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Local Authority in the Han Dynasty: Focus on the Sanlao
Local Authority in the Han Dynasty: Focus on the Sanlao Jiandong CHEN 㱩ڎ暒 School of International Studies Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Technology Sydney Australia A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Technology Sydney Sydney, Australia 2018 Certificate of Original Authorship I certify that the work in this thesis has not previously been submitted for a degree nor has it been submitted as part of requirements for a degree except as fully acknowledged within the text. I also certify that the thesis has been written by me. Any help that I have received in my research work and the preparation of the thesis itself has been acknowledged. In addition, I certify that all information sources and literature used are indicated in the thesis. This thesis is the result of a research candidature conducted with another University as part of a collaborative Doctoral degree. Production Note: Signature of Student: Signature removed prior to publication. Date: 30/10/2018 ii Acknowledgements The completion of the thesis would not have been possible without the help and support of many people. Firstly, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor, Associate Professor Jingqing Yang for his continuous support during my PhD study. Many thanks for providing me with the opportunity to study at the University of Technology Sydney. His patience, motivation and immense knowledge guided me throughout the time of my research. I cannot imagine having a better supervisor and mentor for my PhD study. Besides my supervisor, I would like to thank the rest of my thesis committee: Associate Professor Chongyi Feng and Associate Professor Shirley Chan, for their insightful comments and encouragement; and also for their challenging questions which incited me to widen my research and view things from various perspectives. -
Transmission of Han Pictorial Motifs Into the Western Periphery: Fuxi and Nüwa in the Wei-Jin Mural Tombs in the Hexi Corridor*8
DOI: 10.4312/as.2019.7.2.47-86 47 Transmission of Han Pictorial Motifs into the Western Periphery: Fuxi and Nüwa in the Wei-Jin Mural Tombs in the Hexi Corridor*8 ∗∗ Nataša VAMPELJ SUHADOLNIK 9 Abstract This paper examines the ways in which Fuxi and Nüwa were depicted inside the mu- ral tombs of the Wei-Jin dynasties along the Hexi Corridor as compared to their Han counterparts from the Central Plains. Pursuing typological, stylistic, and iconographic approaches, it investigates how the western periphery inherited the knowledge of the divine pair and further discusses the transition of the iconographic and stylistic design of both deities from the Han (206 BCE–220 CE) to the Wei and Western Jin dynasties (220–316). Furthermore, examining the origins of the migrants on the basis of historical records, it also attempts to discuss the possible regional connections and migration from different parts of the Chinese central territory to the western periphery. On the basis of these approaches, it reveals that the depiction of Fuxi and Nüwa in Gansu area was modelled on the Shandong regional pattern and further evolved into a unique pattern formed by an iconographic conglomeration of all attributes and other physical characteristics. Accordingly, the Shandong region style not only spread to surrounding areas in the central Chinese territory but even to the more remote border regions, where it became the model for funerary art motifs. Key Words: Fuxi, Nüwa, the sun, the moon, a try square, a pair of compasses, Han Dynasty, Wei-Jin period, Shandong, migration Prenos slikovnih motivov na zahodno periferijo: Fuxi in Nüwa v grobnicah s poslikavo iz obdobja Wei Jin na območju prehoda Hexi Izvleček Pričujoči prispevek v primerjalni perspektivi obravnava upodobitev Fuxija in Nüwe v grobnicah s poslikavo iz časa dinastij Wei in Zahodni Jin (220–316) iz province Gansu * The author acknowledges the financial support of the Slovenian Research Agency (ARRS) in the framework of the research core funding Asian languages and Cultures (P6-0243). -
The Old Master
INTRODUCTION Four main characteristics distinguish this book from other translations of Laozi. First, the base of my translation is the oldest existing edition of Laozi. It was excavated in 1973 from a tomb located in Mawangdui, the city of Changsha, Hunan Province of China, and is usually referred to as Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi because it is the older of the two texts of Laozi unearthed from it.1 Two facts prove that the text was written before 202 bce, when the first emperor of the Han dynasty began to rule over the entire China: it does not follow the naming taboo of the Han dynasty;2 its handwriting style is close to the seal script that was prevalent in the Qin dynasty (221–206 bce). Second, I have incorporated the recent archaeological discovery of Laozi-related documents, disentombed in 1993 in Jishan District’s tomb complex in the village of Guodian, near the city of Jingmen, Hubei Province of China. These documents include three bundles of bamboo slips written in the Chu script and contain passages related to the extant Laozi.3 Third, I have made extensive use of old commentaries on Laozi to provide the most comprehensive interpretations possible of each passage. Finally, I have examined myriad Chinese classic texts that are closely associated with the formation of Laozi, such as Zhuangzi, Lüshi Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), Han Feizi, and Huainanzi, to understand the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s ideas. In addition to these characteristics, this book introduces several new interpretations of Laozi. -
