The Secret Life of Shotengai

Home , Arcade (architecture), Machiya, Shimokitazawa, Variety store

THE SECRET LIFE OF SHOTENGAI

PRATT INSTITUTE TOKYO STUDIO 2019

1 Nishi-Sando shotengai in Asakusa, Tokyo

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This report was created in conjunction with the Land Use and Urban Design Studio: Tokyo, a graduate level City and Regional Planning studio course in the Pratt Institute’s Graduate Center for Planning and the Environment. The opportunity to travel to Japan to conduct this research was made possible through financial support from the School of Architecture.

We would like to thank:

Jonathan Martin, Ph.D., AICP, for his guidance during the course and urban form recommendations and thoughts.

Assistant Professor Alexa Fabrega for her coordination with locals and translations of conversations as well as the survey in this research and insight into the retail mix of shotengai.

Anonymous survey respondents for the insight into local Japanese culture and the functionality of shotegnai.

Students of the Tokyo Studio for their thoughts surrounding this research.

Koichiro Tamura for his insight into Kyoto City nightlife and history.

2 3 AUTHORS TABLE OF CONTENTS

CAROLINE BUCK INTRODUCTION 06 M.S. Urban Placemaking & Management candidate LITERATURE REVIEW 07 ELIZABETH HOREN METHODOLOGY 15 M.S. City & Regional Planning candidate SHOTENGAI MAP 34 JOSIE MATTESON PATTERNS M.S. City & Regional Planning candidate 38 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 44 YANXIN MAO M.S. Sustainable Environmental Systems candidate ANALYSIS 82 CONCLUSION 94

4 5 INTRODUCTION FORM, CHARACTERISTICS, + CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE OF SHOTENGAI

Shotengai (商店街) are defined as “shopping streets” or on defining a perspective of success that considers the value of Shotengai are small or medium sized commercial corridors “shopping districts.” While this term seems broad according place as it relates to supporting communities. that run along main roads connecting social and cultural hubs to its denotative definition, colloquially and connotatively within cities (Carmelino and Hamazato 2019, Ito 2019). In to- the word means much more. Shotengai are often covered, The research focuses on shotengai because of their prevalence day’s urban landscape, shotengai often originate or end at a are the singular home of many mom and pop stores, and act to the urban planning, placemaking, and sustainability fields. neighborhood train station and are lined on either side by two as a bridge between a transportation hub and an area of cul- In western urban planning, shopping streets can be important or three story mixed-use buildings with commercial uses on tural significance. For research purposes, the study initially drivers of economic development, perform as cultural and the ground floor and residential or storage above (Balsas 2016, used these ideas to define, seek out, and begin to gather data historical hubs, and actively serve many residents in a neigh- Carmelino and Hamazato 2019). Additionally, shotengai pri- about shotengai. The research was centered around three borhood. Shopping streets and main streets often form the eco- oritize pedestrians and are frequently closed to auto traffic for main questions: nomic backbone of an urban area, create opportunities for en- at least part of the day, if not permanently. Many shotengai trepreneurship and livelihood creation, provide public respite are covered with a roof-like structure to enclose the space and Shotengai are often linear in form, leading to a destination like WHAT CHARACTERISTICS AND and gathering spaces for a community, and establish an area’s enable shopping in all weather conditions, typically organized a shrine or train station CONDITIONS MAKE A SUCCESSFUL identity or sense of place. They can also provide opportunities and paid for by the local shop owners associations with gov- to incorporate urban forestry, horticulture, and stormwater in- ernment assistance (Balsas 2016). SHOTENGAI? frastructure into the streetscape, building resilient cities. This research evaluates the ways in which shotengai relate to these There are roughly 12,000 shotengai in Japan, each one deeply HOW ARE SHOTENGAI UNIQUE? contexts, focusing on how they support communities and pro- connected to the neighborhood and responsive to local con- vide economic, community, and sustainability services. sumer needs (Carmelino and Hamazato 2010, To and Hua WHAT CAN WE LEARN FROM THE Chong 2017). These hubs of social and commercial activity This report is structured by first exemplifying a literature review serve as an anchor for the community; contributing to the SUCCESS OR FAILURES OF SHOTEN- on shotengai and their various characteristics. The methodolo- sense of place of a neighborhood, promoting and cultivating GAI, AND HOW CAN THESE BE gy for collecting relevant data and organizing observations is entrepreneurship, and reflecting a village-like feel in Japan’s APPLIED TO WESTERN PLACEMAKING detailed, as well as the specific observations for each shotengai bustling cities (Balsas 2016, To and Hua Chong 2017). This AND PLANNING PRINCIPLES? visited during the study. An analysis of general patterns and an connection is especially important for elderly residents who in-depth analysis of the success and opportunities of shotengai depend on the proximity to goods and services, as well as the These questions were developed to help ground the research follows. The report concludes with applications for Western social interactions and bonds with shopkeepers (Balsas 2016). Restaurants and cafes contribute to the social atmosphere in a philosophy of learning rather than judging, and to rely planning and placemaking, suggestions for future research, un- on comparative strategies rather than assumptive ones. These answered questions, and final thoughts. This report attempts to questions also serve to find best practices of commercial ac- contribute substantive research to the planning, placemaking, tivity in a different cultural context. While a traditional defi- and sustainability fields concerning commercial activity in Ja- nition of commercial success revolves around economics and pan, the significance of old world concepts and their moderniza- financial stability, the research objectives of this study focus tion, and the phenomenon of shotengai.

Shotengai tend to be covered shopping streets with many locally owned businesses Most shotengai display a branded sign displaying its name as an gateway entrance to the street

6 INTRODUCTION LITERATURE REVIEW 7 EMERGENCE OF COMPETING RETAIL ORIGINS OF SHOTENGAI FORMATS AND THE SHIFT IN DECLINE OF SHOTENGAI SHOPPING HABITS

The origins of Shotengai can be traced back to the late 1500s Japan’s commercial history originated primarily in small, fami- Shotengai have felt significant pressure by changing retail near the end of the Sengoku period when the daimyo lord Oda ly-owned shops that grew during the Meiji Era (1868-1912) into formats and consumer shopping habits, as illustrated by a Nobunaga established free-market policies to stimulate the lo- the large department stores that exist today. These department 2007 study conducted by the Japanese Ministry of Economy, cal economy (To and Hua Chong 2017). Shotengai have since stores set themselves apart from common markets by creating an Trade, and Industry (MITI) which reveals that 70.3 percent developed organically and unplanned as commercial support upscale atmosphere where unique goods could be purchased by of shotengai identify themselves as in a weakening condition for urban neighborhoods, often as a place to shop for goods discerning clientele (Herndon 2004). in fear of becoming obsolete as consumption patterns change and services on the way to and from shrines or temples (Balsas (Balsas 2016). Another 2017 study conducted by the Small 2016). Many shotengai also link transportation hubs and train However, since the country opened to the west, Japan has strug- and Medium Enterprise Agency claims that 47.3 percent of stations, and were established as central shopping districts gled to balance Eastern and Western frameworks relating to retail respondents identify a storefront vacancy rate of more than before the advent of automobile ownership, making them in- and consumerism. Western commercial systems have had a strong 10 percent along their respective shotengai, and 32.4 percent herently pedestrian-focused (Balsas 2016). An analysis of the impact on Japanese food production, manufacturing, and consumer of respondents claim that the vacancy rate has increased over cultural sustainability of shotengai identifies them as “great patterns. As a result, mass-produced consumer goods such as elec- the past five years, leading to a phenomenon called “shatta places to visit to catch a snapshot of ‘authentic’ and original tronics and appliances appeared in every home by way of chain dori” or “shuttered street” as shops go out of business (Ito ordinary Japanese life in a cozy and distinct atmosphere” rep- stores, and Japanese shoppers abandoned shopping traditions such 2019). resenting “special or unique cultural identities of their areas as kneeling to examine the merchandise and haggling with shop- over generations” (To and Hua Chong 2017). keepers (Balsas 2018). While there may be some internal factors influencing each Map of a shopping street leading to Kiyomizu-dera temple in shop’s closure due to a lack of family to take over the busi- Kyoto City Since the early 2000s, large domestic and international companies ness or aging buildings that need repair, shotengai often face have tried to alter the market and increase shopping activity in Ja- larger issues such as a lack of a defined attraction to draw pan (Herndon 2004). Despite many efforts to keep the interests of people or heterogeneity of retail and lack of shop diversity large corporations separate from independent Japanese retail, poli- (Ito 2019). Balsas theorizes that the weakening condition of cies that allow foreign stock trade have enabled large international shotengai “is likely to reflect market forces, changes in con- chain stores to infiltrate the retail system in Japan (Herndon 2004). sumption and in distribution, management and operation of family establishments as well as broader trends in Japanese Shotengai remain havens of small and local businesses, but the shift- society, such as ageing, reductions in birth rates and depopu- ing landscape of retail and consumer habits has been a challenge lation of the countryside” (Balsas 2016). for these commercial corridors. The development of Western-style suburban shopping centers and intense competition among retailers Other threats to shotengai include real estate pressure to re- has created an increasingly difficult business climate for smaller develop aging buildings, especially as urban land prices rise stores, as consumers are drawn to suburban destination-style shop- and large-scale commercial development becomes desirable. ping malls that feature dining and entertainment in addition to retail In 2017, a developer was unsuccessful in his attempt to evict (Herndon 2004 and Balsas 2016). The increasing presence of inter- two tenants of a Higashi-Nakano neighborhood shotengai national brands in Japan threatens to create foreign retail monop- in Tokyo named Moon Road. The effort failed, due to the olies which has stoked fear of obsolescence among locally-owned shotengai community banding together to fight the eviction companies (Itami 2005). While smaller stores have a vested inter- lawsuit and advocating for the preservation of the shotengai est in keeping large chains out, this model is likely contributing to as a whole, as development on one site would likely spread the decline of Shotengai in Japan (Herndon 2004, Balsas 2016). to the rest of the shotengai over time (Ito 2019).

Suruga Street, c. 1836, woodblock print by Utagawa Hiroshige “Shattadori” effect in Joyful Minowa

8 LITERATURE REVIEW LITERATURE REVIEW 9 RECENT ATTEMPTS TO REVITALIZE AND PRESERVE SHOTENGAI JAPANESE REGULATORY APPROACHES TO MANAGEMENT OF SHOTENGAI

Shotengai are incredibly valuable to those who utilize them, The majority of shotengai developed in an unplanned fashion, portation (Petrillo, 2017). Soon after the 1950 code change, and many who grew up around them have a sentimental con- with individual stores being owned and operated separately scholars theorized that broad strokes, national level policy may nection to these vibrant places. Kamei, A 54 year-old own- from each other; though the strong sense of community of these actually account for less regulation in local areas, especially ar- er of an eyeglass and watch store in Togoshi Ginza in Tokyo districts has led to the establishment of management organiza- eas that are more rural or lacking in strong governmental pres- reminiscences about his childhood, “[The shotengai] was tions, usually created and managed by the shop owners them- ence (Blakemore and Yazawa, 1953). At the time, and within a where all of his friends played after school, where everybody selves, to improve and maintain their shotengai collectively legal framework, many lawyers and policy makers were trou- knew everybody and where relationships were so close that (Balsas 2016, Ito 2019). bled by the switch to a national commercial code (Blakemore Kamei would be scolded by neighbors if he misbehaved. ‘It and Yazawa, 1953). But despite initial arguments over the val- really was like being raised by the whole community,’ Kamei In the years leading up to World War II, Japanese commercial ue of such an approach, scholars later speculated that the 1950 says” (Ito 2019). This deeply embedded connection to place development patterns were decided through strategic plans, change to a national code could have marked the beginning of has spurred community efforts to preserve shotengai against comprehensive plans, and regulation (Petrillo, 2017). Much of prosperity that led to the economic bubble, allowing for wide encroaching urban redevelopment schemes. Shotengai exhibit the code that the country used was borrowed from German ide- application of policy (Blakemore and Yazawa, 1953). In fact, distinct cultural values that contribute to the social and eco- als (Blakemore and Yazawa, 1953). After the fires in the Ginza it is possible that the code expansion was done with the goal of nomic sustainability of the neighborhood as a whole, creating district of Tokyo in the 1870s, many plans and policies were positive economic restructuring in mind, especially in the time the space for innovation through community-oriented eco- formed to decide how to rebuild the neighborhood (Petrillo, following a devastating war, and with Americans quickly trying Kawabata Night Festival in Fukuoka nomic development and promoting entrepreneurship, provid- 2017). The 1888 Tokyo Urban Renewal Ordinance regulated to compensate for the damage that was done. Despite Ameri- ing social welfare and security services, and contribute to the the first comprehensive land use policy in Japan, and in 1919, can occupation, other Western influences, especially German, sense of place and community with authentic local culture and the City Planning Act replaced this ordinance (Petrillo, 2017). of economic values, policy making, and government form im- vibrancy (To and Hua Chong 2017). This Act first introduced national scale planning and regulation pacted the revision of this code (Blakemore and Yazawa, 1953). to Japanese law, but the terms and conditions of this fact were There are some efforts to ‘revitalize’ struggling shotengai not fully realized until after the war (Petrillo, 2017). Rather than using an identical system to the United States, Jap- through placemaking strategies such as festivals and events anese policy makers decided on a national code model that all programming, renovations, place-based branding and market- In 1950, there was a large scale change in the commercial code places must follow, accompanied by special political and juris- ing, as well as integrating health care facilities for the elderly. of Japan through the adoption of Law No. 167 of 1950 (Blake- dictional districts called “City Planning Areas” (Petrillo, 2017). Some shotengai in Osaka are combining shopping with leisure more and Yazawa, 1953). Large metropolitan commercial ar- These could be akin to the American differentiation between activities to attract multiple publics to the area, contributing eas began to replicate much of a western commercial strategy zoning and land use. There were major categories of revision to to its vibrancy and prolonging its existence (Balsas 2016). oriented towards vehicular traffic (Petrillo, 2017). Wide - bou the Japanese code: Shotengai that support a large elderly population presents levards became prevalent, and much of Tokyo and other large • A shifting of corporate powers to be more equally dispersed an opportunity to foster “productive ageing” for this increas- Japanese cities began to model urban development after Pari- amongst shareholders, board of directors, and auditors; ing demographic, where the elderly can contribute to society Shotengai present an opportunitiy to provide services for the sian and American development. (Petrillo, 2017). After World • Introduction of new methods for attracting and inducing through living in tandem with the younger generation, sharing growing elderly population War II, American influence was prominent and affected the way capital investment; and knowledge and cultivating community cultural capital (To and city planning happened. Much of planning has traditionally • Increased legal rights for individual shareholders (Blake- Hua Chong 2017). been, and still is, intensely focused on development and trans- more and Yazawa, 1953).

