deserve special thanks. Professor A. Barkat was kind enough to instruct his staff at the Bangladesh Economic Association to supply me with some relevant documents. K. Alam was very patient in helping me collect materials from NCBD’s archive. Without his efforts, it would not have been possible to organize documents of NCBD’s activism spanning nearly two decades. A. Ferdousee assisted me by organizing these archival materials and collecting other relevant documents from several sources in Dhaka. L. K. Mondal helped me recruit two graduate students from Dhaka University to conduct archival research at its central library and the library of the weekly newspaper Ekota. I. Hoque collected two audio-visual materials relevant to this project. Reza and Shahid responded to my urgent requests over the years to collect new and out of print books from various publishers in Dhaka. Kibria Bhai engaged his staff to find old copies of a weekly magazine in its archives. Anis Bhai quickly responded to my request and collected copies of archival materials from a private source. Rubel Bhai and Zaeed Bhai supplied rare copies of old magazines and audio-visual materials respectively. I am thankful to all of them for their support. vi Two friends of mine deserve special mention. During their time at the University of Toronto, Vincent Chua (now at National University of Singapore) and Jing Shen (now at University of Mannheim, Germany) were my closest friends. Their support was critical for my survival in a city far from home. Numerous lunches, dinners, and movies together helped me feel that I belonged. I have fond memories of spending time together and discussing various issues, academic and non-academic. Vincent also helped me overcome my weakness in dealing with advanced statistical techniques required for two graduate courses. Thank you, Vincent and Jing. During 2008-2014, I was a faculty member (first a Lecturer, then an Assistant Professor) in the Department of Sociology at the University of Dhaka. The University graciously granted me study leave, enabling me to begin my graduate studies at the University of Toronto. I gratefully acknowledge the support provided by the Chairs of the Department of Sociology and the Vice Chancellors of the University of Dhaka during this period. I gratefully acknowledge the financial support I received from various institutions at the University of Toronto to carry out fieldwork: School of Graduate Studies, Faculty of Arts and Science, Munk School of Global Affairs, and the Department of Sociology. I am thankful to Zaheer Baber, John Hannigan, and the successive Associate Chairs of Graduate Studies in the Department of Sociology for strongly recommending my applications for funding. Sandy Welsh, former Associate Chair of Graduate Studies, deserves

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