History of Chinese Philosophy: Antiquity to 1200
Winter 2017 Tues. and Weds 9:00-10:40 Location TBA HISTORY OF CHINESE PHILOSOPHY: ANTIQUITY TO 1200 Tracing its beginnings back to the time of the pre-Socratics, the Chinese philosophical tradition is marked by a diversity and sophistication that makes it interesting not only in its own right, but also as a point of comparative reference: it offers an alternative conceptual and moral space from which to think about basic ideas and questions, and to interrogate the very foundations of philosophical inquiry. This course introduces the maJor texts of the Chinese philosophical tradition from its beginnings c. 6th century BCE to around 1200 CE. The first half will be devoted to key early texts – those connected to the figures of Confucius, Mozi, Mencius, Xunzi, Laozi, Zhuangzi, Han Feizi and others. We will learn about the distinctive concerns and approaches of each of these texts, and the positions they represented within the cosmological, ethical and political debates that ensued during the period of the Warring States (4th-3rd centuries BCE). In the second half of the course, we will learn about new styles of inquiry that accompanied the rise and consolidation of the first empires in China, as well as those that emerged in the wake of imperial collapse in the 3rd century CE. In this part we will study texts connected to the cosmological synthesis of the Han empire; Buddhist hermeneutics and metaphysics; the “Learning of the Mystery”; medieval Daoist self-cultivation; literary theory; and Neo-Confucianism. Source texts will be read in English translation. Instructor Curie Virág Office: TBA [email protected] Tel: TBA E-mail policy I will try to respond to e-mails within 24 hours. -
Han Fei and the Han Feizi
Introduction: Han Fei and the Han Feizi Paul R. Goldin Han Fei 韓非 was the name of a proli fi c Chinese philosopher who (according to the scanty records available to us) was executed on trumped up charges in 233 B.C.E. Han Feizi 韓非子, meaning Master Han Fei , is the name of the book purported to contain his writings. In this volume, we distinguish rigorously between Han Fei (the man) and Han Feizi (the book) for two main reasons. First, the authenticity of the Han Feizi —or at least of parts of it—has long been doubted (the best studies remain Lundahl 1992 and Zheng Liangshu 1993 ) . This issue will be revisited below; for now, suffi ce to it to say that although the contributors to this volume accept the bulk of it as genuine, one cannot simply assume that Han Fei was the author of everything in the Han Feizi . Indeed, there is a memorial explic- itly attributed to Han Fei’s rival Li Si 李斯 (ca. 280–208 B.C.E.) in the pages of the Han Feizi ( Chen Qiyou 陳奇猷 2000 : 1.2.42–47); some scholars fear that other material in the text might also be the work of people other than Han Fei. Second, and no less importantly, even if Han Fei is responsible for the lion’s share of the extant Han Feizi , a reader must be careful not to identify the philosophy of Han Fei himself with the philosophy (or philosophies) advanced in the Han Feizi , as though these were necessarily the same thing. -
Han Feizi's Criticism of Confucianism and Its Implications for Virtue Ethics
JOURNAL OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY Journal of Moral Philosophy 5 (2008) 423–453 www.brill.nl/jmp Han Feizi’s Criticism of Confucianism and its Implications for Virtue Ethics * Eric L. Hutton Department of Philosophy, University of Utah, 215 S. Central Campus Drive, CTIHB, 4th fl oor, Salt Lake City, UT 84112, USA [email protected] Abstract Several scholars have recently proposed that Confucianism should be regarded as a form of virtue ethics. Th is view off ers new approaches to understanding not only Confucian thinkers, but also their critics within the Chinese tradition. For if Confucianism is a form of virtue ethics, we can then ask to what extent Chinese criticisms of it parallel criticisms launched against contemporary virtue ethics, and what lessons for virtue ethics in general might be gleaned from the challenges to Confucianism in particular. Th is paper undertakes such an exercise in examining Han Feizi, an early critic of Confucianism. Th e essay off ers a careful interpretation of the debate between Han Feizi and the Confucians and suggests that thinking through Han Feizi’s criticisms and the possible Confucian responses to them has a broader philosophical payoff , namely by highlighting a problem for current defenders of virtue ethics that has not been widely noticed, but deserves attention. Keywords Bernard Williams, Chinese philosophy, Confucianism, Han Feizi, Rosalind Hursthouse, virtue ethics Although Confucianism is now almost synonymous with Chinese culture, over the course of history it has also attracted many critics from among the Chinese themselves. Of these critics, one of the most interesting is Han Feizi (ca. -