There is also some thought regarding the future of shotengai Realistic illustration of the Main Street of Brick Masonry in Ginza, Tokyo. led by local organizations and shop owners in not just preserv- Painted by Utagawa Kuniteru II 1873 ing the history of the place, but expanding upon it to include urban tourism and increased programming, perhaps even functioning as a type of live-work-play urban neighborhood (Ito 2018). The aforementioned eyeglass and watch shop owner of Togoshi Ginza, Kamei, is a proponent of modernizing the shotengai by expanding opportunities to attract urban tourists, so “people would come visit us from close and afar to see our Togoshi brand,” effectively reshaping the shotengai as a destination in itself (Ito 2019). Shotengai can serve as tourist destinations

10 LITERATURE REVIEW LITERATURE REVIEW 11 EXPANSION UPON PRIOR STUDIO’S TRENDS IN JAPANESE PLANNING OF COMMERCIAL DISTRICTS AND STREETS Evaluating Privately Owned WORK AND INCORPORATING SINCE 2000 LESSONS LEARNED Public Spaces in Japan Exploring the Efficacy of Western Metrics for the Evaluation of Public Space in Japanese Contexts

In 2002, drastic revisions to the code and the development of Our work in evaluating shotengai builds upon a previous Pratt PLAN-820 Land Use Studio Tokyo Planning and Urbanism the Companies Act of Japan allowed for more freedom. This studio’s evaluation of Privately Owned Public Spaces in Japan August 2018 included the formation of a new corporate structure that al- (Asimov, et al 2018), that concludes generally that successful lowed for committee creation to divide power (Itami, 2005). public spaces in Japan are defined as those that are heavily used The rules and regulations around stock exchange affect the by people, and those that function as destinations to themselves, ability of Japanese corporations; it allows them to trade with attracting a variety of users with multiple types of seating, tables, foreign companies and may lead to increased foreign monopo- greenery, art, and water features. They also employ program- ly (Itami, 2005). The restructure of the code was not primarily ming to encourage activity throughout the day, and are visible concerned with spatial or developmental changes; it was more from the streetscape with good access to transit. Unsuccessful regulation based. The regulations didn’t have direct spatial public spaces in Japan are those that are transient, or otherwise impact, but they did make it easier for foreign companies to seem temporary and do not encourage people to stay - whether locate in Japan (Itami, 2005). through lack of seating and tables, are unfriendly to pedestrians, or lack shade. A place’s surrounding context, proximity to Much of Japan’s commercial activity originates in small, lo- a variety of uses, commercial activity, scale, and the division of calized stores (Herndon, 2004). Since the early 2000s, many space should be considered in evaluating the success of a public large companies have tried to alter the market in a way that space in Japan. In addition to the Western metrics used in eval- seeks to increase shopping activity at larger retailers. This Odakyu department store at Shinjuku Station in Tokyo uating Japanese public space, wifi access, social restrictions and pressure comes from Japanese companies and foreign com- rules, and physical accessibility should also be considered. Ap- panies alike. There are a wide variety of large retailers in Ja- proaching the study of Japanese public space in comparison to pan, such as Tokyu and Odakyu, that contribute to the overall Western public space should incorporate an approach that eval- decline of small retail in Japan. This is in part due to the well uates elements that are unique to Japan, specifically tradition, Asimov, et al 2018 Report Cover known fact that “large retailers purchase goods from whole- history, and local architecture. Public shrines and temples are salers for lower prices than small retailers do,” (Ojima, et al another factor in considering the vibrancy of a Japanese space. 2018). In terms of foreign companies, one example company Perhaps it is best to leave evaluation metrics flexible prior to is Walmart (Herndon, 2004). Trade with foreign companies landing in Japan and shape them on what is experienced, rather and may lead to increased foreign monopoly, and this is a fear than researched (Asimov, et al 2018). for many Japanese based companies (Itami, 2005). Intensely large companies like Walmart have found a way to infiltrate The work in this report attempts to dive deeper into a specific the retail system in Japan despite many efforts to keep the in- classification of shotengai as public spaces, and seeks to add terests of large firms separate from Japanese retail, and this to the literature surrounding public space typologies in Japan has to do with newer policy that allows foreign stock trade in accordance with the Pratt Japanese Land Use and Urban (Herndon, 2004). Competition is intense, and this makes for Design Studio. an increasingly difficult business climate for smaller stores; smaller stores have a vested interest in keeping big stores out (Herndon, 2004). While small retail in Japan has a vested interest in keeping Walmart out of the country, large companies in Japan do too. Tokyu department store in Shibuya, Tokyo

PUBLIC SPACE IN JAPAN: A Catalog of Typologies and Brief Discussion of the Role of Public Space

PUBLIC SPACE IN JAPAN | 1

Aguirre et al 2012 Report Cover

12 LITERATURE REVIEW LITERATURE REVIEW 13 METHODOLOGY

14 15 METHODOLOGY

DEFINING SHOTENGAI:

While many commercial corridors can be considered shoten- These six categories are informed by the literature review and gai, this research focused primarily on shotengai that cater pri- selected to highlight existing conditions of each shotengai marily to pedestrians, display visible signs of branding (such as they relate to the physical, social, and regulatory environ- as an entrance gate), and appeal to locals and visitors. ments. Each category can be broken down into ten to twelve specific indicators that form the quantitative data for this FRAMING SUCCESS: study. Lower numbers are generally associated with traditional, locally-serving shotengai, while higher numbers indicate This study attempts to understand elements of shotengai that a global influence and major shopping destination. The indi- cater to specific audiences and seeks to determine what makes cators also account for global or western influence, including a shotengai successful. As noted in the literature review, Japa- metrics for English signage and wayfinding and the presence nese retail has shared in the global struggle facing small brick of global brands. Figure 1 shows the first page of a filled out and mortar businesses. Initial hypotheses suggest that eco- observation matrix. nomically successful shotengai will be associated with a high volume of pedestrian traffic and a strong presence of global The data was collected by the research team visiting each site brands. The measures of success for this study are varied and for approximately an hour to observe, take photos, survey includes cultural factors in addition to traditional economic shop owners, and fill out the observational matrix. The major- indicators. ity of the data was recorded during daylight hours and average weather conditions throughout various days of the week.

COLLECTING DATA:

The team visited approximately twenty shotengai across To- kyo, Kyoto, Osaka, Nara, and Hiroshima. In preparation for the site visits, a matrix was created detailing sixty-eight potential success indicators divided into six categories:

1. Urban Form: Physical elements and landscape 2. Characteristics: General feel, presence of branding and or management company 3. Retail: Mix of commercial uses and intended audience 4. Social Infrastructure: Presence and or type of social interaction 5. Policy: Regulations and or presence of government involvement 6. Green Infrastructure: Elements of nature and or attention to environmental factors

The team sitting on public benches and writing observations Figure 1: Filled out observation matrix in Kagurazaka

16 LITERATURE REVIEW LITERATURE REVIEW 17 OBSERVATION MATRIX BREAKDOWN

URBAN FORM vey an average, as many shotengai exemplify a wide variety of facade types. Traditional facades exhibit machiya characteristics and are made primarily of FACADES Urban Form evaluates the physical environment and urban NUMBER OF STORIES wood or natural materials, while modern facades use context of each shotengai. Detailing general and unique large glass panes and harder materials. Signage is also physical characteristics related to architecture and street- a consideration. scape contributes to an understanding of how shotengai • Character (Unified - Unique) indicates the overall function within their context or serve a population. This composition of the facades and whether they are sim- category is comprised of the following indicators: ilar or different to each other. This is meant to evaluate the sense of physical planning or business owner BUILDING TYPOLOGY organization within the shotengai. It can also reveal a theme or identity within the shotengai. • Number of Stories (1-5) indicates the scale of sur- 1-2 stories in Yanaka Ginza v. 4-5 stories in Shinsaibashi Unified traditional facades v. unique and varying facades rounding buildings in and around the shotengai. This URBAN CONTEXT establishes the context of each shotengai: low-rise res- MATERIALITY SURROUNDINGS idential (3 or fewer stories) to high-rise commercial (4 • Surroundings (Residential - Commercial) reflects the or 5+ stories). This informs surrounding potential uses character and make-up of the neighborhood or com- and user bases for each shotengai. munity that the shotengai exists within. This can reveal • Materiality (Traditional - Modern) indicates the a likely audience and determine how locally-serving physical texture of the buildings in the shotengai. Tra- the shotengai is. ditional materials are those that are in line with estab- • Connections (Remote - Destination) evaluates the lished Japanese aesthetics, such as those of machiya proximity of the shotengai to important destinations or shop houses. These buildings typically display ele- attractions within its context. Connection to destina- ments with natural materiality, like kōshi wood lat- tions can influence the volume and types of users and ticing, earthen walls, sliding doors and shōji screens, businesses within a shotengai. and tiled roofs. Modern materiality is shown through Traditional natural materiality v. modern glass and metal Low-rise residential v. high-rise commercial elements like glass, metal, cement, and tile. The materiality of the shotengai lends perspective on the desired VISIBILITY/ACCESS VISIBILITY atmosphere cultivated by shop owners or a manage- STREET WIDTH ment entity. • Universal Access (Easy - Difficult) indicates how easy it is to move throughout the shotengai, especial- STREETSCAPE ly in regards to those with mobility impairments. This can reflect the amount of attention to improving acces- • Street width (Narrow - Wide) measures the width of sibility within shotengai for an aging population. the street within the shotengai, accounting for both pe- • Visible from Outside (Visible - Not Visible) indi- destrian and vehicular lanes of travel. Some shotengai cates the amount of outside attraction to the shotengai are as narrow as bike lanes, while some accommodate through physical measures like arcade signs or wayfinding strategies. This can reflect strategies for draw- multiple lanes of auto traffic. The street width reflects Obvious entrance and attraction v. low attraction and hidden both physical scale of the public way as well as its abil- Narrow pathway in Nishiki v. wide thoroughfare in Chuo-dori ing in visitors or reveal a sense of exclusion within shotengai. ity to be navigated by people. INTERNAL SCALE • Pedestrian Oriented (Pedestrian - Auto) measures PEDESTRIAN ORIENTED the orientation of the street towards a user group, SCALE mainly pedestrians. Features that convey a pedestrian-oriented street include impediments to vehicle or • Internal Scale (Human - Large) indicates the scale of bicycle traffic, designated pedestrian pathways, and a person standing inside the shotengai, varying between vehicle speed. low-rise buildings and enclosure to high-rise buildings and expansive open spaces. This reveals the level of FACADES comfort users feel within the shotengai. • Shotengai to Context (Small - Large) indicates how • Materiality (Traditional - Modern) indicates the the shotengai as a whole fits into its surrounding con- Human-sized elements v. open spaces and tall buildings physical materiality of the facades of the individual Pedestrians only to shared streets with auto traffic text. This conveys if the shotengai flows seamlessly into businesses along the shotengai. This is meant to con- the neighborhood or if it changes abruptly or noticeably.

18 METHODOLOGY METHODOLOGY 19 OBSERVATION MATRIX BREAKDOWN

PLACEMAKING CHARACTERISTICS • Perceived (Quiet - Lively) measures the observer’s perceived activity level of the shotengai from quiet to lively. This metric evaluates any unique features or placemaking A quiet shotengai likely has few shoppers, closed shops, strategies within the shotengai. Detailing elements that or was just not busy during the time of observation. A contribute to a strong sense of place or identity assist in lively shotengai has many people within, music playing, cataloguing successful elements of shotengai. This can also store clerks advertising vocally, and a busy atmosphere. contribute to an understanding of how shotengai are unique compared to Western shopping streets and if there is evi- BRANDING dence of Western influence within shotengai. This category is comprised of the following indicators: • Place Branding (None - Obvious) indicates any organized effort by a management entity to create a unified SIGNAGE/WAYFINDING: brand throughout the shotengai, contributing to its identity. This is observed physically through unique repetitive SIGNAGE BRANDING • Sign Character (Old - New) measures an average of street lights, banners, signage, motifs or mascots, and the character of individual business signage as well as wayfinding. Evident place branding conveys a sense of the brand signage of the shotengai. The materiality, coordination and organization among the shopkeepers layout, attraction techniques, and approximate age of and/or management entity. the signs are considered. This contributes to the phys- • Identity (Independent - Associated) refers to the amount ical identity of the shotengai and can convey the level of individual businesses that seem to belong to a shop- of upkeep of the space. keeper’s association or management entity. This may be • Wayfinding (Difficult - Clear/Eng) refers to the pres- able to be measured through the observed uniformity of ence of directional and spatially-oriented signs and storefronts, signage, merchandising strategies, as well as strategies. This measures how easily people can navi- public amenities like wifi and toilets, but it is difficult to gate through the shotengai from a foreigner’s perspec- Traditional sign character v. modern glass sign be precise. This indicator assists in comparing shotengai Little place branding v. intense tive, which includes prevalence of English language to each other in order to evaluate levels of the presence of signs. a management entity. WAYFINDING CONTEXT PUBLIC AMENITIES: UNIQUITY:

• Amount of Seating (Little - A Lot) measures the pres- • Compared to Others (Similar - Unique) compares sho- ence of public seating within the shotengai. Little to tengai to each other on a broad, holistic level. This is a no seating conveys a sense of privateness to the public relative metric that assists in evaluating various charac- realm or encourages users to pass through rather than teristics of shotengai as a whole. stay. A lot of public seating conveys that there is im- • Compared to Context (Fits In - Stands Out) compares portance placed on provision of public amenities and the observed shotengai to the surrounding context on a allows people to stay without actively spending mon- holistic level, considering the identity, theme, and fabric ey. No directions in sight v. detailed directory of the shotengai. Blends into surroundings v. highly different • Seating Diversity (Low - High) reflects the different types of seating available in the shotengai, from AUTHENTICITY: INFLUENCE benches, tables and chairs, stools, etc. This is only observable when there is a lot of seating in the shoten- • Advent (Organic - Planned) assesses the potential for the gai, and roughly reflects the length of time a person shotengai to have developed organically within its context will stay: a concrete stool suggests a short waiting spot or have been planned and developed by the government. while a chair at a table invites a longer visit. This is meant to reflect the intention and level of planning in each shotengai. EXPERIENCE • Influence (Traditional - Western) attempts to measure observable Japanese and Western influences within the sho- • Personal (Bad - Good) measures the personal expe- tengai, including language, facade designs, retail brands, rience of the observer within the shotengai. This can music, and broad analysis of user nationality. This indica- Traditional design v. Western design include subjective opinions of the noise, level of clean- tor reveals a subjective opinion on the level of Western in- liness, smells, interactions, etc. fluence in order to compare shotengai to each other.

20 METHODOLOGY METHODOLOGY 21 OBSERVATION MATRIX BREAKDOWN

RETAIL PRODUCT TYPE CENTRAL THEME THEME

The collection of retail indicators was designed to under- • Theme (Not Obvious - Obvious) it is common in Ja- stand the types of retail and the types of shoppers in each pan for retail and food service to have distinct special- shotengai. This collection of indicators helps measure the ities. This indicator measures the idea of specialization intended audience for each shotengai as well as the spend- and or theme among individual shotengai. A shotengai ing power along the corridor. theme can also play into the shotengai’s branding efforts, and can be important in determining the econom- SERVICES OFFERED ic feasibility of a corridor based on its target audience. • Business Similarities (Varied - Alike) Isolated from branding or theme, this indicator reflects clusters of • Product Type (Necessities - Gifts) measures what Inexpensive daily products v. decorative sandals for sale No obvious theme among stores v. many similar themed shops items are being sold in the shotengai. Necessities are like businesses. For example, a high volume of chil- drearing support stores, or a large presence of vintage items such as food, medications, clothing, or kitchen NEIGHBORHOOD SERVICES PERCEIVED PRICE items. Gifts are considered to be more trivial items shops. This clustered retail reflects back the types of such as consumer goods categorized by item type and shoppers and a potential specialization of the corridor. or price point. This indicator can reflect the types of shoppers who frequent the corridor and the desired PRICING shoppers. • Neighborhood Services (Abundant - Scare) focuses • Perceived (Accessible - Exclusive) reflects how the on variation between physical goods. While neighbor- street and products are branded. Does the atmosphere hood services reflects commercial use such as doctor’s invoke a sense of exclusiveness? Who is the shotengai offices, dentists, schools, etc. This indicator measures trying to attract with this perceived price point? the types of shoppers and the shotengai’s relationship • Product Price (Cheap - Expensive) reflects the actual to local residents. Tourists would not often be visiting Dental clinics and daycares v. fast fashion and accessories cost of the items being sold in the shotengai and mea- Inexpensive 100 yen store v. exclusive department store to see a doctor but a shotengai embedded in a residen- sures who can afford to shop at each location. Addi- tial community would benefit from these services. TYPES OF BUSINESSES tionally it reflects the variety of price points on site. PRODUCT DISPLAYS

RETAIL MIX RETAIL STRATEGIES

• Types of Businesses (Support - Novelty) measures the • Product Displays (On Street - Behind Glass) There ratio of support businesses (grocery stores, pharma- are regulations in Japan that prevent use of public cies, medical offices) to novelty businesses (gift shop, space by private entities, which includes displaying high end clothing, etc). This ratio reveals who shops goods in the street or on the sidewalk. This indicator on the corridor or who the shotengai hopes to attract. reflects how strict the corridor is regulated by these • Popular Businesses (Support - Novelty) measures the rules and customs as well as hints at branding strate- volume of shoppers at the respective retail establish- Laundromat as support v. kimono and t-shirts as novelty gies being employed by the retailers. Product displayed on street v. behind glass ments. If there was a high number of shoppers in gro- • Customer Attraction (Minimal - Overt) measures the cery stores and no shoppers in the high-end shoe store, POPULAR BUSINESSES customer reaction to the product displays. A more min- CUSTOMER ATTRACTION the team could equate that to higher volume of locals imal score would indicate that shoppers are not respon- during the time of observation. sive while overt reflects that shoppers are excited by the product display and responding by looking at and purchasing the products.

