CEU eTD Collection Relevance In Post-Socialist Slovenia, SerbiaandPoland Relevance InPost-SocialistSlovenia, Doctoral School of Political Science, Public Policy, and International Relations International and Policy, Public Science, Political of School Doctoral Peak Level Unions and Their StrugglesforPolitical andPeak LevelUnions Their in fulfillmentof partial requirementsthe for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Strategic ChoicesduringSystem Change: Supervisor: Prof. Dorothee Bohle Prof. Dorothee Supervisor: Central European University European Central A Doctoral Dissertation A Doctoral Budapest, Hungary Tibor Mesman Submitted tothe Submitted May 2012 By CEU eTD Collection ii CEU eTD Collection except where appropriate acknowledgment ismade in the form of bibliographical reference. institutions.no Thiscontains thesis materials written and/or previously published byanother person, I hereby state that the thesis contains no materials accepted for anyother in degrees any other Statement iii Tibor Mesman Tibor CEU eTD Collection iv CEU eTD Collection potential for mobilization of potential formobilization inof members rank andthe file favorof security,the and protection, leadership of SSSeven the autonomygave up its struggle for disregardedfrom elite.the It the union Serbia, inan trade the elite-dominated making. populist contrast, authoritarian In and struggles policy inideological for part taking maneuvering strategic a widespacefor advantage of and took increasedcapacities, and mobilization itsbuiltresources organizational on union the a successful where case, ZSSSdemonstrates Slovenia’s union on trajectories. imprint reform and political self-positioning duringsystem lasting hadchange leaving a effect, asticky influencingin and politics Perceived policy-making. way, this demonstrate organizational that I voicein an autonomous andexercised in the newenvironment, capacities increased own their and to achieved autonomy, adapted and vulnerabilities, specific ‘inherited’ organizational relevant become politically to able unions were that I argue trajectories. self-empowermentduring the system change period in havemattered shaping organizational level thatunions’peak Idemonstrate critical andstrategies own of choices unions. organizational three these of trajectories various the for understanding framework as atheoretical argument -path-dependency juncture develops acritical project The until 2010. union trajectories change from socialism for implicationsthe (1987/8-1993/4)andassess trade struggles these of of system duringleast the union period (SSS) successful Serbian thein (OPZZ) and Poland national ‘inherited’ level unions compared in trade (ZSSS) less tothe Slovenia successful cases In this dissertation I exploreAbstract the conditions of successful struggle for political relevance of v if and onlyifif they hadthey overcome CEU eTD Collection literature. term in of choices elite asit andis during policies system change understood the commonly the historically rooted level‘success’find ofpeak variationthe functions in isunions. I that explained by trajectories union the and character the for asconditions resources of organizational factor under-explored the and,especially, of the state (Birnbaum critical of dangersat advantages political with parties, moments, empowerment and alliances 1982) rather than mobilization Ihighlight self- importance and organizational of Europe. the resource the short- in Eastern unionism trade understandings of to corrective a Ioffer cases three the By comparing vulnerabilities. organizational internal execrated run, long in the which, a strategy coalition, political a into entering by isolation political overcame OPZZ The ZSSS. the than challenges political its itselect path,butautonomy had andfaced less greater sufficient capacities to organizational preserved representational monopoly from the state. Finally, unlike the SSS the Polish OPZZ had vi CEU eTD Collection Amy Wang and Stefan Messmann for their support and for convincing me to come to CEU in the CEU to come to me convincing for and support their for to Messmann grateful Stefan and Wang Amy particularly I am patience. and understanding of source endless an been has family My reading chapters ororganizing research. only three: Magda Bernaciak, UrsaMavric and Vera Scepanovic, since were involvedthey in also Many colleagues turned friends into in the course of this project. Among the many, Imention here only to improve thestyle and language of the butalso dissertation, to gather additional writing skills. In writing upthe Andreadissertation