The Ideology and Significance of the Legalists School and the School Of
Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 351 4th International Conference on Modern Management, Education Technology and Social Science (MMETSS 2019) The Ideology and Significance of the Legalists School and the School of Diplomacy in the Warring States Period Chen Xirui The Affiliated High School to Hangzhou Normal University [email protected] Keywords: Warring States Period; Legalists; Strategists; Modern Economic and Political Activities Abstract: In the Warring States Period, the legalist theory was popular, and the style of reforming the country was permeated in the land of China. The Seven Warring States known as Qin, Qi, Chu, Yan, Han, Wei and Zhao have successively changed their laws and set the foundation for the country. The national strength hovers between the valley and school’s doctrines have accelerated the historical process of the Great Unification. The legalists laid a political foundation for the big country, constructed a power framework and formulated a complete policy. On the rule of law, the strategist further opened the gap between the powers of the country. In other words, the rule of law has created conditions for the cross-border family to seek the country and the activity of the latter has intensified the pursuit of the former. This has sparked the civilization to have a depth and breadth thinking of that period, where the need of ideology and research are crucial and necessary. This article will specifically address the background of the legalists, the background of these two generations, their historical facts and major achievements as well as the research into the practical theory that was studies during that period. -
China´S Cultural Fundamentals Behind Current Foreign Policy Journal Views: Heritage of Old Thinking Habits in Chinese Modern Thoughts
Lajčiak, M. (2017). China´s cultural fundamentals behind current foreign policy Journal views: Heritage of old thinking habits in Chinese modern thoughts. Journal of of International International Studies, 10(2), 9-27. doi:10.14254/2071-8330.2017/10-2/1 Studies © Foundation China´s cultural fundamentals behind of International current foreign policy views: Heritage of Studies, 2017 © CSR, 2017 old thinking habits in Chinese modern Scientific Papers thoughts Milan Lajčiak Ambassador of the Slovak Republic to the Republic of Korea Slovak Embassy in Seoul, South Korea Email: [email protected] Abstract. Different philosophical frameworks between China and the West found Received: December, 2016 their reflection in diverging concepts of managing relations with the outside 1st Revision: world. China focused more on circumstances, managing situation and preventing February, 2017 conflicts, the West was resolution oriented, aimed at fighting opponents and Accepted: March, 2017 looking for victory in conflicts. China has introduced the idea of harmony - hierarchy world, while the West, on the opposite, tends to freedom-conflict DOI: patterns of relations. On China’s side, thinking habits and old thought paradigms 10.14254/2071- of statecraft are until now deeply ingrained in mentality, thus shaping China´s 8330.2017/10-2/1 policy today. Understanding the background of Chinese traditional thinking modes and mind heritage helps better understanding of China´s rise in global affairs as well as of Sino-American relations as the key element in a search for global leadership. Keywords: China, West, thinking habits, foreign policy concepts, China rise, Sino- American relations. JEL Classification: F5, P5, Z1 1. -
Prohibition of Jiatou Zaju in the Ming Dynasty and the Portrayal
PROHIBITION OF JIATOU ZAJU IN THE MING DYNASTY AND THE PORTRAYAL OF THE EMPEROR ON STAGE Tian Yuan Tan (Chen Tianyuan) INTRODUCTION: THE TERMS JIATOU AND JIATOU ZAJU Portraying the emperor on stage was not at all uncommon in the Yuan dynasty (1260-1368). This can be gathered from the fact that the emperor role, designated by the term jiatou, is one of the cus- tomary role types in Yuan drama.' According to the Qinglouji (The Green Bower Collection), a valuable collection of short biograph- ical notes on performers in the Yuan dynasty compiled around 1364, jiatou is one of the waijiao (extra roles) in zaju besides the fe- male and male lead roles, clan (female) and mo (male): [These extra role types] include the jiatou, the beauty pining in her boudoir, the bawd, the coquettish young girl, the high official, the poor, the brigand, the government servant, and those categories concerning immortals and Taoist deliver- ance, and family matters.'- The term "jiatou" originally referred to the throne of the emperor which an old eunuch would carry in front of the emperor's carriage on an imperial tour of inspection.' Since jiatou was an important insignia of an imperial tour, the modern Chinese scholar Sun Kaidi suggests that the term "jiatou zaju" must therefore involve at least a certain scene of the emperor going out in a carriage, as found in Act Three of both Hangong qiu (Autumn in the Palace of Han) and Tian Yuan Tan, "Prohibition of Jiatou Zaju in the Ming Dynasty and the Portrayal of the Emperor on Stage," MING STUDIES, 49, pp. -