Empty variety store v. a line to play a fishing game Minimal advertising v. shopkeeper interacting with customers

22 METHODOLOGY METHODOLOGY 23 OBSERVATION MATRIX BREAKDOWN

SOCIAL INFRASTRUCTURE er indicators such as types of retail and products, price RESTING PLACE QUALITY points, physical design ques, wayfinding, and observa- USER GROUPS Japan has many laws and customs that regulate and limit the tions of people on site. English signage, global retailers, ways in which the public realm can be used. A social shotengai large plazas, and diversity of shoppers indicated a strong might include strong public amenities that facilitate communi- tourist presence. The user group relates to the economic ty building and is a place for visitors to sit, rest, and socialize vibrancy and spending power of the shotengai. with one another. High scores among these indicators equate to more opportunities for community building. Proximity to PROGRAMMING cultural destinations is expected to increase scoring since the shotengai can pull visitors from adjacent attractions. • Types of Programming (passive to active) measures the types of programming along the shotengai. Passive pro- PUBLIC SPACE AMENITIES Nowhere to sit v. seating with planters gramming could be a bench while active programming Locals in Ookayama v. tourists near Kannondoori might be a concert series. Types of programming indicate • Resting Place Quality (Low - High) measures the type GATHERING PLACES the presence, strength, and budget of a managerial entity. PROGRAMMING and quality of public amenities such as benches. A sho- • Organization (unplanned - planned) distinguishes tengai with low quality likely have no resting places between shotengai that feel like they evolved natural- while a high score would indicate comfortable and well ly as the city grew and changed compared to those that maintained street furniture. This understands how the invoke a sense that an intervention occurred to develop space is being used and if people are invited to stay lon- and maintain the space. This can also be thought of as ger or encouraged to move along quickly after shopping. the level of obvious versus subtle curation of the shoten- • Resting Place Availability (None - A Lot) measures the gai by the management entity. This indicator reflects the volume and distribution of seating and resting place. This user’s experience in the space and their pull to return to distinguishes between a shotengai with benches on every the space. block as opposed to a cluster of benches only at one end. Crowded streets with no open space v. public plaza This measure relates to the way the space in used as well CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE A shaded place to sit v. an events calendar as accessibility for less mobile visitors. CONNECTION TO SITES CIRCULATION • Connection to Sites (none - nearby) measures the prox- COMFORT & SOCIALITY imity to public transit, other commercial corridors/malls, or religious sites. Traditionally, shotengai occur along the • Gathering Places (none - a lot) measures the intention- roadway leading to temples, so this indicator measures ality of the amenity. Isolated benches many provide spac- the presence of traditional elements on the shotengai as es to rest but they are unlikely to facilitate conversation well as the shotengai’s larger context in the neighbor- among strangers or friends. Plazas, clustered benches, or hood. tables equate to high scores in this category. Public gath- • Shotengai as Destination (unlikely - likely) measures ering spaces with clustered benches and or plazas often the likelihood that a shotengai is a destination for shop- align with other western elements in a shotengai. pers and visitors beyond any nearby attractions. A sho- • Interactions Occurring (few - many) indicates use of Commuters passing through v. sitting and enjoying the space tengai could be scored as “likely” if it seemed to be a Remote location v. connected to tourist destinations the public amenities as well as the ways shoppers seem to destination for international or local visitors. The ability interact with one another. Some shotengai had more indi- to attract visitors has implications for the economic vital- vidual shoppers while other attracted groups. This reflects ity of the shotengai. the volume and depth of social interactions happening on the shopping corridor. SPIRITUAL ELEMENTS:

USERS & CIRCULATION: • Connection to Shrines (none - very connected) measure the proximity of a shotengai to a shrine or temple. This in- • Circulation (passing thru - staying) indicates how people dicator isolates the shotengai’s connection to spiritual ele- are using the space and the amount of time being spent on ments. This measurement roughly relates to street frontage. site. This indicator reflects if the space is a destination for It measures the volume of visitors as well as a shotengai’s shoppers or a stop and go earrand hub for locals. likeliness to be a destination or pass thru. • User Groups (locals - tourists) is amalgamation of oth- • Other Obvious Elements (none - very spiritual) allows for unexpected observations to be measured.

24 METHODOLOGY METHODOLOGY 25 OBSERVATION MATRIX BREAKDOWN

POLICY DISASTER PREPAREDNESS

This metric evaluates the observable presence of planning or • Fire Mitigation (None - Obvious) measures the pres- policy influences within the shotengai. It attempts to- deter VISIBLE USE CONTROL ence of fire mitigation elements such as fire hydrants, MITIGATION mine any national or city government influences as well as fire walls, or fire alarms. Fire mitigation is important presence of a shotengai management entity or shopkeeper as- for protecting on site visitors during an emergency and sociation. This metric in particular is difficult to observe with- minimizing damage in the aftermath of an emergency. out organizing formal interviews with the community, and the • Earthquake Mitigation (None - Obvious) measures team’s observations reflect a subjective opinion of how each the presence of earthquake mitigation elements such shotengai appears to a foreigner through an analytical lens. as specialized building materials, structural supports, alarms, or respite areas. Earthquake mitigation is im- ALLOWABLE USES portant for protecting on site visitors during an emergency and minimizing damage in the aftermath of an emergency. • Visible Control of Uses (Low - High) measures the ways Cars allowed v. no bikes allowed No fire prevention v. intense fire mitigation in which prohibited behavior is communicated to visitors. MANAGEMENT STRUCTURE For example, through signage, cameras, or police pres- DISPLAY OF RULES MANAGEMENT PRESENCE ence. This indicator shows the presence of a management entity as well as the way the space can be used by the • Management Entity Present (None - Obvious) public. Measures the presence of a management entity such • Prohibited Uses (Typical - Atypical) Measures the types as s business association in the shotengai. Elements of activities prohibited in each shotengai and relates this such as signage, banners, an arcade roof, and a clean, indicator to other shotengai and other public spaces in Ja- well-maintained pathway indicate a strong manage- pan. This indicator shows how the space can be used by ment entity. A strong management entity is more likely patrons and how the specific shotengai fits into the greater have capacity and resources for marketing, branding, context of public spaces in Japan. and maintenance, all of which attract shoppers and money to the corridor. RULES/REGULATIONS No rules posted v. many rules posted • Government Involvement (None - Obvious) mea- No management v. cameras and advertisement sures the government involvement in creating and or maintaining the shotengai. This can be hard to observe • Explicit Display of Rules (None - Obvious) measures on site, since government support can take the form of the volume and boldness of signs that depict regulations. construction permits, tax breaks, or other behind the This indicates the intensity with which the regulations are scenes actions invisible to a shotengai visitor. This in- put forth by the management entity and/or government. dicator is helpful in understanding how the Japanese In addition it indicates the volume of shoppers who may government views shotengai as commercial and or so- need reminding of the rules. Locally serving shotengai cial elements of Japanese culture. might be less likely to need signage about rules since their shoppers are repeated visitors accustomed to the laws and mores of the shotengai. • Social Policing (Unnoticeable - Obvious) This indicates expectations and behavior regulation isolated from explicit signage. This measures the strength and pervasiveness of social mores.

26 METHODOLOGY METHODOLOGY 27 OBSERVATION MATRIX BREAKDOWN

GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE IN SHOTENGAI • Green Roofs (None - Many) measures the presence of LOCATION OF GREEN SPACE green roofs along the shotengai. Green roofs are import- This metric evaluates the presence of green infrastructure ant green infrastructures and a growing part of water within and around shotengai to consider their contribution to- management and help supplement other flooding mitiga- wards the sustainability of an area. tion efforts. It is also part of the greenery in shotengai.

ACCESS TO NATURE GREEN SPACE

• Location (None - In Shotengai) assesses the volume • In Shotengai (None - A Lot) measures the volume of and placement of green space in the shotengai. Distinct greenery, air, and light in the shotengai, such as street from access to nature, this indicator isolates greenery to trees, and planters in front of stores. Connection to na- No planters at all v. well-maintained planters and trees No green space v. green plaza in middle of shotengai reflect the user experience, air quality, and pervasiveness ture relates to the user experience and sensory quality of of greenery in the shotengai. the space. CONNECTION TO NATURE QUALITY OF GREEN SPACE • Quality (Poor - High) measures the type, volume and • Connection to Nature (None - Nearby) measures prox- maintenance of greenery in the shotengai. A shotengai imity to natural elements such as a park or river. Con- with only a few small planters would score lower than nection to nature reflects the sustainability of the neigh- a shotengai with planned street trees or a well managed borhood through green infrastructure, microclimates, and green plaza. Greenery with good quality can add to the species habitat. This reflects both the user’s experience at attractiveness of the shotengai and help create a comfort- the shotengai as well as the connectivity of the shotengai, able environment for both shopkeepers and customers. similar to the connectivity to a shrine or metro station.

WASTE MANAGEMENT ADAPTABILITY & RESILIENCE

Amidst dense urban area v. access to canal and green space • Space for Evacuation (None - Obvious) It is common Forgotten plants, poor quality v. well-maintained plants • Presence of Waste Bins (None - Many) measures the for parks in Japan to double as evacuation sites in case presence of waste receptacles, such as trash cans and of earthquakes or fires. This indicator (1) measures the RECREATION SPACE bottle recyclers in the vending machines, in the shoten- WASTE BINS ability for the shotengai to act as an evacuation site for gai. This indicator accounts for infrastructure that serves the surrounding community and (2) determines if there is shoppers, shopkeepers and customers. Assess and ease of a nearby location for gathering if the shotengai needs to waste management is an important component of green be evacuated. Strong disaster preparedness is important infrastructure. for protecting on site visitors during an emergency and • Cleanliness (Dirty - Clean) measures the cleanliness minimizing resulting damage. of the public walkway as well as the cleanliness of the • Recreation Space (None - Obvious) measures the avail- buildings. This indicator also measures dirt build up as ability of recreational space within or nearby to the sho- well as litter and trash accumulation. Furthermore, smells tengai. Plazas, playgrounds, or sports fields can double in shotengai is an important indicator for cleanliness as as public amenities and evacuation sites during an emer- garbage, especially food waste, can produce smell even Nowhere to throw away garbage v. organized recycling gency. Tightly defined public space with obstructions v. lawn if it cannot be seen. Well maintained spaces can indicate stronger management and more resources to manage STORMWATER PLACES TO REST IN SHADE waste effectively. SHADOW

STORMWATER MANAGEMENT • Places to Rest in the Shade (None - Many) measure places to rest that are also shaded from the sun. For older shoppers or families it can be difficult to navigate long • Obvious Strategies (Not Obvious - Obvious) measures corridors without a place to rest that is sheltered from the visible elements of the shotengai that address rainfall and sun. Many shotengai are covered with a roof arcade to drainage. Water management is important for ensuring protect shoppers from rain and sun. that trash and chemical runoff does not end up in the • Quality of Shadow (Low - High) measures the quality water system. A good stormwater management ensures of the shade in the shotengai. Shade from a roof arcade is the water quality for the neighborhood. In addition, and Basic stormdrains v. linear water management systems different from shade from a tree, as the arcade is present of high importance to shop owners, proper stormwater Makeshift shading of public seating v. formal shade year round, even as the seasons change. Shade with good management prevents flooding and water damage along quality tend to attract and keep more customers com- the shotengai. pared to those without shade.

28 METHODOLOGY METHODOLOGY 29 SURVEY CREATION

The survey aims to engage with shopkeepers in each shotengai to Q3 HOW WOULD YOU DESCRIBE THIS catalog existing social conditions. Surveying is a relatively effec- SHOTENGAI IN ONE WORD? tive method to quickly collect information from shopkeepers as a primary source, which provides a local perspective in analyzing This question aims to engage with the shopkeeper in assigning the character of selected shotengai. The questions were written to an identity to the shotengai. What is unique about this place? establish a basic understanding of the existing conditions of the shotengai as they are understood by the people most directly involved with them: the shopkeepers. Q4 WHO SHOPS AT THIS STORE?

Seven questions were written and translated into Japanese, and the This question highlights similarities and differences between surveys were conducted with the willingness of the shop owners. shotengai in terms of the customer base. Does it cater primarily Figure 2 shows a sign to describe the project and survey was writ- to tourists, locals, or a mix of both? ten and translated into Japanese, printed out, and shown to survey respondents as a way to ask them to take the survey. Q5 WHAT DRAWS PEOPLE HERE?

This question attempts to assess the pull of customers to the Q1 HOW LONG HAS THIS SHOP BEEN shotengai. It places the shotengai on a scale from serving as a destination to serving a more local community. OPEN?

This question evaluates the longevity of the business being sur- Q6 ARE YOU A PART OF A SHOTENGAI veyed, which may reflect general conditions. It attempts to eval- SHOPKEEPER ASSOCIATION? uate change and assess the establishment of the businesses along the shotengai. Is there turnover? Are new businesses being created This question attempts to determine the level of involvement of or moving in, or are have businesses been operating here for a long a management organization or shopkeeper association within period of time? the shotengai. It reveals a level of ownership over the shared space that is relatively unique to shotengai as a shopping street. Q2 HOW MUCH HAS THIS SHOPPING STREET CHANGED SINCE YOU HAVE BEEN Q7 DO YOU FEEL LIKE A PART OF A CLOSE HERE? COMMUNITY HERE?

This also seeks to evaluate perception of change over time consid- This question aims to determine the level of community in- ering the shotengai as a whole. Have shopkeepers noticed a differ- volvement that shopkeepers feel within the shotengai, in an ence in customers, business types, or even vacancy rates? Does the attempt to quantify any community development qualities of shotengai feel different than it used to? shotengai.

Figure 2: ‘Sumimasen’ (excuse me) sign that reads “Hello! As you can probably tell, I cannot speak Japanese. I am so sorry for this inconvenience, but I was wondering if you would be willing to fill out a short survey. I am a graduate student at the Pratt Institute in New York City. We are trying to learn about commercial spaces in Japan. Would you mind taking a 1 minute survey to help with my data collection? Thank you in advance for your Upper left: Josie surveying a coffee shop employee on Cat Street, Upper Right: Surveying the information center employee in time and effort!” Hyakkendana, Bottom: Surveying in a variety shop in Tenjinbashi-suji

30 METHODOLOGY METHODOLOGY 31 OBSERVATIONS + PATTERNS

32 33 SHOTENGAI LOCATIONS - TOKYO

The team selected a handful of shotengai to visit for the study prior to arrival in Japan, based on proximity to locations the KAGURAZAKA Jo studio had plans to visit as a group, for ease of data collection. 1 . yf 12 u Most of the shotengai visited during the study were not on this l

initial list, and often the team happened upon a shotengai while M

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shotengai in this study are sites that would likely not classify 2 SHIMOKITAZAWA a a

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study regardless because they exhibit similar characteristics z a a . K nn and opportunities for commercial street analysis: Chuo-dori 9 o n

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The following pages of shotengai observation data are orga- 1 1 nized by the metrics detailed in pages 16-29. The classification of the various observation metrics is visualized through a color gradient, with coral representing shotengai that exhibit KANNONDOORI more traditional elements while blue represents shotengai that 9 . Chu exhibit more global/Western elements of commercial public 6 o 1 - space. These two classifications also have gradients within D

themselves when visualizing each observation metric, repre- t Stre o

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Figure 3: Visited shotengai locations in Tokyo

34 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 35 ADDITIONAL SHOTENGAI LOCATIONS KYOTO ma ra ch e i, T S . h 4

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The shotengai observed outside of the major metropolitan areas of Tokyo and Osaka may reflect conditions of shotengai across Japan, and are included to broaden the scope of this 7 NISHIKI research outisde of Tokyo.