the Kirchknopf at Center forAcademichelped Writingnot me unions in Poland andinvolved mein various academic and social events. by deepen my supported was JanKubikhelped who particularly meto ontrade knowledge Studies University. of Rutgers HereIexperienceda University,one including that allowed meto afull spend semester at I frombenefited the full fellowshipvariousdoctoral and research grants from Europeanthe Central Warsaw and Gdansk,Miroslav Stanojevic and Plohl Rastko in Ljubljana and Ptuj. in Nowakowski Andrzej Stanislaw Matla and Kochanowicz, Stojiljkovic inBelgrade, Jacek me very Gradimir Mihailreferred to Arandarenko, Ivanic and Zoran literature: useful helped advicefirst mein providedlaterencounters, these contacts, good and for organizing even who those goto thanks Aspecial wholeheartedly. I myinterviewees thanklarger all picture. the meallowedmake in werecrucial to the detail that of sense Theseencounters activists. providing The most inspiring partof researchthe was myinterviews leaders,with union professionals and I what surpassed could imagine. typically there received I help the libraries, in these spent I months the Over assistance, muchvery which needed the I whenabundance Ifaced materials unions. of on trade Gdansk andLjubljana, in staff the libraries archivesand mewith deal provided great of Warsaw, Belgrade,Sad, Novi ofBudapest, in cities the research I conducted For the archival ways bymy secondary Nenad and BelaGreskovits. Dimitrijevic advisors, invarious feedback received fell drafts her.Ialsolearned alot, and was assisted inspiring to ideas and then readingand through systematic providing feedback massive on sometimes chapter my focus for fora clearer defining necessary deep into the water me ungrateful pushing tasks of differentrather background, and selecting my and topic primary advisor accordingly.All the inlabor: my case it union instrongly interests decisive was turning my politics from toward a Dorothee Bohle. Likemany back students, in 2004 Iwasinspiredby her course on politicsthe of be This the andnot support possiblebeliefmy supervisor, dissertation would without of sorts. evenlist attempt to peoplethe me all help involved inproviding of with various andsupport support, learned shared alot, emotions andfortified friendships. These do acknowledgments not This projectwas alongjourney. years andthese turbulentagreatdeal Iaccumulated During of Acknowledgements vii very supportive academic environment the Center for European for Center the and CEU eTD Collection this dissertation to Andi, Edi, Edvin and Flóra, the new generation. As a partial compensation fornot having asmuch time as I wouldhave liked for them, always count on a first The place. personal most but thank toElissa yougoes here. stop Helms, short words can You pesma Nišlijska pesma from me. viii I dedicate CEU eTD Collection Chapter 3. Serbia’s SSS: Fragile 114 Autonomy, ...... Isolation and Passivity Chapter 2. Slovenia’s ZSSS: Escalation Tactics 58 and the Insider-Outside ...... Problem success 11 of Slovenia’s ZSSS...... Chapter 1. The political of relevance peak level unions in Explaining Europe: post-socialist the ...... 1 Introduction Table of Contents 2.3. Internal causes and the external 135 context of the ...... abandoned struggle 2.2. The impact of Milosevic’s authoritarian populism 123 on SSS (1987-1989)...... 116 ...... 3.1. Thepattern of givingmobilization upon and accepting dependence elite 2.4. Escalation tactics as a pattern in the ZSSS trajectory 102 and its limits...... 85 ...... possible? 2.3. ZSSS’ militancy, combined with conditional alliances with political parties: how it was 2.2. The internal cause of success: reform as adaptation 65 and self-empowerment ...... 2. 1. The successful 60 pattern of escalation ...... tactics 1.2. Research 35 Design and Methods...... 1.1. Unions, civil society, 11 and strategic ...... choices 2.3.1. Limited achievements of the struggle 136 for autonomy (1990-1991)...... 2.3.4. New organizational practices and the absence 99 of internal ...... factionalism 2.3.3. The availability of alternative 95 allies among ...... political parties 2.3.2. Union members’ will boosted striketo and in interest an intermediary union90 2.3.1. The beneficial liberal setup of the new state governing 85 trade unions...... 2. 2.3. Outcomes of the reform congress: crisis 79 and breakthrough...... 2.2.2. The congress of 1990 as the peak of reform and 74 political .... self-positioning 2.2.1. Accelerated reform during the last years 67 of self-management ...... socialism 1.2.3. Case study methods, and historical 54 ...... and statistical data Yugoslavia 40 (Serbia and Slovenia)...... 