Wang Fu's “Qian Fu Theory” Inheriting and Developing Han Fei's Thought
2020 3rd International Workshop on Advances in Social Sciences (IWASS 2020) Wang Fu's “Qian Fu Theory” Inheriting and Developing Han Fei's Thought Chen Lin, Ma Shinian* Lanzhou, Northwest Normal University, 730010, China *Corresponding Author Keywords: Han fei, Wang fu, Ideological inheritance, Ideological development Abstract: Han Fei is a master of legalist thought, and Wang Fu is one of the most representative thinkers in the Eastern Han Dynasty. Because of the great similarity of the characteristics of the times they lived in, Wang Fu absorbed Han Fei's thoughts of rule of law and the art of governing the officials in order to save the country and the people, enrich the country and strengthen the army, and directly inherited and integrated them into his Confucianism based ideological system. At the same time, it can be seen that in terms of the theory of human nature, the shaping of human nature advocated by Wang Fu is a development of Han Fei's view of human nature seeking benefits and avoiding disadvantages. In the aspect of national education, the combination of morality and punishment is the development of Han Fei's teaching by law. On the economic front, 100 businesses were originally the development of Korea's non-agricultural business philosophy. 1. Introduction Wang Fu is one of the most representative Confucian scholars in the Eastern Han Dynasty. However, Wang Jipei, a scholar in the Qing Dynasty, pointed out: “He learned to compromise confucius, but he also dabbled in the name of Shen Shang, Hanfei, and did not become a pure confucius.” It can be found by carefully reading the text of Qian Fu theory that words such as “law”, “punishment”, “reward” and “punishment” appear frequently, while Wang continues to cultivate and annotate “Qian Fu theory”, citing the secondary data of Han Feizi, Mr. -
Speaking to History 5/13/08 1:52 PM Page 1
1.Cohen, Speaking to History 5/13/08 1:52 PM Page 1 one The Goujian Story in Antiquity before looking at the variety of ways in which the figure of Gou- jian assumed meaning for Chinese in the twentieth century, we need to ex- amine the story itself. In reconstructing the Goujian story, I have not been unduly concerned with the historicity of particular incidents or details.1 The impact of the story in the twentieth century, as noted in the preface, derived not from its accuracy as history but from its power as narrative.2 Nor have I attempted to trace the evolution of the story as it wended its way from ancient times on up to the end of the imperial era. This is not an exercise in Chinese literary history. What I want to do in this opening chapter is establish a rough baseline for what was known about the Gou- jian narrative in the first century c.e., the time when the first full-fledged version of the story (of which we are aware) appeared. To this end, I have consulted, either in the original or in translation, such basic ancient sources as Zuozhuan (Zuo’s Tradition), Guoyu (Legends of the States), Sima Qian’s Shiji (Records of the Historian), and Lüshi chunqiu (The Annals of Lü Buwei).3 However, I have relied most heavily on the later (and highly fic- tionalized) Wu Yue chunqiu (The Annals of Wu and Yue), originally com- piled by the Eastern Han author Zhao Ye from 58 to 75 c.e.4 I have done this for two reasons. -
Han Fei and Justice*
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Apollo Volume 9, No. 4 20 Han Fei and Justice* Henrique SCHNEIDER Universität Graz, Austria Abstract: Justice in an abstract sense (or, establishing just outcomes) is one of the most important goals of any legal system. For Han Fei, on the other hand, justice did not seem worthy of a meaningful consideration within framework, which focused on the effectiveness and efficiency of the state aiming at increasing the power and/or stability of the state (and its ruler). However, this paper claims that there is a proposition to be made: Although Han Fei was not concerned with justice, establishing just outcomes was equally fundamental for the functioning of the system proposed by him as its inherent stability. Key Words: Philosophy, Political System, Qin, Justice, Dao * The author gratefully acknowledges the insightful comments given by Al Martinich, Yang Xiao, and Hui-chieh Loy. Cambridge Journal of China Studies 21 Fundamenta justitiæ sunt, ut ne cui noceatur, deinde ut communi utilitatiserviatur. (The foundations of justice are that no one shall suffer wrong; then, that the public good be promoted.) Cicero, De Officiis, I. 10. It’s a very heterogenic group; it even seems too disparate to be brought together: legal philosophy, justice, Han Fei, and (some) comparative philosophy. Yet, there is an intuition of justice that merits some thought within legal philosophy. Would this entail that Han Fei 1, as a philosopher thinking about legality, had justice in mind, as well? This paper aims to establish what justice means in the philosophy of Han Fei.