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Figure 4: Visited shotengai locations in Kyoto, Osaka, Nara, Hiroshima, and Yakushima

36 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 37 URBAN FORM PATTERNS PLACEMAKING PATTERNS The majority of shotengai studied follow a similar urban form, The storefronts inside most shotengai display a mix of modern in that they are narrow, linear streets with 2-3 story buildings and traditional signage, usually in line with the facade style with ground floor commercial uses. Many have a covered ar- of the business. Shotengai that function as destinations or are cade that follows a consistent design throughout its length, near tourist destinations typically display more signage in with a large sign overhang at the entrance and exit displaying English than locally-serving shotengai, and many display the the shotengai name and forming a gateway. Inside, support name of the shotengai in both Japanese and English. An ob- beams for the arcade often double as unique streetlights and served trend in the longest shotengai, Tenjinbashi-suji, reveals hold banners displaying the brand of the shotengai. Most have that many stores that target women, like cosmetics and cloth- uniform signs that hang or extend from the arcade structure, ing stores, have much of their signage written in English. For but businesses often have control over the facade design and stores selling food, a restaurant or grocery, and service based individual signage. Some shotengai have uniform paper lan- establishments, like doctors offices, primarily have signage terns extending throughout, or some other motif in line with written in Japanese. Restaurants that are international chains Place-branded streetlamps and banners traditional Japanese aesthetics. like McDonalds, or restaurants selling Western food such as croissants, have signage in English (Martin, 2019). Of the sho- The majority of shotengai have mixed building and facade ma- tengai that have a covered arcade, the majority display some teriality within them, varying from extremely traditional look- place branding in the form of unique lamp posts and lighting ing wooden facades and masonry buildings, to ultra-modern fixtures, branded banners or posters, uniform hanging signs concrete and glass buildings. The shotengai that are in close for each business, and paper lanterns or other motif hanging proximity to shrines and temples generally have more tradi- from the center of the arcade. tional facades and storefronts with a spiritual theme, but are also often well-maintained and likely have modern structures Only a few shotengai have public seating, which is usually behind the facade. Shotengai that are locally-serving seem to separated into a designated area rather than along the street- be less concerned with a traditional aesthetic to draw tourists, scape, though many eateries have tables and benches outside and have more variety between building and facade material- Gateways vary from structural and complex to simple their storefronts for customers as it is considered rude to eat ity, likely updating buildings on an as-needed basis and using while walking. Most available public seating is well-used, whatever materials are sustainable for that individual property though many seats are uncomfortable, only seat one person owner. rather than a group, or the environment feels unwelcoming. Most public seating areas seem more like an after-thought Many shotengai are situated in between important sites in each rather than a part of the design of the shotengai, as they are Public seating areas are usually segregated from the pathway city, typically a train station and/or religious site. There is of- placed in auxiliary locations away from the main pathway or ten a strong mixing of commercial and residential uses within are adjacent to car traffic or vending machines. and around the shotengai, and sometimes shotengai intersect with each other. Most of the shotengai in this study are pri- All of the shotengai had a bustling atmosphere, full of people marily pedestrian-oriented, allowing vehicles only for loading running errands or tourists shopping for gifts or local treats. or deliveries, and many limit bicycle traffic. The streetscape Many shotengai had music playing along the street, which is often very narrow, between one and three car widths, but tended to fit within the desired demographic of shoppers: some larger-scale shotengai can accommodate multiple lanes Western pop music attracted a younger crowd while tradition- of traffic. All the studied shotengai are relatively accessible al and instrumental music created a calm atmosphere. for most people, there are minimal changes in grade or ob- Traditional facades to modern structures structions on the street, and businesses mitigate curb steps The majority of shotengai are relatively similar to each other with ramps. The shotengai that are surrounded by residential in terms of placemaking; they follow a pattern of branding buildings tend to orient themselves to an interior and display strategies but each have unique brands. A few have brands a compact form that is contextual to the neighborhood, while that are associated with a local cultural destination, like a tem- the shotengai in commercial districts display flashy branding ple or park, but the majority seem independent. The brands and large gateways to draw in visitors. themselves are typically subtle when compared to branding strategies in Western shopping districts, revealing themselves through hanging motifs or street lamp design rather than overt banners and color schemes.

Pedestrianization of shared streets on weekends is common Lanterns are a common branding strategy, along with music

38 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 39 RETAIL PATTERNS SOCIAL INFRASTRUCTURE PATTERNS Overall, retail activity in shotengai of Japan seems to be more Shotengai are not designed as places for gathering and social- oriented toward local service than tourism. Over time, it seems izing. The physical elements of these spaces emphasize their as though developers have realized the potential of shotengai role as thoroughfares rather than gathering centers. In line as a tourism generating industry. Shotengai are not only im- with their origins, shotengai appeared for pragmatic reasons portant for the tourism industry to serve as places for shop- as a way of completing errands and buying goods while en- ping and economic development but also to serve as cultur- route to or from one’s final destination. al landmarks that generate interest in Japanese culture itself. Shotengai often have many patterns of the same retail - many Some shotengai have installed minimal public amenities how- shops are similar within the same corridor. An example of this ever, even these meager amenities were not the norm. The is Shimokitazawa, with primarily vintage stores, or Cat Street benches are usually individual, indicating that people are sit- with primarily outdoor recreation related retail. This phenom- ting alone to rest momentarily or wait for someone before con- enon could be happening due to an extreme embracing of eco- tinuing their journey. The lack of comfortable seating accom- nomic theory that recognizes sameness as successful, but it modates a short rest but stops short of encouraging someone may also have to do with traditions, customs, or culture in to sit and read a book or enjoy the afternoon for longer than an area. Lastly, product displays seem to follow a correlation is necessary. with the prices of retail shopping in an area. Product displays Secondhand and vintage clothing in Shimokitazawa are often behind a window when shopping is more luxury, and The shotengai that offered comfortable benches or plazas saw on the street when shopping is more service based. a great deal of use and seemed to be creating space for people to gather and enjoy each other’s company but most locations The retail pattern of one shotengai was evaluated in depth. observed had no resting places at all. Shotengai are often attached to spiritual destinations Store types were counted for the first half of this corridor. 278 shops were recorded in total. The retail makeup included 84 food and drink related businesses, 73 service related businesses, and 121 general retail businesses. In other words, roughly 44% of the area recorded is made up of general retail. The businesses that make up this category are diverse in their own right, and they range from furniture stores to womens clothing stores to 100 yen shops. In the corridor area surveyed 26% of businesses were service related and 30% were food and drink related (Fabrega, 2019). This research believes that this reflects general retail trends among shotengai. Sandwich board advertising and fresh produce on the street

Many shotengai lead to tourist destinations that attract an international crowd

Tenjinbashi retail analysis reveals a large percentage of general retail with a mix of eateries and service businesses Public seating is often peripheral and seems like an afterthought, though well-used by pedestrians

40 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 41 POLICY PATTERNS GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE PATTERNS

While it is difficult to tell specifically if there has been a re- The green infrastructure and access to nature varies through- cent plan or large development in shotengai, it is possible to out the shotengai, mostly depending on their locations. Some decipher how the trends of development have happened by highly commercialized shotengai such as Shinsaibashi have observing physical infrastructure, land use patterns, and obvi- very limited internal greenery, while some community-orient- ous zoning restrictions like height and bulk regulations. These ed shotengai have well designed and/or planned green infra- patterns show that the majority of the shotengai visited for the structure. Cat street and Kagurazawa have street trees on the study developed organically over time. Many of them seem sidewalk, and there is a park-like public space at the middle of to have begun with an older development close to a cultural Joyful Minowa. One common feature between these shotengai destination such as a shrine or a temple. Over time, moving is that many of the shopkeepers plant their own greenery at toward a transportation hub, the development is newer. This their storefronts to attract customers, adding to the liveliness is evident moving through a shotengai. Most of the shoten- of the shotengai. The majority of shotengai visited are close to gai have visible use control and prohibit bicycle riding, con- shrines, parks, or some other historic sites such as Nara Park, gregating, loitering, or panhandling. Although there are signs allowing people to access nature while providing habitats for posted outlawing this type of behavior, there isn’t often a po- different species. lice presence enforcing the rules. Instead, a type of social policing happens and a desire to follow the majority and not be Similar to the rest of the city, very few trash bins can be found embarrassed becomes more important than acting against the inside the shotengai, but people tend to hold onto their garbage, Access to a plaza with planters and trees in Joyful Minowa rules. Many of the shotengai are not especially prepared for a which helps the streets stay clean. Almost every shotengai has disaster may it be an earthquake or an intense fire. No smoking, littering, and bicycle parking maps are common successful stormwater management strategies. Nearly all the shotengai in this study exhibit successful stormwater management strategies: sewer systems are working well and some of them have ornamental manhole covers, which add aesthetic value to the streetscape while providing green infrastructure. The buildings inside shotengai are usually very close to each other, making them vulnerable to fire and other disasters. Only a few of them have space for evacuation during an emergency. The majority of the shotengai have an arcade overhead, providing shade with good quality all the way through the shotengai. Those without an arcade are less enjoyable to walk through during sunny days or inclement weather. Shopkeepers maintaining a planter of flowers in Cat Street

Evidence of planning or development pressure in Shimokitazawa

Fire alarms are rare but important in older shotengai Security cameras and warning signs are common Street trees and green planters along the streetscape

42 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 43 1. KAGURAZAKA-DORI

LOCATION: SHINJUKU, TOKYO LENGTH: 2,333’ FORM: LINEAR OBSERVED: TUESDAY, 3 PM, SUN N

SOCIAL LIFE 4 URBAN FORM 3

Kagurazaka-dori is a neighborhood shopping street amongst a Kagurazaka-dori has a welcoming and low-key vibe, likely mix of residential and commercial high-rise buildings that are enhanced by the pedestrian amenities and music along the set back from the street. The storefronts are primarily modern street. The area seems well maintained and cared for, con- looking, with glass and metal facades, but many have awnings veying a strong sense of community ownership. Many people over the sidewalk to create a sense of pedestrian enclosure that were shopping and running errands during our visit, indicating is present in other shotengai. The shopping street extends from that they lived nearby or were on their way home. The location a few shrines towards the Kanda river canal and Iidabashi of the shotengai allows it to connect several shrines and the Metro Station. The streetscape creates a strong sense of place metro station to the neighborhood, which is characteristic of a and comfort through street trees, brick pavers on the sidewalk, traditional shotengai. Connection to train station and spiritual sites branded paper lanterns and tapestries, and individual bench seating. The street is primarily oriented towards auto traffic, as there are many parking areas for loading and unloading as well as heavy through traffic, but the presence of bike lanes on the street is unique. Kagurazaka Streetscape POLICY 2

PLACEMAKING 4 Kagurazaka-dori seems to have developed organically, and has some history as a geisha district. There may have been some recent planning efforts evidenced by the building set- There are some wayfinding maps detailing the area, primar- backs and presence of a management entity, which can be ily in Japanese but with some English. The business signage assumed by the branding strategies and organized wayfinding. trends towards modern and updated, but the consistent paper There are many security cameras along the street, as well as lanterns along the street make the area feel more traditional. visible fire and earthquake mitigation. There is some public bench seating on the sidewalk, designed Bike parking map and wayfinding map for two people to sit across from each other. Instrumental music plays from speakers along the street, and the area feels very lively and bustling with people shopping or commuting. Branding through streetlights and paper lanterns GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE 3 RETAIL 2

There are many street trees and well-managed green roofs Kagurazaka-dori’s retail is a mix of traditional gift and vari- along Kagurazaka-dori, contributing to a lush green atmo- ety stores, and neighborhood services such as grocery stores, sphere along the shotengai. The connection to the river pro- restaurants, pharmacies, clothing, tea shops, and real estate vides recreational access and an enjoyable environment for offices. The types of retail seem to primarily attract locals and locals. There is some garbage on the street that may be at- Pedestrian sign & security camera sign nearby residents. The item prices in stores are generally af- tributable to the loading trucks. The strategic planting of trees fordable, and much of the customer attraction occurs by ad- and location of benches provide some shade on the street, and vertising and displaying merchandise on the sidewalks. Produce market merchandising onto the sidewalk storefronts’ awnings and patios also provide private shade. Private planters and bench seating

44 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 45 2. SHIMOKITAZAWA RETAIL 3 LOCATION: SETAGAYA CITY, TOKYO Shimokitazawa’s retail theme trends towards clothing, spe- LENGTH: 2,000’ cifically second-hand and vintage clothing, and many of the stores are similar to each other. The majority of people in the FORM: DISTRICT shotengai seem to be locals. The shops vary in price from inexpensive to luxury goods, and there are no global brands OBSERVED: TUESDAY, 12 PM, SUN N present. The sidewalks are a unique feature to this shotengai, and many shops utilize the space for advertising and displaying merchandise in the public realm. Merchandising extends onto the public realm

URBAN FORM 3 SOCIAL LIFE 3 Shimokitazawa shotengai is a series of small shopping streets that orient towards the Shimokitazawa JR and metro station. Shimokitazawa feels like more of a shopping district, rather It is made up of primary 2-3 story buildings with retail ground than a singular corridor. Made apparent by the programming floors and mixed commercial and residential upper floors, calendar, the management organization provides active pro- with a few mid-rise mixed-use buildings throughout. A large gramming like concerts and other events in the shotengai. The commercial building across from the train station was under management organization may also be responsible for encour- construction during our visit, and renderings reveal a large aging gathering through creating large public seating areas, public space at the base that creates a strong connection be- which are separated from the street and segregate uses such as tween the shotengai and the train station. The streetscape of smoking. These spaces seem well used, and are unique features the shotengai is narrow and pedestrian oriented, with some that provide a gathering and resting space for the community. Many elderly people getting around, lots of places to sit private seating near eateries and designated public seating in separate areas. The building designs are varied in architectural styles and materiality, but trend towards modern or updated POLICY 3 with some presence of traditional facades. The streets are internally oriented, without a major sign overhang or otherwise unifying element to attract visitors inside. There are many pot- Shimokitazawa has a visible and obvious management enti- ted plants outside businesses and homes, and curb mitigation Shimokitazawa gateway and streetscape ty presence, evidenced by the Information Kiosk with events, strategies to improve accessibility. rules, maps, and other information posted at the entrance to the shotengai. The shotengai feels very policed, as many signs with allowed and disallowed activities are posted and multiple pairs of police officers were spotted, indicating a govern- 4 ment presence. A large new development is under construction PLACEMAKING across from the train station, which may demonstrate a higher level of municipal or private planning involving the shotengai. Overt rules contribute to a planned feel There is an information center at the beginning of the shotengai, across from the train station, that displays a programming calendar, maps with wayfinding, and flyers detailing events. It GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE 2 sits on a large public space with seating and planters, and is next to a designated smoking area. There is an obvious attempt to manage and program the area with this organization, which The public space adjacent to the Information Kiosk contains seems to be in partnership with the train station. The shoten- many planters and benches that create a comfortable environ- gai itself doesn’t have a singular theme or branding strategy, ment. There are many other private planters near storefronts aside from hanging banners along the street lights. The overall within the shotengai, and some plants growing in the cracks in experience as a visitor is very positive, as the place feels live- the pavement. It is difficult to find a place to rest in the shade, ly without being overwhelming. There is western music play- except for patio seating provided by restaurants for customers. ing along the streets, and the area feels locally-serving with a The compact and dense built environment makes evacuation trend towards vintage clothing and eateries. difficult during an emergency. The only trash bins in the shotengai are located next to vending machines, and there is some Info center, program calendar, festival banners, and area map trash on the street. Planters outside storefront

46 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 47 3. CAT STREET RETAIL 3 LOCATION: HARAJUKU, TOKYO Cat Street is comprised of primarily mid- and high-end cloth- LENGTH: 2,861’ ing and accessory shops that are a mix of Japanese and global brands, as well as small eateries that support the surround- FORM: LINEAR, SERPENTINE ing commercial and office employees. Western retailers such OBSERVED: TUESDAY, 11 AM, CLOUDY as Columbia, Patagonia, Tiffany & Co, Adidas, Oakley, and N Reebok have separate buildings with large signs and advertisements behind glass. There is minimal advertising into the street, aside from a few sandwich boards from eateries. Minimal advertising outside storefronts URBAN FORM 3

Cat Street is adjacent to a major shopping district and sits SOCIAL LIFE 3 within the Harajuku neighborhood, a destination for tourists and locals alike. Cat Street divides a mid-rise residential area from a high-rise commercial avenue with large global brands Cat Street has a streetscape that is welcoming to pedestrians, and office towers, breaking it up with a serpentine street pat- due to the bollards separating vehicle and pedestrian passage- tern and 2-3 story retail buildings. The streetscape itself is very ways and the regular placement of planters and seating along strong compared to other shotengai and commercial streets the street. These amenities serve as a shaded gathering space observed in this study, as there are designated pedestrian and for people to rest. Groups of people gather by the planters to bicycle pathways with different paving and bollards, concrete engage in conversation, eating, or taking a smoke break. The planters that provide seating and minimal shade, and varied location, atmosphere, and variety of stores along Cat Street storefronts. There are designated parking spots for loading implicate a blend of local and international customers. A private plaza and makeshift public seating and unloading for businesses, but minimal auto traffic. The Serpentine streetscape with detached storefronts building designs are primarily modern, with large glass windows and facades to display the merchandise inside. Many of the buildings have a plaza space at the threshold, with some POLICY 1 provided seating which is well used. The materiality is varied, with a mix of glass and metal, masonry, tile, and concrete. The street feels more human-scale than the parallel commercial av- Cat Street seems like it was planned and constructed more re- enues, but wide enough that each individual building is notice- cently than other shopping streets. There is no obvious fire able and unique. The architecture of the structures are more or earthquake mitigation, which is surprising due to its age. significant than the storefronts in many cases. The residential There is no overt display of rules, and little to convey govern- buildings that exist within the street feels tucked in and away ment or management entity presence. The street was created from the main street. The street is largely inaccessible to dif- by channeling a stream bed in preparation for the 1964 Olym- ferently-abled individuals as there are many steps to access the pics, which contributes to its planned essence. Serpentine street pattern mimics the riverbed underneath shops, bollards that divide the street, and planters that could be cumbersome to maneuver around. Modern storefronts and facades GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE 3 PLACEMAKING 4 Cat Street has an abundance of greenery in comparison to Cat Street feels like a destination in itself, due to its location in other shotengai: there are trees and shrubs in planters on the the Harajuku shopping district and the unique character of the street, many individual privately-owned planters on the street, street. It functions more as a public space when compared to green roofs and green walls, as well as access to landscaped other shotengai due to the prevalence and diversity of seating, yards and terraces. A handful of plazas along the street con- casual eateries, and groups of young people that seem to be tribute to a larger sense of space that may accommodate some meeting up just to hang out. Central unifying elements include recreation. There is some garbage present on the street, likely the serpentine street, stamped brick walkways, concrete plant- due to the food establishments and a lack of trash bins. Oc- ers, hanging banners, and street lights. Signage is primarily casional auto loading traffic contributes to noise in the area. in English, and a large map marks the area within its context. The street seems wide enough to provide evacuation space in The majority of signs are modern, made of metal and glass, case of an emergency, but the presence of the plants makes and are primarily located over facades rather than protruding fire spreading a possibility. The green space and sewer runoff into the street. Hanging signs and branded lamp posts constitute a good stormwater management system. Street planter with fruit trees and small planter boxes