1.2.2. Case selection: Peak level unions in Poland, and in two former republics of socialist 36 juncture, ...... and path-dependency 1.2.1. The emergence of unions as relevant organizations.Agency, strategic choice, critical 1.1.4. Organizational capacities and 28 choices shaping ...... union trajectories 21 ...... factors intervening astwo politics’ and legacies level:‘elite union at the outcome Variation 1.1.3. 1.1.2. The legacies of unions: 16 evaluation of ...... common assessments The 12 puzzling strength of unionism...... contrast: Underestimated external shocks vis-a-vis the 1.1.1. relative ix CEU eTD Collection ilorpy...... 242 ...... Bibliography 225 ...... Conclusions Chapter 4. Poland’s OPZZ: 169 The Need toGo Political...... 4.4. ‘Stickiness’ of the political-partisan 215 choice...... 4.3 Factors shaping the choice of loyalty 202 (late ...... 1993- mid-1994) 4.2. The geneology of political 181 activity and a ...... partisan alliance trap 4. 1. The 174 OPZZ’s costly ...... political choices 3.4. The vicious cycle of organizational vulnerability 158and elite dependence...... 4.5.2. Gradual depoliticization after EU accession 220 (2002-)...... 4.5.1 ‘Stickiness’ andby damages the wrought partisan engagement (1994-2001)217 212 4.3.4. Internal ...... factionalism 4.3.3. Alternative allies stemming 210 from proportional ...... electoral system 4.3.2. Membership passivity in 205 influencing internal ...... union affairs 4.2.3. Political opportunities and resulting 195 partisanship...... 4.2.2 A weak organization 189 weakens further ...... (1988-1990) 4.2.1. Political activity as 182 a cure for organizational ...... weakness 2.3.3. The lack of internal 152trust, and cohesion ...... within the SSS 2.3.2. The passivity 144 of union members...... x CEU eTD Collection Poland ZLSD ZKS SPS SLS SKD SDZS SDZ SDSS SDS SDP SD LDS DSS DESUS DEMOS Slovenia SRS SPS SPO SPO DSS DS DOS DEPOS Serbia Political parties CRZZ NSZZ ZNP OPZZ SSSS SSS KSJSS NSS KNSS ZSSS ZSS UnionsTrade Zdruzena Lista Socijalnih Demokrata (Allied List of Social Democrats) Zveza komunistov Slovenije League of Communists of Slovenia Slovenije Partija Socialisticna Party) People's (Slovenian stranka ljudska Slovenska krš Slovenski Socialdemokratska zveza Slovenije (Social Democratic Alliance of Slovenia) Slovenska demokrati ofSlovenia) Party Democratic Social (the Slovenije stranka Socialdemokratska Slovenska demokratska stranka (Slovenian Democratic Party), until 2003 SDSS Stranka demokrati Democrats) (Social demokrati Socialni Slovenia) of Democracy (Liberal Slovenije demokracija Liberalna ofSlovenia) Party (Workers' Slovenije Stranka Delavska Demokrati Demokrati Party) Radical (Serbian stranka radikalna Srpska Socijalisticka Partija Srbije (Socialist Party of Serbia) Srpski pokret obnove (Serbian Renewal Movement) Srpski Pokret Obnove (Serbian Renewal Movement) Demokratska stranka Srbije (Democratic Party of Serbia) Democratic Party (Demokratska stranka) ofSerbia) Opposition (Democratic Srbije Opozicija Demokratska of Serbia) Movement (Democratic Srbije Pokret Demokratski Centralnej Rady Zwi Rady Centralnej Niezale Zwi Zawodowych) All-Poland Alliance of Unions) Trade Unions (OgólnopolskieTrade Porozumienie Autonomus Zwi of (Confederation Srbije sindikata samostalnih Savez Savez SindikataSrbije (Federation of Trade Unions of Serbia) Unions) Trade Konfederacija Sindikatov Javnega Sektorja Slovenije (Confederation of Public Sector Neodvisni Sindikati Slovenije (Independent Trade Unions of Slovenia) Unions of Slovenia "Independence") Konfederacija novih sindikatov Slovenije - Neodvisnost (Confederation of New Trade Zveza svobodnih sindikatov Slovenije (Association of Free Trade Unions of Slovenia) Zveza sindikatov Slovenije (Federation of Trade Unions of Slovenia) Abbreviations ą zek Nauczycielstwa Polskiego (Polish Teachers' Union) Teachers' (Polish Polskiego Nauczycielstwa zek Ī ny Samorz þ þ na stranka upokojencev Slovenije Democratic Party of Pensionersof Slovenia na opozicijaSlovenije (Democratic Opposition of Slovenia) þ anski demokrati (Slovene Christian Democrats) Christian (Slovene demokrati anski þ ne prenove ne prenove (Party of Democratic Renewal) (successor ofZKS) ą dny Zwi ą þ zków Zawodowych (Central Council of Trade Unions) Trade of Council (Central Zawodowych zków na zveza (Slovenian Democratic Union) ą zek Zawodowy (Independent Self-Governing Trade Union) xi ą zków CEU eTD Collection SES UN MP SOEs SMEs IMF EC EU Council for Mutual Economic Assistance COMECON GDP MNC FDI TUC SSRN SZDL PRL