48 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 49 4. TERAMACHI + SHINKYOGOKU

LOCATION: KYOTO CITY LENGTH: 4,000’ FORM: LINEAR, DISTRICT N OBSERVED: SATURDAY, 11AM, HOT

URBAN FORM 2 SOCIAL LIFE 2

This location could be considered to be two shotengai based This shotengai has strong connections to cultural anchors, in- on the distinctive branding of the two parallel shopping cor- cluding multiple shrines, a temple, and a metro stop. It also ridors and the likelihood that they are managed separately. includes a plaza with benches, greenery, and a water feature. However, as a shopper and visitor theses two spaces are ex- Beyond the shared plaza are scattered locations to rest and a perienced as one entity, highly connected to one another via privately managed set of tables for one of the eateries. The several covered paths, these shotengai share customers, ame- plaza is full of people socializing and groups of shoppers can nities, and a central public plaza. This shotengai has modern be observed walking through the space. clean buildings and a wide pedestrian-oriented walkway. Most Park space with a fountain in the middle of shotengai of the buildings reach two stories and the entire corridor is Teramachi gateway and interior streetscape covered in an arcade. The facades are modern but not unified.

POLICY 2

PLACEMAKING 3 The presence of a management entity is clear in this shotengai. It is very well cared for and clean. Additionally, the music This shotengai has multiple large and obvious entrances. The and plaza show an intention of the management to provide an two commercial strips run parallel to each other and, despite inviting gathering space. In spite of strong management, there a lack of wayfinding signs, it is easy to navigate while inside. is no clear plan for disaster or emergency. There are a few The atmosphere is lively and young with music contributing signs regarding rules, such as no biking, but the regulations to the mood. In addition to the music banners and lanterns were subtle. give visitors a sense of place make the space feel curated and cared for. Hanging paper lanterns and repetitive signs A plague details the history of the street and local information

GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE 2 RETAIL 3

The shared plaza in the shotengai includes trees and a water Bright store fronts line the ground and second floor of the feature which adds to the relaxing and inviting feel of the pla- shotengai. The window displays are carefully presented and za. The adjoining shrines and temple incorporate additional there is a high volume of western and glocal brands, including greenery into the shotengai. A few shopkeepers display potted Levi, Patagonia, and Express. Mixed in to the global brands plantin front of their stores. The entire shotengai is covered are a number of neighborhood-serving establishments such as with a roof arcade blocking both rain and sun from reaching pharmacies, medical supply stores, and a movie theater. No- the walking path inside. table was the presence of a hotel tucked between the parallel shopping streets.

Modern facades and merchandising into public way Stormdrains and plants

50 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 51 5. TENJINBASHI-SUJI

LOCATION: KITA WARD, OSAKA LENGTH: 1.6 MILES FORM: LINEAR

OBSERVED: MONDAY, 11 AM, HOT N

URBAN FORM 3 SOCIAL LIFE 2

Tenjinbashi-suji is the longest continuous shotengai in Japan, Tenjinbashi-suji connects several metro stations, making it a at 2.6 km (1.6 mi) in length, spanning from Tenjinbashisuji- bustling and vital corridor for commuters as well as shoppers. rokuchome Station and terminates just north of the O River. There are a few designated seating areas, which are heavily It is separated into several individual lengths of shotengai, all oriented towards smoking. One space in particular is located with covered arcades that have a different style and brand. The at a six-lane auto intersection underneath a highway overpass surrounding urban context is mid to high-rise commercial and where each corner of the sidewalk is cultivated for public use: residential, and is primarily of a modern style. Inside the sho- short posts and concrete blocks act as seating next to a plague tengai, the buildings are two stories and have mostly modern showcasing the history of the street. Some minimal plantings materiality, facades, and signage, with occasional traditional attempt to create a welcoming environment, but the area is storefronts. The street is closed to auto traffic and has signs largely unsuccessful at inviting people to stay. The social en- Mostly uncomfortable places to sit prohibiting bicycle traffic, though largely ignored by cyclists. vironment inside the shotengai is strong, as many shopkeepers There are some designated areas to rest with seating, vending Exterior gateway and interior arcade seem to be long-time participants in the market culture and machines, and trash cans, though these are segregated from interactions between people are occurring frequently. the main pedestrian thoroughfare.

POLICY 4 PLACEMAKING 3 There is an overt display of rules and regulations in Tenjin- Each section of the shotengai has a different identity, with bashi-suji, which indicates a strong government and manage- varying floor tiling, overhanging motifs, lanterns and flags, sig- ment entity presence. Displayed historical photos and infor- nage styles, arcade styles, and music, contributing to a strong mation of how the shotengai has changed over time conveys a sense of place in each section. There are many Pachinko ar- sense of planning in the area. Some residential uses above the cades, cosmetics stores, second hand shops, and neighborhood storefronts indicate a lax zoning and regulatory environment services, which seems to attract an elderly population over a when compared to other shotengai. Some police officers and Historical images and posted rules younger demographic. The diversity of businesses make this guards are present, with some removing bicycles from strict shotengai feel eclectic and unique, functioning as a local shop- Each section displays unique branding no parking areas. The connection between the location of the ping destination for nearby residents. shotengai and the various train stations may also indicate a level of planning. RETAIL 3 3 As the longest shotengai in Japan, the businesses within are GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE very diverse. The majority of stores are service-based, and cater to the local population: Pachinko, inexpensive clothing and There are some planters present in the shotengai, most appear accessories, pharmacies, restaurants, etc. Merchandising is to be privately owned and maintained. There is a large and done on the street in the form of sandwich board ads and prod- well-kept park nearby as well as river access, providing rec- uct displays, as well behind the windows of the storefronts. reational space for the community. The shotengai as a whole Many second hand and 100 yen shops heavily utilize the space is relatively clean and well-maintained. There are some trash in front of the storefronts for displaying merchandise, either bins near vending machines and drains along the street that taking up large portions of the public way or by having store- act as stormwater management within the shotengai. The pres- fronts that are set back from the public way. The only global ence of the arcade provides high quality shade for resting ar- brands present exist in the form of eateries. Retail spills out onto the public way with flashy advertising eas, and many restaurants provide private seating. Planters occupy public space in between sections 52 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 53 6. OOKAYAMA

LOCATION: MEGURO CITY, TOKYO LENGTH: 1473’ FORM: LINEAR N OBSERVED: MONDAY, 1 PM, CLOUDY RETAIL 2

URBAN FORM 3 This shotengai is primarily a service-based corridor providing everyday shopping opportunities for the residents of the area. The area surrounding the shotengai is primarily mid-rise res- There is a good mixture of service-based retail, including gro- idential with some commercial avenues with institutional an- cery stores, pharmacies, doctors offices, and daycares. There chors. The shotengai is connected to Ookayama Station, which are also many accessible restaurants and food stands pres- houses a medical center and opens onto a large plaza with trees ent. Customer attraction strategies is primarily on the street and seating, and is adjacent to Tokyo Institute of Technology. through freestanding signage or banners. There is not an overt The buildings in the shotengai are primarily 2-3 stories, with retail theme, as the shotengai is serving residents shopping retail ground floor and residential or office upper floors, and needs. A variety shop merchandising onto the public way the street is open air. The architecture is primarily newer construction with masonry, tile, or metal and glass materiality. A Gateway entrance to Ookayama Shotengai large, modern sign marks the entrance to the Ookayama sho- SOCIAL LIFE 2 tengai at the beginning of the street and displays the name in Japanese characters. The width of the street is narrow, but is Ookayama feels like a genuine neighborhood shotengai. Gro- shared between pedestrians and occasional auto traffic. The cery stores, pharmacies, and variety shops provide for the facades are primarily modern or updated with metal lighted community’s daily needs, and the shotengai makes no attempt signage, though some display traditional elements such as pa- to attract visitors with flashy branding strategies. The train sta- per lanterns, wood signs, and nori. The businesses and facades tion and the Tokyo Institute of Technology campus provide are incredibly varied, and don’t convey a sense of organiza- foot traffic through the shotengai and a strong user base. The tion or central management of the shotengai. Many facades shotengai is frequently visited by locals for errands, but lacks have recessed portions from the street, so merchandize can any spaces for community members to gather, socialize, or be displayed out front of the shop without encroaching on the enjoy the outdoors. Fresh food and pharmacies are strong community amenities public way. There are some elderly individuals getting around the shotengai on foot, and it seems that many live nearby or are frequent visitors to the area. The jumbled bicycle parking on the street does present an accessibility challenge, however. POLICY 2 There is a curb that steps up from the street level to many of the storefronts, which stores have addressed by either paving a There is an obvious management entity present in this sho- ramp to level the grade to the threshold or by adding a tempo- tengai, but there is not a particularly overbearing nature to the rary metal or rubber ramp structure. The shotengai itself is not rules or regulations in the corridor. There does seem to be a visible from the primary vehicular corridor, but rather orients Modern, recessed facade with a ramp entrance specialized camaraderie between businesses. There is explicit itself to the train station and internally within the residential fire mitigation in the area. The government does not seem to neighborhood. be highly involved in the maintenance of this corridor. Security camera and bicycle parking map

PLACEMAKING 2 GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE 2 The majority of signage in the shotengai is modern, with a mix of horizontal signs over facades and vertical signs pro- The majority of the greenery in the shotengai is comprised truding onto the street. Many shops display horizontal textile of individually-owned plants kept in pots outside the stores. banner signs, awnings, and sandwich boards, primarily in Jap- There are no waste bins present though the street is clean and anese characters. There are uniform branding banners hanging well maintained. The area may be prone to disaster from earth- from every identical street light that create an identity for the quakes and fire, but a plaza at the end of the shotengai by shotengai. There is very little English present in the shotengai the Train Station provides space for evacuation. Stormwater aside from some shop names and the directional sign towards drains to the sewer are present on the street to mitigate flood- Ookayama Station. There is no public seating present. Shotengai brand banner and signage character ing. There is little shade in the shotengai. Potted plants outside storefront 54 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 55 7. NISHIKI MARKET

LOCATION: KYOTO CITY LENGTH: 2,113’ FORM: LINEAR N OBSERVED: SATURDAY, 11 AM, FAIR

URBAN FORM 2 SOCIAL LIFE 3

Nishiki Market is an old shopping street that originated as a A strong appeal to locals and tourists makes it difficult to wholesale fish market during the Kamakura Period with close navigate the narrow street. Retail seems to be responding to proximity to the Imperial Palace and the Kamogawa. It is tourist trends around street food and local markets. It is hard comprised of traditional style machiya shops that have been to tell how many people are actually spending money on site updated and maintained over the years due to the market’s opposed to taking in the sights and smells. This location also popularity. There is a unique covered arcade with a pattern has strong connections to a large and adjoining shotengai, as of red, yellow, and blue stained glass that adds to the colorful well as proximity to the main commercial corridor in Kyoto environment of a diverse range of food and gifts. The majority and four shines. As is normal in traditional shotengai there are of facade elements are traditional, including the signage. The Entrance gateway to Nishiki Market no public amenities, benches, or places to sit, rest, or socialize. streetscape is very narrow, entirely pedestrian, and packed full The path gets very congested since visitors have no place else of tourists and people shopping for groceries. The shotengai to stop. A bustling atmosphere full of locals and tourists intersects with several auto-oriented streets, as well as other shotengai to create a shopping destination in central Kyoto.

POLICY 3 PLACEMAKING 2

The shopkeepers are aggressive in attracting customers by This shotengai does not have a clear sense of policy or regu- chanting advertisements and offering samples to passersby. lations. There are no obvious signs indicating prohibited be- The atmosphere is very busy, noisy, crowded, and full of food havior, such as no smoking or no biking signs seen in other smells which is characteristic of an old food market. The place shotengai. Additionally, there is little to no sense of a joint branding strategies are minimal, but aesthetically pleasing, in- management effort from shopkeepers beyond the covered ar- cluding the colorful arcade, paper lanterns, banners, uniform cade. The banners lining Nikishi Dori shrink into the back- signs, awnings, and traditional painted murals on the roller ground among the crowded string of vendors and refreshly shutters to maintain the aesthetic when shops are closed. Color arcade roof, paper lanterns, and illustrative signs made merchandise. Additionally, there is no evidence of a disaster preparedness plan. Many signs posted prohibit eating while walking RETAIL 4

GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE 2 As suggested in the name, this street sell primarily food items, both raw and cooked. There are a mix of locals shopping for dinner ingredients and a high volume of visitors taking in the There is no greenery along this narrow shopping street. Be- bustling atmosphere and enjoying the street food being sold yond the lack of space, merchandise spills out of the store and consumed along the corridor. A few pharmacies break up fronts and into the streets, eliminating any potential for potted the food vendors but the vast majority of retail on this strip are plants in front of the stores. The entire shotengai is sheltered food vendors or shops that support consumption such as bowls with a roof arcade blocking both rain and sunlight from com- or chopsticks. The street is narrow and vendors’ products pro- ing in. While the strip is protected from the rain, a drainage trude into the common space and pull people in with striking grate runs the length of each block collecting any water run presentation and smells of fried fish and local delicacies. Fresh food merchandising onto street off. Narrow streetscape and stormwater drainage 56 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 57 9. KANNONDOORI RETAIL 3 N The majority of shops sell typical Japanese gifts, largely as- LOCATION: ASAKUSA, TOKYO sociated with Senso-ji and other spiritual elements. There are some non-gift based businesses present, such as clothing and LENGTH: 1,744’ specialty stores and restaurants. There are a few 100 yen shops selling a variety of inexpensive items, some neighborhood FORM: LINEAR services such as drug stores and real estate offices, and some OBSERVED: SUNDAY, 1 PM, CLOUDY global chains such as McDonald’s. Many of the gift stores attract customers by placing signs and merchandize out onto the street, and there is some vocal chanting to catch passerbys’ attention. Common gift merchandizing strategy

URBAN FORM 2 SOCIAL LIFE 3 The area surrounding the shotengai is a mix of 6-7 story commercial/residential buildings and smaller 1-2 story traditional There is no obvious public seating in the shotengai, but the retail buildings, near major tourist attractions such as Tokyo area around Senso-ji has some designated seating areas for SkyTree and Senso-ji Temple. Kannondoori shotengai also people to rest and eat. The shotengai seems close to a shop- contains an entrance to Asakusa Station on the Tokyo Met- ping destination for tourists, but it is likely due to the proxim- ro Line. The shotengai runs parallel to the Asakusa Nikamise ity of the temple. This shopping area likely owes its origin to tourist shopping street leading to Senso-ji, which has a num- Traditional Storefront & Modern Storefront the existence of Senso-ji, but it is hard to tell from observation ber of shopping streets extending from it. Kannondoori sho- alone. There isn’t an obvious sense of community present in tengai itself is made up of 2 story commercial storefronts with the shotengai, as most of the people present seem to be tourists a covered arcade overhead. This shotengai stands out from or otherwise just passing through. the surrounding retail in that the architecture and signage is Tourists shopping in nearby Akamise modern and uniform compared to the traditional context. The hanging signs above storefronts are identical: square shaped and made of metal. Most of the facades are made of metal and glass, though a handful recreate the traditional machiya shop house style of architecture with wooden signs, kōshi shutters, POLICY 3 awnings and lanterns. The streetscape within Kannondoori is pretty accessible, with no major obstructions aside from oc- Kannondoori displays signs that prohibit bicycles and smok- casional vehicle traffic and bicycle traffic. The shotengai is ing. There are some storefronts that have set up cones around relatively visible from the outside, as it displays a large sign their business to presumably prevent bicycle parking or loiter- overhang at the intersection with the main thoroughfare, and ing, while there are a few designated areas for bicycle parking. the arcade is visible from the entrances that intersect with It also seems that the shotengai puts out signs to prevent ve- Asakusa Nikamise. Kannondoori Entrance hicular traffic during certain times. Kannondoori definitely appears to be a part of an organized shopkeeper’s association or AMO based on the organized storefronts, wayfinding, branding strategies, and covered arcade. Pedestrian sign & security camera sign PLACEMAKING 3

Overall, Kannondoori feels very organized and clean, with uniform signage and similar storefront characteristics. Indi- vidual businesses have taken creative liberties with additional signage, displaying a blend of traditional wood carved signs as well as modern LED signs. Branding strategies include paper GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE 2 lanterns with a duck image and a hanging scroll with Kannon- doori in kanji along the arcade support posts, as well as the Inside Kannondoori, there are some potted plants displayed name signage at the entrance to the street. Wayfinding strat- outside shops, while externally there is some access to a mini- egies include each section of the shotengai being numbered, mal amount of greenspace connected to shrines. There is some a sign on the corner with distances to destinations, and the garbage on streets likely from tourists. The covered arcade direction of the paver patterns changing at intersections. Kannondoori signage provides shade, but nowhere to sit. Potted plants outside storefront

60 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 61 11. YANAKA GINZA

LOCATION: TAITO CITY, TOKYO LENGTH: 530’ FORM: LINEAR OBSERVED: FRIDAY, 11 AM, RAIN N

URBAN FORM 2

Yanaka Ginza consists of 2-3 story buildings with ground floor retail and residential or office on the upper floors. There is a sign archway at the beginning and end of the shotengai, advertising the name in Japanese characters. Much of the architec- 2 ture is modern or updated, but the facades of businesses pri- SOCIAL LIFE marily have a traditional look and feel with machiya elements. Many of the residential floors have balconies oriented towards Yanaka Ginza seems to primarily serve the local community the street, contributing to a neighborhood feel in line with the by providing amenities like groceries and a laundromat, and surrounding context of the area. The streetscape is narrow, but Entrace gateway and streetscape many women run errands and attend to daily needs within the allows occasional auto traffic for deliveries. The primary path- shotengai. There is some attraction for tourists seeking an “off way is asphalt, but painted over in orange, with stone paving the beaten path” experience. The strained connection to transit on either side acting as a threshold to the retail. Many of the reinforces the quiet, locally-serving feel of the corridor, but storefronts have awnings extending into the public realm to there is a lack of programming or public amenities to enhance create an enclosure and cover merchandize from the weather. the community-oriented feel of the shotengai. A couple serves drinks to locals There is a slight curb step up into the retail, which many businesses have mitigated with ramps to improve accessibility.

PLACEMAKING 2 POLICY 2

The shotengai has employed some place branding strategies such as a character motif of a cat displayed on many of the There is signage indicating a management entity, and the banners and signs, and signs with illustrated black and white unique illustrated signs above the storefronts convey an organizing effort along the shotengai. There are some rules posted, scenes of Japanese life displayed above many storefronts. The Kannondoori Entrance businesses mostly have traditional wooden signs, primarily in but no separation of uses between pedestrian and vehicular Japanese characters, but with some English, as well as paper pathways. There is obvious earthquake mitigation made evi- lanterns and nori. There is no public seating on the street, but a dent through signage and a designated recovery area, which is Illustrated motifs above storefronts and cat themed banners few casual eateries with makeshift seating for locals. the only evidence of government involvement. Programming calendar and vehicle limitation sign

RETAIL 3 GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE 2 The retail displays a good mix of service-based businesses and traditional gift shops. There is a grocery store, some fresh food and meat shops, casual eateries, clothing shops, a book- There are some private gardens and a few green roofs attached store, as well as pottery and souvenirs stores. There is very to residential properties near the shotengai. The street is rela- little English present in the shotengai and no Western stores or tively clean despite the eateries that allow eating on the street, global brands. The pricing of the items seems affordable and and there are public recycling bins on the street. There is no oriented towards local shoppers. Many of the stores advertise arcade overhead and very little shade for pedestrians. Storm- with sandwich boards and banners in the street, and display water management strategies are present through drains on the merchandise on tables on the street. Locally-serving freah fish market street. Planters and public recycling efforts

64 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 65 12. JOYFUL MINOWA

LOCATION: ARAKAWA CITY, TOKYO LENGTH: 1,098’ FORM: LINEAR OBSERVED: FRIDAY, 1 PM, RAIN N

SOCIAL LIFE 3 URBAN FORM 2 Joyful Minowa is removed from central Tokyo and out of Joyful Minowa is a small, locally-serving shotengai with a reach of popular tourist attractions, making it quieter and less covered arcade located in a primarily residential low-densi- populated than shotengai near the center of the city. The vacant ty district with access to the aboveground Sakura Tram. The storefronts convey a sense of abandonment but the frequent buildings comprising the shotengai are two stories, and look and jovial interactions between shopkeepers and residents re- to have been updated about 20-30 years ago, with minimal veal a true sense of community within the shotengai. It seems A community calendar showcases local events upkeep since. The materiality is primarily concrete with some that there are many regular customers who have strong rela- masonry details, and the facades are uniform in size with tra- tionships with the shopkeepers. There is also a public plaza ditional machiya elements. The streetscape is narrow and pe- with benches and restrooms located adjacent to the shotengai. destrian-oriented with allowances for delivery vehicles, and is paved with a stamped concrete pattern. Many retail entrances have a step up from the curb, which is typically paved over Entryway and arcade design with a ramp to ease accessibility.

POLICY 2

PLACEMAKING 2 It is difficult to observe the presence of a management entity, but it seems that the shotengai has had some planning influence based on the residential uses. Many signs detailing safety The shotengai has similar branding strategies to others: con- precautions in case of an earthquake or fire are present, and sistent banners, lighting, and signage, with a tram motif on the there are buttons that can be pushed to alert police in case of arcade support beams. The choice of music playing during the an emergency. visit was odd, as it was loud alternative rock music that didn’t blend with the atmosphere and demographic of elderly users. Emergency alert button and security signage Much of the wayfinding signage was in English, along with Kannondoori Entrance the banners hanging overhead.

Banners with tram motif and welcome message 2 RETAIL 2 GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE

Joyful Minowa has strong access to green space with some The retail of Joyful Minowa conveys the shotengai’s estab- recreational value. There are many individual planters and lishment within the community, as it is almost entirely ser- potted plants, as well as a public plaza with some trees and vice-based and serves an older population. There is an array of greenery attached to the shotengai. The shotengai as a whole is diverse businesses such as barber shops, grocery stores, laun- less clean than others, with trash on the street and unpleasant dromats, speciality food vendors, real estate offices, doctors odors. The area is vulnerable to disasters due to the old build- offices, casual eateries, and pharmacies. The majority of cus- ings and outdated infrastructure. The covered arcade provides tomer attraction occurs on the street through product displays high quality shadow for the shotengai. and signage. Despite the apparent vibrancy, many storefronts are shuttered and empty, but some have been converted into ground floor dwellings. Variety stores and a laundromat provide for locals Plants outside storefront

66 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 67 15. SHINSAIBASHI-SUJI

LOCATION: CHUO-WARD, OSAKA LENGTH: 1,892 FORM: LINEAR N OBSERVED: MONDAY, 2 PM, HOT

URBAN FORM 4

Shinsaibashi-suji is designed to feel like a Western-style shop- SOCIAL LIFE 2 ping mall, with two story modern glass and metal buildings with transparent facades, large modern lighted signage, and a wide pedestrian streetscape with ornate flooring. It is linear The environment inside Shinsaibashi-suji is lively and hectic, in form, and leads directly to the Shinsaibashi bridge, a major as it is full of people even on a Monday. The social atmo- tourist destination in Osaka full of neon signs similar to Times sphere is similar to that of a traditional shopping mall, with Square in Manhattan. It is visible from the exterior due to the a collection of global brands, crowds, and tax-free shopping large sign overhangs, but once inside the shotengai, it is diffi- advertisements that appeal to an international audience. Many cult to find an easy exit to the street. It fits in seamlessly to the of the shoppers observed speak Chinese, which is a large tour- surrounding urban scale, as many buildings fronting towards ist group in Japan. There are no public amenities or places to the shotengai are high-rise externally, which is hidden by the sit in the pedestrian path, creating a bustling environment that internal covered arcade. It is easily accessible, though very does not promote many social interactions aside from con- crowded and uncomfortable for anyone just passing through sumption. A few groups of people were spotted sitting on the or attempting to rest, as there is no public seating. Entrance gateway at Shinsaibashi bridge ground outside of shops, revealing a need for places to rest and regroup.

PLACEMAKING 4 POLICY 2

Bustling atmosphere and nowhere to sit The shotengai feels very self-contained and isolated from the There is likely some planning involved in this shotengai due surrounding area, making it easy to feel lost and overwhelmed to the organization of high-end shops, but there is a surprising inside. The loud pop music and global brands attract a young lack of posted rules. There is no overt outlaw of bicycles, but demographic and tourists, making place branding unnecessary the area may be too congested with pedestrians for cyclists to to attract visitors. Shinsaibashi-suji feels like it could exist maneuver through, or the corridor may be so oriented towards anywhere, aside from the connection to the famous bridge. Mall aesthetics and global brands promote placelessness tourists that locals do not bother commuting through. There are no security cameras present on the street, which may be unique to the recent renovations of the shotengai. An inter- RETAIL 5 view with a store employee revealed that there is no management entity in the shotengai and also no sense of community between the businesses. The majority of retail is mid- and high-end clothing and accessories, and draws local shoppers as well as international tourists. Many of the stores are global brands, with very few local establishments. There is no major customer attraction on the GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE 3 street, and most of the advertising and merchandising is conducted behind the glass of the facades. However, many store employees chant to attract customers, competing with the loud There is very little green inside the shotengai, and the only western pop music playing throughout the shotengai. There connection to nature and open space is the access to the river are also restaurants and eateries to support the shopping, creat- and Shinsaibashi bridge. The arcade provides shade for the ing an inviting shopping destination that attracts many people. Retailers merchandise behind large glass facades entire street. River access near Shinsaibashi bridge

72 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 73 16. CHUO-DORI

LOCATION: GINZA, TOKYO LENGTH: 3,525’ FORM: LINEAR N OBSERVED: SATURDAY, 4 PM, FAIR

URBAN FORM 5 SOCIAL LIFE 3

Chuo-dori in Ginza is a linear commercial thoroughfare in Chuo-dori is Tokyo’s equivalent to New York’s 5th Ave: inter- close proximity to train stations, lined with mid- and high- nationally recognizable and home to exclusive and expensive rise commercial buildings, many of which hold architectural brands. The retail and the atmosphere attract high-end shop- significance and are custom built for luxury retail brands, re- pers as well as tourists and travelers eager to be a part of To- flecting a high-end consumer-focused built environment. The kyo’s renowned fashion scene. The streetscape of Chuo-dori facades of the buildings vary in size, materiality, and style, lacks spaces to rest or gather, but pedestrians make themselves but the vast majority are modern and prioritize commercial comfortable by sitting on the curbs during weekends when the branding and merchandising. The streetscape is wide enough street is closed to car traffic. Visitors also took advantage of to accommodate four lanes of auto traffic with large pedestri- adjacent privately-owned public spaces to rest such as the an sidewalks on either side, but the pedestrianization of the Sony Plaza and the Ginza Six Rooftop Garden. Lounging on the street curb street on weekends contributes to a bustling atmosphere. The surrounding context feels highly commercialized as many side streets are also oriented towards shopping, but Chuo-dori POLICY 3 stands out as a high-density luxury corridor. Chuo-dori urban context There are noticeable policy influences in the Ginza district, and the area seems to be heavily planned when compared to other areas in Japan. The entire district is physically clean and PLACEMAKING 4 well maintained, and feels heavily socially policed through the presence of security guards and watchful store clerks rather Wayfinding in Chuo-dori is clear and largely in English to than posted rules. The organized closing of the street to auto guide the many tourists who visit the area. Signage is modern traffic on the weekends is another manifestation of govern- and clean, reflecting the luxury retailers who line the street. ment involvement along Chuo-dori. The presence of specially There are few place branding strategies along Chuo-dori, aside marketed arterial shopping streets seem to be a themed attempt from repetitive street trees and low-profile street lights along at creating place, adding to the planned feel of the district as a whole. Police station and aterial shotengai along Chuo-dori the sidewalk: the brand is created by the retailers themselves. Place marker and street trees along Chuo-dori

GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE 4 RETAIL 5 Trees are well planned and planted along the sidewalk. The Chuo-dori feels more like a part of a large shopping district quality of greenery is pretty high as a result of good manage- rather than a traditional shotengai. The luxury retail brands ment and maintenance. A large and beautiful green roof is on along the street create and support an atmosphere of shiny, top of one building, allowing people to have some peace and flashy, upscale commercialization. Even low-cost brands like relax with the business around. There are very few waste bins Zara convey this message to visitors of the district through on the streets, but the stores and restaurants can help with their merchandising strategies: elaborate window displays to personal garbage disposal. Overall, the street is extremely attract customers inside, as there is no on-street attraction of clean despite the amount of people there. New and high-rise customers. Tent signs advertising a sale are few and far be- buildings are resilient to disasters and the specious streets en- tween. This area is much more of a destination shopping area sure space for evacuation. High buildings cast shadows on the than a service based corridor. Transparent storefronts merchandize on multiple stories street, but the quality is much lower compared to the arcade. Greenery along a department store facade

74 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 75 17. HYAKKENDANA N LOCATION: SHIBUYA, TOKYO LENGTH: 454’ FORM: LINEAR OBSERVED: MONDAY, 4 PM, CLOUDY

URBAN FORM 3

Hyakkendana is a narrow street that extends up a hill, surrounded by irregular shaped mid-rise commercial buildings. There is a torii-esque gateway arch displaying the shotengai name at the entrance to the street off of the main commer- SOCIAL LIFE 2 cial avenue leading to Shibuya Crossing. The urban context is high-density, high-rise commercial with proximity to Shibuya Station and major tourist destinations. The materiality of The concentration of sex-based businesses appears to attract buildings is modern concrete and tile, with some tradition- locals, though travelers must often find their way here based al facade elements. Many building facades are covered with on the presence of the Shibuya Tourist Information Center large lighted and neon signs advertising strip clubs and love which provides local recommendations. Hyakkendana lacks hotels. The slope makes the street not very accessible, though formal programming or gathering spaces, but the energy from there is a designated sidewalk on either side of the street and storefronts and nearby Shibuya Crossing permeate the area bollards to separate pedestrian and auto space. Internally, and it is easy to imagine a crowded and social environment on Hyakkendana exhibits a human-scale when compared to the Hyakkendana streetscape the street at night. Shibuya Tourist Information Center and tourist group adjacent commercial environment in Shibuya, due to the lower building heights and pedestrian-oriented streetscape.

POLICY 1 PLACEMAKING 2 Hyakkendana seems to be unregulated by government and The signage is Hyakkendana is in line with the rest of bustling management entities. The street seems to function as an area Shibuya: large colorful lighted and neon signs line the street- the city may ignore in terms of policing and regulation. There scape horizontally and vertically, extending onto the street. is no visible earthquake or fire mitigation, and social polic- There is no unified place branding aside from the gateway at ing is unobservable, though that may change at night. Most the entrance. Eye catching gateway arch and neon signs of the sex related businesses display rules for visitors, but the shotengai as a whole does not seems to have explicit rules of conduct. Storefront for information related to the adult businesses

RETAIL 4 GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE 1 The retail nature of this shotengai is rather unique in our study: a classic “pink street,” Hyakkendana is home to strip clubs, Due to the central urban location, very little green can be found love hotels, pink salons, and well-known restaurants. Hyak- in this area aside from some planters outside storefronts. The kendana translates to 100 shops, but the shops are primarily slope of the street and presence of storm drains provides good sex or bubble tea based. The businesses are mostly adult-ori- stormwater management. The area is relatively clean with ented, potentially serving more locals than tourists, though little trash on the streets. Nearby Shibuya Crossing provides this is difficult to observe. The presence of related businesses enough space for evacuation in case of an emergency. There creates a theme oriented around sex, which is unique in this is some shadow on the street due to tall buildings, but it is not study. Strip theaters and love hotels abound consistent. Some plants outside stores and slope in street

76 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 77 18. DOGENZAKA

LOCATION: SHIBUYA, TOKYO LENGTH: 433’ FORM: LINEAR

N OBSERVED: MONDAY, 5 PM, CLOUDY

URBAN FORM 3

Dogenzaka is a narrow pedestrian corridor leading between major commercial avenues in Shibuya, and is adjacent to Hyakkendana. The buildings surrounding the street are 2-3 stories and lower than the surrounding context, contributing to a human-scale environment within the shotengai. They are SOCIAL LIFE 2 modern in materiality and facades, though there is one unique brick building with round windows and an arched door. There Streetscape and urban context is a slight curb up to the storefronts, and the street branches off At first glance, this short street looks more like an alleyor at a point with stairs leading up a hill. The street is narrow and shortcut than a destination for dining or shopping. During congested, making accessibility difficult. commuting hours, Dogenzaka is crowded with people passing through from Shibuya Station, but the many eateries, bars, and clubs suggest a vibrant nightlife district. Dogenzaka does PLACEMAKING 2 not have many public amenities, benches, or places to gather, though there are a few vending machines.

A large post with the famous Shiba-Inu, Hachiko, perched Dogenzaga functions as a passageway for commuters atop marks the entrance to the street. Green orb streetlamps add to the extended signage of the street by advertising busi- POLICY 2 nesses on each block, rather than the brand of the shotengai as a whole. Large neon and lighted signs add to the character of Dogenzaka appears to have been developed organically and the street, continuing the theme of Shibuya. There is no obvi- Hachiko entrance post and signage ous wayfinding, instead individual business signs point you to not in an overtly planned way. The area seems unregulated and their locations with arrows. haphazard in development pattern, evidenced by the mixture of retail and the physical development patterns. There is also very little signage or indication of rules either from the government or from a management entity. RETAIL 2

This shotengai is an eclectic mixture of destination retail, bars, GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE 1 restaurants, and clubs. There are a few tourist-based businesses such as currency exchanges and ticket counters, as well as a pet shop that sells miniature cats and dogs. The retail seems to There are a few potted plants present on the street, but the mostly support nightlife activities, but also attracts a combina- width is too narrow to accommodate large plants. There is no tion of tourists and locals, which proximity to Shibuya Station access to green space and no shade present. There is no arcade likely contributes to. to provide shade.

A sex toy shop and Taco Bell A tree in front of the only brick building

78 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 79 19. CANAL COURT

RETAIL 2 LOCATION: KOTO, TOKYO LENGTH: 1,246’ Canal Court is primarily a service-based corridor catering to the residential towers surrounding the street, which serve FORM: LINEAR, SERPENTINE as the street’s main customer base. The majority of the retail space is comprised of service-based businesses such as med-

N OBSERVED: SUNDAY, 11 AM, FAIR ical offices, daycares, veterinary clinics, and drycleaners. There are also one or two retail stores, a couple of restaurants, and a convenience store. There is low customer attraction on the street, and window displays are minimal and lack overt advertising. Dental clinic and retail shop facades URBAN FORM 3

Canal Court is a pedestrian street framed by a series of significant architect-designed public housing high-rise structures SOCIAL LIFE 2 that dominate the landscape. The streetscape itself follows a serpentine path, and is relatively wide and clear of any ob- Canal Court seems to prioritize one’s experience in the home structions. The buildings fronting the street are primarily one rather than in shared spaces. The walkway through the com- story, with rooftop access to the residential buildings and pub- plex is uninviting to visitors to stop and rest. The sparse bench- lic spaces for residents, creating a smaller scale feel on the es available are arranged individually and do not have backs, ground level. The facades are modern, with large glass win- suggesting these spaces are intended for a quick rest between dows and concrete materiality, which matches the residential errands or a brief place to sit while waiting. The public spaces towers looming in the background. There are a few dispersed do not encourage gathering, which can be observed by the lack public spaces with green elements along the ground level of people using the space on a sunny Sunday morning. Common gift merchandizing strategy streetscape, with unused concrete blocks or circular planter seating. The entire street is oriented towards the interior of the residential space, and is largely invisible from the exterior. Streetscape at the entrance to Canal Court POLICY 3

PLACEMAKING 3 The presence of policy is evident in Canal Court due to the planned nature of the development. The retail environment is planned for residential support rather than economic develop- Aside from the unique architecture of the residential towers, ment, which is unique when compared to other planned com- Canal Court exhibits a sterile streetscape and facade charac- mercial environments. The presence of both a management ter on the human scale. The minimal wayfinding present is entity and the government is obvious on the street, as there are illustrative of the urban form and the residential-oriented en- signs that display details about the project and the develop- vironment. The presence of trees and green space is unique to ment. The project is still fairly new, having been completed in a shopping street and also reflects the residential character of 2011, so rules are up to date and enforced. Planned retail to support residential use, such as daycares the place. There is no place branding present. Wayfinding and street trees

GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE 4

Sophisticated and designed green infrastructure is every- where. Large green lawns are placed on the roof of storefronts and green public spaces serve the community. The green infrastructure also helps with stormwater management as a sustainable living system. The additional space can be used as evacuation space at emergency. High-rise buildings surrounding the area provide shadows for people to rest. Public greenspace adjacent to residential towers

80 SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS SHOTENGAI OBSERVATIONS 81 ANALYSIS

82 ANALYSIS ANALYSIS 83 SHOTENGAI COMPARISON AIINAL

Figure 5 breaks down how the shotengai observed compare to each other based on a holistic perspective. The y-axis mea- iki ond sures the amount of Western or global influence on the shoten- h nn o s o i a

gai as a whole, and the x-axis measures the perceived popula- r K i N tions being served by the shotengai. 7 9 l M fu in ka G

Most of the shotengai observed fall under traditional, meaning y o a in

o w n

J a

a they seem largely unaffected by Western perspectives of com- a 12 Y mercialization and design for consumption. They are even- 11 ly spread out across populations served: while some of the smaller shotengai like Joyful Minowa and Ookayama orient themselves towards providing basic goods and services for the ori jinbas nd existing community, larger shotengai like Kannondoori and n h o i e H Nishiki Market cater towards tourists, and function as desti- T 10 raza 5 nations to themselves. These shotengai benefit from the tra- u k g a ditional Japanese design aesthetic in creating a environment a a m K m ch o a i m ik conducive to spending money, and harmonize with Japan’s 1 r i a

e h d

T z e o n n S spiritual tourism. e ak kk d

g a 4 a a 13 o y m

D H 18 17 a

A few of the shotengai seem to have significant Western or SINAIN ayam global influence, either through the physical design and pres- k a ence of global brands, as is the case with Chuo-dori and Cat o Street, or through the built environment seeming planned or O 6 similar to a shopping district. Most of the Western/global shotengai function as shopping destinations, in line with the way shopping districts and main streets occur in the United States. Canal Court is an outlier, in that the built environment and physical design is closer to Western than traditional Japanese, but the retail environment primarily serves locals and resi- saiba in s h dents of the complex. h

n i iya ou S r 15

M a

NI SIN NI 14

al Cou n r shim a t a u

C g i k

19 k i mo ita H i z 8

h a

S w 2 a tree t S t a C 3

o-do u ri h C 16

Figure 5: Shotengai Comparison Graphic SN LAL

84 ANALYSIS ANALYSIS 85 SURVEY ANALYSIS

The survey aims to engage with shopkeepers in each shotengai Q1 : HOW LONG HAS THIS SHOP BEEN OPEN? Unsurprisingly, most of the customers are tourists (11 out of Q4 : WHO SHOPS AT THIS STORE? to help understand existing social conditions. Seven questions 13 responses), some stores serve both local people and tour- were written and translated into Japanese, and the surveys ists, others serve mainly tourists, and only two shopkeepers were conducted with the willingness of the shop owners. selected local people are their main customers. These two re- LOCALS 1-5 YRS sponses came from a restaurant in Shimokitazawa and a gift

Overall, we conducted 13 surveys in 7 different shotengai. 5+ YRS shop in Kagurazaka-dori where tourists are not hard to find. The responses likely have something to do with the shop itself. TOURISTS 0-6 MO The Shimokitazawa restaurant is on the second floor and it Most of the shops visited had been open for more than 5 years can be easily missed by someone who is not familiar with the and they are still thriving based on our observation. There street. The gift shop sells mostly local gifts which might not A MIX OF TOURISTS + LOCALS were very new shops and some other between 1 year and 5 be well-known by foreigners. Besides, we visited those stores years. Interestingly, no one answered for 6 months to 1 year. as tourists. It is still not absolutely local people that shop at the But considering our sample size it is reasonable to have this stores, the answer depends on the shopkeepers’ perspectives. result. The data shows that both old and new stores exist in 1 2 3 4 5 6 Q2 : HOW MUCH HAS THIS SHOTENGAI CHANGED? these shotengai and most of them have great vitality to devel- Question 5 was designed based on our research of the charac- Q5: WHAT DRAWS PEOPLE HERE? op further in the future. teristics of shotengai, and it was proved to have included the most important reasons that people go to a shotengai. Many NEARBY CULTURAL Kagurazaka-dori and Joyful Minowa have experienced sig- shotengai are located near transit centers such as subway and/ ACTIVITY nificant change, while others may have changed slightly over or train stations where it is convenient for people who want to the years. Change is a relatively subjective matter depending IT IS VERY A SMALL DIFFERENT shop, and cultural spots like shrines and temples which draw on how people define and perceive the change. Undoubtedly, AMOUNT people. Some shotengai have unique character or identity such NEARBY TRANSPORTATION OR OFFICES NOT AT something great had happened in those two shotengai. Based as the international identity in Kagurazaka. They are designed ALL on our research and observation, Kagurazaka was revitalized and planned to attract people, and most of them perform these recently under European influence, especially French, as for- SOME- functions well. UNIQUE CHARACTER OF SHOTENGAI eigners gathering around the streets make it a wonderful place WHAT where both European and Japanese cultures mix with each The shopkeeper association plays an important role in the other. On the other side, Joyful Minowa is declining despite Q3 : DESCRIBE THIS SHOTENGAI IN ONE WORD management of the shotengai. Most of the shopkeepers are or their effort to draw new people. It is a traditional shotengai would like to be part of the association. 1 2 3 4 5 that provides services to the local community. More than half FASHIONABLE Q6: ARE YOU PART OF A SHOPKEEPER’S ASSOCIATION? of the stores appear closed and the street feels like it hasn’t Question 7 indicates that many shotengai successfully create been updated or maintained in recent years. The street may be TOURIST SPOT close-knit communities for shopkeepers and provide them NO, BUT I WOULD LIKE TO BE changed by many things such as policies, foreigners, devel- with a sense of belonging. Eleven of them answered the ques- opment strategies, and its own characteristics etc. These sho- GLOBAL tion without hesitation. Even though some of them are not tengai reflect what is happening in Japanese society and lend sure, they didn’t answer in the negative, meaning they at least NO perspective on these changes. TAPIOCA feel like a part of the community. Question 3 is one of the most interesting and exciting questions. Shopkeepers were asked to describe their shotengai in CLAY one word. These words, although very different from each YES other, reveal the true value of a shotengai to those that make ESSENCE their livelihoods along it. Shotengai are places where people come together and enjoy themselves, either as a tourist spot or MEET MANY FOREIGN TOURISTS 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 supporting a local community. They can be global and fash- LIVELY STREET ionable but can also be nostalgic. They can exhibit the essence Q7: DO YOU FEEL LIKE PART OF A COMMUNITY? of society, or be as vulnerable to change as tapioca or clay. Most importantly, shotengai are the spirit of Japanese culture. CHARMING TOWN, MIXING TRADITION + MODERNITY 84% YES NOSTALGIC I’M NOT SURE SHOPPING STREET THAT FEELS SHOWA 16% The team surveying at Hyakkendama 86 ANALYSIS SPIRITED ANALYSIS 87 ANALYSIS - STRENGTHS

The twenty shotengai observed for this study are likely represen- be neighborhood-serving and oriented towards residents. Even in with an arcade, a movie theater, and a covered plaza the shoten- tative of the wide variety of shotengai in Japan: from small, local- cases with stronger programming, the residential feel was prom- gai appeals to youth and creates a space to gather and spend time. ly-serving corridors with grocery stores and pharmacies to global inent. This dynamic was observed at Joyful Minowa, Yanaka Joyful Minowa is an interesting case for several reasons. It ap- shopping malls following a distinctive linear pedestrian path. Ginza, and Kagurazaka. Joyful Minowa’s roof arcade, music, pears to be the least-maintained of the twenty shotengai observed, Some consistent patterns emerged that highlight ways in which and small plaza are signs of active management, but the retail and the pedestrian path and facades are in poor repair and there are these shopping streets are performing well, as well as areas where overall sense of place creates a strong connection to the residen- several vacant storefronts. Despite indications of a struggling small interventions can improve the experience for shoppers and tial surroundings. economic landscape, this shotengai exhibits the strongest social or attract more people to the space. connections of all the shotengai observed. A steady flow of shop- On the inverse, some shotengai find success by exhibiting a cu- pers is observed on a week day, and unlike other shotengai, shop- WHAT MAKES A SUCCESSFUL rated space for users. It is challenging to assess what came first: pers can be observed conversing with shop owners and engaging SHOTENGAI? the types of shops or the types of shoppers, but the stores and in long conversations. This social atmosphere indicates a tight- overall atmosphere is responsive to the desired audience. It is also knit community is based inside the shotengai, creating strong How well they serve their surrounding context and common for shotengai to have a concentration of certain retail place value in an otherwise struggling environment. community themes. For example, Shimokitazawa, located in a low-rise residential neighborhood, has a high volume of vintage and fashion- Draw from a mix of traditional and modern ideals As discussed in the introduction and methodology sections, sho- able second-hand stores. The trendy retail matches the youthful tengai are viewed as most successful when they serve the local branding of this shotengai, which organizes music festivals and Shotengai that this study considers successful are those that draw Teramachi/Shinkyogoku provide a strong mix of uses residents, have affordable goods, and provide a mixture of ser- provides public spaces for people to socialize. Alternatively, Ca- from a mix of traditional and modern ideals in an attempt to pre- vices and destination amenities. Success in a shotengai can be nal Court, nestled among government-sponsored housing and serve historical value while providing an accessible experience to about economic vitality, the amount of people observed shop- family households, has a large volume of stores for mothers and draw a modern population. The shotengai that utilize traditional ping, or the symbiotic relationship between design and function. children. The tendency toward segmentation and specialization is facades and placemaking elements like paper lanterns and unique For the purpose of our study, success may not always include the common in other parts of Japanese society. For example, restau- motifs have a stronger sense of place than those without, but those inherent value of place or the need from the people surrounding rants often specialize in only one type of dish. This trend is re- with modern elements like international brands, seating, and street the shotengai. This value is not assigned as easily as success it; flected in the makeup of shotengai, pushing them to have a theme trees attract a more diverse population. Kagurazaka exemplifies it takes time for a shotengai to be of value to the people who or specialty rather than a generalized sense of a one-stop-shop. this blend of traditional and modern materiality and physical form frequent it. Shotengai in Japan often function as a service to their Even shotengai catering to locals running errands had a stronger to create a uniquely Japanese experience within a dynamic urban surrounding context and community. This type of support can, of sense of place and curation than an American strip mall. Both context: its historical context as a geisha district and connection course, take many forms. Among these are providing opportuni- of these opposite sides of retail use are successful in shotengai to shrines draws tourists while its transit and residential connec- ties for economic development and sustainable livelihoods, pro- across Japan. tion as well as its service-based retail makes it a strong amenity viding a sense of belonging to the increasing aging population, to the local community. It feels like a diverse, mixed-use corridor and supporting the needs of residents, whether that be in the form Are vibrant and full of life, facilitating social interactions and that supports many uses outside of tourism, but the traditional of a grocery, pharmacy, or hair salon. a sense of community facades, paper lanterns, street trees, and benches create an accessible and attractive public realm that fits into the modern built Kagurazaka seamlessly blends traditional and modern ideals Exhibit a variety of reasons for visiting, rather than focusing Shotengai attract an intergenerational audience for a variety of environment. This is also observable in Shimokitazawa where the in on one specific use or type of user activities. Anchored by retail establishments and restaurants, sho- urban form is complex and seems unorganized, as the area func- tengai double, often unintentionally, as a place for social inter- tions as more of a shopping district made of multiple streets than Another way that shotengai are successful is that they may ex- actions and casual conversations among shoppers. The usage of a single linear path, but the traditional elements of the facades hibit a variety of reasons for visiting, rather than focusing in on shotengai for more than shopping or running errands is a unique and merchandising into the street create an environment that fits one specific use or type of user. This combination of service and opportunity in Japan where the population is increasingly isolat- into the surrounding context. This shotengai display the strongest destination contributes to the vitality of shotengai. Similar to eco- ed and lacking social interactions. In select locations shotengai placemaking elements through the efforts of a management en- nomic theories of social mixing or class integration, shotengai emanate a strong sense of community and provides the space for tity, as it programs the area with festivals and events, provides can provide resources and a reason for visiting to many different neighbors to come together. plaza space and seating areas, and has plans to incorporate more shoppers, and this comes from a mixture of shops and land use. public space into the shotengai. These elements add to the sense Shotengai embedded in residential areas, particularly those with Shinkyogoku demonstrates how shotengai can cultivate a strong of place and provide public amenities that are otherwise unavail- ground floor retail and second floor residential, are most likely to sense of community. By offering curated retail in conjunction able to a neighborhood. Joyful Minowa supports the local community

88 ANALYSIS ANALYSIS 89 ANALYSIS - OPPORTUNITIES

WHAT OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMPROVE- crowds that visit daily. Catering primarily to temple tourists, shoppers to sit and rest. Locations such as Tenjinbashi exempli- to public amenities for gathering, socializing, or resting. Over- MENT EXIST IN SHOTENGAI? Kannondoori has capitalized on this cultural tourism and main- fy the univiting seating options many shotengai have installed. all, shotengai remain pragmatic spaces, enabling shoppers to tains a lively corridor that connects to other shotengai nearby, The seating options tend to be stools without back support. The run errands and buy goods while en-route to or from their final but has almost no support for nearby residents. intentional lack of comfortable seating allows for a short rest destination. However, places for socializing present a unique A trend toward global placelessness in modern shotengai or smoke break but stops short of encouraging someone to sit opportunity in Japan, where the aging population is increasingly A similar trend can be observed in Kyoto along Nishiki Market. and read a book or enjoy the space for longer than is necessary. isolated and lonely. There is a trend in many shotengai that is moving toward an ab- While it is not connected directly to a shrine or temple, this tra- The seating also tends to be spaced to accommodate individuals sence of the traditional need or cultural significance of the orig- ditional food street is a prominent historical market with close rather than groups, again signaling to visitors that the seats are Disconnect from natural environment inal shopping streets in Japan. Many shotengai are populated by proximity to the Imperial Palace, and sits within the historic meant for momentary resting or waiting before continuing their global brands and function as tourist attractions and local desti- core of Kyoto City. However, shopkeepers in Nishiki contin- journey. Building on the social components of shotengai, there is a great nations. Chuo-dori, Shinsaibashi-suji, Teramachi, Shinkyogoku ue to cater to the local community by selling raw produce and opportunity for these locations to become part of the green in- and Cat Street attract a younger demographic and a large per- seafood, but have also capitalized on tourism by selling quick Only four locations observed for the study offered either com- frastructure in Japan’s densest cities. Shotengai merchant as- centage of tourists through popular brands and a clean, modern bites to be enjoyed primarily by people visiting. Many vendors fortable seating options or seating meant for socializing. The sociations could establish greenery along the corridor as well design. These shotengai seem to prioritize economic prosperity along Nishiki Market use stalls that protrude into the public way shotengai offering these amenities see a great deal of use and a as among shopkeepers. As an urban farmer in Shibuya shared, evidenced by the international chains with established profits to sell ready-to-eat food or display their wares, inviting visitors high volume of shoppers. For example the plaza connecting the if every rooftop in Tokyo was converted to a green roof, the and a mix of high-end luxury brands and accessible low-cost to become a part of the local experience and indulge in unique Shinkygoko and Teramachi shotengai was at capacity during temperature of Tokyo would drop by two degrees. Incremental retailers. These shotengai also tend to have large transparent Japanese cuisine. Despite complaints from locals regarding the an afternoon observation and the designated resting areas in change in this area can have a huge impact and shotengai are storefronts and shops with high square footage. heavily disapproved public food consumption, the market’s ap- Shimokitozawa were busy even in the middle of a work day. well suited to be leaders and contributors in this effort. In addi-

peal has made it one of Kyoto City’s most popular destinations. Cat Street, which lacks a formal plaza but offers tree planters tion to the environmental impact of greening urban space, there While these locations seem to be thriving economically, they that doubled as benches, also had visitors sitting to enjoy a are economic and social benefits as well. Appealing and lush often sacrifice the strong sense of place observed at small-scale Shotengai that lack this connection to a cultural destination tend mid-morning conversation. streets are good for attracting business and pulling in new cus- locations. An employee in Osaka’s Shinsaibashi-suji reported to experience more closed or vacant stores, less foot traffic, tomers. Access to green space is also associated with improved “there is no sense of community here.’’ In some cases, large- and lack a well-maintained physical appearance. This can be High usage of these spaces suggests both a demand and in- mental health, which is important in combating depression in scale shotengai attempt to balance the placelessness of global especially observed in Joyful Minowa through its many vacant terest in public amenities. The team observed several cases in elderly populations. Green space also acts as a carbon sink and brands with the physical landscape and facades. This dichoto- storefronts and quiet atmosphere. which shoppers improvised their own resting and socializing provides habitat for different species, which will help cities my, as well as crowded and heavy branding, makes these spaces space. In Ginza, groups perched on the curb while talking and move forward in their sustainability goals. feel more planned than small-scale markets. Lack of public amenities like seating and shade prevent peo- enjoying the busy shopping street and in Shinbashi groups of ple from gathering and building community shoppers and families sat in a tight circle along the periphery Exhibit a lack of disaster preparedness of the walkway. This improvisation was most common at sho- Shotengai without a strong destination pull suffer from clos- Shotengai did not originate as places for gathering and social- tengai observed to be a “shopping destination” and where inter- Despite the common occurrence of earthquakes, tsunamis, ing stores izing. The physical design of shotengai emphasizes their func- national travelers were common. In less touristy locations, the floods, and volcanic eruptions in Japan, many shotengai seem tion as thoroughfares rather than gathering centers. The most team observed a more Japanese style of public socializing. For to be ill-equipped to deal with natural disasters. There may be Shotengai that are not near a destination like a train station or obvious example of this is the lack of places for sitting or rest- example, at Kagurazaka, groups of shoppers conversed while an argument that a commercial district need not be the first thing cultural site seem to suffer from a lack of foot traffic that is ing individually or collectively. More than half (11/20) of the on the move. Additionally, Joyful Minowa, a shotengai catering saved in a natural disaster, but many shotengai hold significant associated with proximity to a destination. This proximity can shotengai observed for this study had no place to sit or rest. almost exclusively to locals, displayed a high level of commu- cultural and historical importance. Some shotengai such as also be a double-edged sword in that there seems to be a trend Shotengai such as Yanaka Ginza and Ookayama, two residential nity comradery between shoppers and shopkeepers even in the Joyful Minowa and Hondori have buttons that one can press in toward the commercialization of culture, especially in regards shotengai, have six or more commercial blocks with no place to absence of robust public space. an emergency to sound an alarm and alert the fire department. to historical and religious sites. As many shotengai originated stop or sit. The lack of seating is merely as a missed opportunity There are also safe houses, or earthquake and fire proof recov- around temples and shrines, it is logical that shotengai contin- for most shoppers, but for aging and less mobile shoppers, this While these examples show how shotengai can be leveraged ery dens that can provide shelter or sustenance. These types of ue to grow around religious sites as tourism increases. For ex- landscape presents a physical challenge. as social hubs and community building blocks this is not the disaster mitigation and preparedness strategies may better equip ample, Kannondoori appears to have grown around Senso-ji, norm. The vast majority of shotengai observed for this study shotengai to survive through an extreme event, but also enhance the oldest temple in Tokyo, which continues to serve the large Seven shotengai observed for this study provided some place for lack strong social infrastructure and received low scores related the resiliency of the surrounding community.

90 ANALYSIS ANALYSIS 91 ANALYSIS - OTHER THOUGHTS

SHOTENGAI AS DESTINATIONS: ings, branding, and reputation play a larger role in a shotengai’s PULLING VISITORS & SPENDING POWER success as a destination. TO SHOTENGAI Roughly eight shotengai also serve as shopping or entertain- While shotengai are largely struggling as community hubs, ment destinations for locals, rather than international tourists. many are succeeding as tourist and shopping destinations. Sho- In these cases, the shotengai management entity executes pro- tengai originated as supplements to shrines and temples where gramming and placemaking initiatives well beyond grocery visitors could buy gifts for the gods and return home with stores and pharmacies. For example, Shimokitazawa features a charms and souvenirs. Today, shotengai maintain a linear de- full calendar of monthly events and an annual live musical con- sign from Point A to Point B, but function as urban attractions cert series. Other shotengai such as Cat Street and Hyakkendana in themselves. Successful destination shotengai can be grouped attract locals by cultivating certain business types in one area. into three categories: global shopping, cultural experiences, and Of the locations determined to be local destinations, proximity entertainment for locals. to transit is a bigger factor in the success and popularity of the shotengai compared to shotengai that attract large volumes of Global shopping streets such as Chuo-dori and Shinsaibashi are tourists. the most crowded shotengai observed and seem to be the most successful in terms of spending power. These locations had a For tourists and locals alike, shotengai represent an opportu- high concentration of luxury global brands such as Nike, Prada, nity to attract people a curated retail or entertainment experi- Swatch, and Levi. In addition, these locations intentionally at- ence. This phenomenon was observed often and shown to be tract a high volume of international visitors. Stores along these successful, but requires careful attention from management to corridors advertised tax-free shopping for non-Japanese shop- be successful. Locations such as Joyful Minowa have not been pers and employ store clerks fluent in English and Chinese. able to cultivate programing or retail that pulls people to the shopping corridor despite the presence of a plaza and proximity Tourists are also prevalent on “cultural streets” such as Nishi- to transportation. ki Market, with originated in the 1300’s as a food market. The narrow walking path is overloaded with international shoppers SECOND-MAN SHOTENGAI THEORY enjoying Japanese cuisine and accumulating souvenirs. A similar pattern can be observed at Kannondoori, an extremely tra- Many shotengai also exemplify a “second man” trend observed ditional shotengai, anchored by the largest and oldest temple at multiple locations. “Second man theory” is a term coined Ed- in Tokyo. Visitors in the past would have seen the shotengai mund Bacon in Design of Cities, and it is often used in architec- as tangential to the temple, while today’s visitors seem to view ture to discuss how a building designed by one architect may be the temple and the shotengai as equal attractions. Nishiki and relating to another building that already exists (1967). In other Kannondoori are two of the busiest tourist attractions observed words, designing in context. This theory does not only apply to for the study, but the spending power and price points in these architecture, and may be applied to planning or placemaking locations are significantly less than the global shopping streets. ideals as well. In Japan, this is the notion that thriving shotengai, Beyond these large cultural touchstones, small residential sho- such as Nishiki and Kannondoori, lead to an expansion of or tengai showed signs of being lesser known destinations for additional shotengai and commercial activity directly connect- tourists. In locations such as Yanaka Ginza and Tenjinbashi, the ed to the original area. In the case of these two shotengai, both team observed tour guides leading small groups along the street. have been intersected by prominent shotengai featuring modern storefront and wider pedestrian paths, and global retail. The in- Of these tourist-attracting shotengai, proximity to cultural ele- fluence of shotengai on the surrounding community is clear and ments such as shines or transit is less important. Product offer- reflected in the layout of nearby commercial corridors.

Shinsaibashi largely functions as a global shopping destination

92 ANALYSIS ANALYSIS 93 CONCLUSION

As current literature on shotengai focuses on the effects of retail errands typically void of gathering spaces. Though shoppers can trends and changing consumption patterns in Japan and world- engage in conversation along shotengai, the lack of public in- RECOMMENDATIONS FOR SHOTENGAI wide, this research study aims to add qualitative data to the frastructure fails to encourage planned, unplanned, or prolonged larger conversation surrounding the preservation of traditional social encounters. Shotengai could be leveraged to become stronger com- shopping streets as vital community centers. The challenges sho- munity hubs, as they are already a space for daily errands tengai face are representative of global retail struggles, as large SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH and many have existing management entities. With this corporations like Amazon take over the commercial market and infrastructure already in place, shotengai could offer ev- force independent retailers to close, brick and mortar shopping There are many ways in which this research could be supple- erything from groceries, medical care, and household ser- streets seem to lose their vitality. Shotengai present an opportu- mented or improved upon. As explored in initial research, a vices, promoting a sense of community and opportunity nity to combat this trend and serve as multi-purpose community strong cultural connection to nature is prevalent in Japan through for socialization for the increasingly isolated population. hubs that provide basic shopping and every day services to resi- Shintoism and other spiritual elements, and the team assumed Shotengai are important public gathering spaces for each dents, as well as a place to gather, share information, and support this might be evident in shotengai. In order to understand why community, and it is essential to provide a safe space for each other. this connection isn’t apparent within shotengai, research into tra- fire and earthquake respite as increasing disasters cause ditional Japanese uses of nature within an urban environment great damage to the country. There is an opportunity for This research reveals a broader trend in Japan towards global and any theories regarding the lack of nature in commercial cor- the government to become involved with shotengai man- consumerism, hyper-commercialization of place, and the shrink- ridors could be beneficial. agement and planning, as it could set guidelines or re- ing of small scale entrepreneurship. Some of the patterns iden- quirements for the types of retail and development oc- tified in this study display a tendency for commercial areas to Social policing is evident in shotengai through signage and post- curring within shotengai to support local communities prioritize the profit drive and financial stability of large chain ed rules and lack of certain activities like walking while eating, with needed services like grocery stores and pharmacies. stores or international brands that draw a wide audience over but the research team was unable to specifically investigate these Encouraging new business and mixed-use with residen- small businesses that serve a local population. The physical de- behaviors and how social policing may contribute to the policy tial and/or office, which bring new people, can help a sign of shotengai close to well-known destinations often over- and social aspects of shotengai. shotengai to thrive and sustain its liveliness and sense of takes any local characteristics of a place, resulting in a shopping place. The growing percentage of elderly people in urban area that feels like a suburban mall, exhibited especially in Shin- This research would also benefit from a thorough understanding populations also presents an opportunity for shotengai to saibashi and Chuo-dori. These shotengai may be economically of a Japanese perspective on shotengai as community centers or function as a support network and community base for successful as they draw in international spending, but they suffer social spaces, rather than the subjective opinions of a research this population, which can be facilitated by the govern- from a lack of sense of place and connection to the community. team with a Western world view of commercial activity and pub- ment. Public seating and other amenities can be provided There are many shotengai that exhibit the opposite by enhancing lic space. Visiting each shotengai for a longer period of time or in and around shotengai to create a friendly environment a strong sense of place, such as Kagurazaka and Shimokitazawa, multiple times during different days would also add depth to the for locals and visitors, providing more opportunities for which display the most public amenities and community activity observations. people to stay longer. Active programming is feasible to through supporting independent entrepreneurs. engage local community through events and other cultural Research in the form of interviews and local knowledge sur- activities. Designed and planned green infrastructure can Shotengai are not dissimilar from main streets and local shop- rounding planning endeavors and development pressure would be built inside shotengai to improve the living and shopping districts in the United States. In Japan as well as the United add to the policy and planning discussion around shotengai. ping experience of both residents and visitors as well as States, these retail hubs mirror the communities they serve by While there may be evidence of a management organization adjusting the microclimate and securing the air and water catering to the preferences and price points of shoppers. Both are within the shotengai through physical elements, the team was quality of the neighborhood. vulnerable to global economic pressures and shotengai, much unable to research the specifics regarding these entities in terms like rural shopping malls in America, are struggling to survive of funding, programming efforts, politics, and any planning or in the face of dwindling spending power and online competition. development pressures. The long history of shotengai proves how successful and However, beyond fulfilling a similar retail niche, shotengai are important these spaces have been in Japanese culture and distinct from U.S. shopping hubs in their limited social func- Finally, an in-depth look into signage across Japanese commer- commerce, however as the landscape of retail changes and tions. Unlike American malls which can act as pseudo commu- cial spaces regarding design and language usage may indicate urban priorities shift these historic markets are ripe with nity centers, shotengai function as pragmatic thoroughfares for tourist activity or destination shopping centers in an area. opportunities for growth. Shotengai as community and entreprenuership centers

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