Other PZPR SdRP RLP ROAD PC AWS PPS KLD UW UD AWS UP SLD PSL PiS PO Socijalno Ekonomki Savet (Social Economic Council) Nations United of Parliament Member enterprises state-owned enterprises medium-sized and small Fund Monetary International European Commission European Union Product Domestic Gross Multinational Company Foreign Direct Investment Congress Union Trades People) Working the of Alliance (Socialist Naroda Radnog Savez Socijalisticni People) Working the of Alliance (Socialist Ljudstva Delovnega Zveza Socialisticna Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa (People's Republic of Poland) Party) Workers' United (Polish Robotnicza Partia Zjednoczona Polska Poland of Republic ofthe Democracy (Social Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Socjaldemokracja Ruch Ludzy Pracy (Working People’s Movement) Action) for Democratic Movement (Citizens' Demokratyczna Akcja Obywatelski Ruch Agreement) (Centre Centrum Porozumienie Solidarno Wyborcza Akcja Party) Socialist (Polish Socjalistyczna, Partia Polska Kongres Liberalno-Demokratyczny (Liberal Democratic Congress) Unia Wolno Union) (Democratic Demokratyczna Unia Solidarno Wyborcza Akcja Unia Pracy (Labour Union) Left Alliance) (Democratic Demokratycznej Lewicy Sojusz Party) People's (Polish Ludowe Stronnictwo Polskie Prawo i Sprawiedliwo Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform) Ğ ci (Freedom Union) Ğü (Law and Justice) Ğü Ğü (Solidarity Electoral Action) Electoral (Solidarity (Solidarity Electoral Action) Electoral (Solidarity xii CEU eTD Collection these can be applied to the context of post-socialist transformations. My central question is: what “publicstatus ofunions” (Offeof 1981)since “internal politics” (Sabel 1981)and the union importance onthe from assessments inspiration I drew trajectories. their own haveshaped unions how and whether of issue the address not do assessments Furthermore, cases. among variation countries of nor doesit Europe,, post-socialist offer acomprehensive explanation for the havedate remainedunions to among relevant the most civil society in some organizations of question doesnotofferthe afullwhy answerto existingHowever,trade the scholarship in ‘strength’ andOst2001,Crowley (seeesp. the region Crowley 2003). 2004, Stanojevic Crowleye.g. 2004). (see states Baltic andthe Slovenia between being contrast extreme most the of unions, strength and roles in the trajectory, major are differences there reformers, successful considered states newmember Even (Armingeon EU 2006). the among counterparts amongWestern European also perform a variety of political roles. Differences among cases are comparable the to variation they transformation, the after countries European East insome actors society civil relevant most unions(Contrepois &Jefferys 2010).Yet, trade havenotonly and largest among the remained after 1989have been underestimated Europe Eastern incountries of changes onunions economic ofmarket-led effects destructive massive and the suggest that who commentators employmentandindirectly laboron self-organization the of 2004). (Spoor I agreewith some on negative shock radical unprecedented ahistorically European polities represented Introduction The operation of socialist legacies features as the main explanation for variation in union variation for as main explanation the features legacies socialist of The operation inEast transformations economic socialisms, of authoritarian disintegration After the 1 CEU eTD Collection Srbije – Confederation of Autonomous Trade Unions of Serbia) only in 1998. in only of Serbia) Unions Trade of Autonomous Confederation – Srbije Sindikatov Slovenije) renamed itself to ZSSS; the SSS changed its name to SSSS (Savez Samostalnih Sindikata 1 implications for scholars engaged in studying labor politics in the region. Such a distanced society. thewider to alternatives peak level itisunion, but still able tomobilize,influence policies and presentrelevant dominant the longer no is OPZZ the Poland in Finally, visible. barely politically and socially has been counterpart its Serbian ZSSS, Slovenian the to contrast stark In differgreatly. ‘prestige’ and ‘weight’ political social, capacities, is, that relevance, their organizations, large remained democratic settings 1990). (Denitch Whereas1990, Ost in all casesofficialthree unions trade social- corporatist develop to socialism authoritarian exiting countries the among candidates top Yugoslavia, of which andSloveniaSerbia wereincreasingly republics, seemedautonomous tobe Zawodowych (OPZZ -All-Poland Alliance of Unions).Trade Inthelate 1980s,Poland and UnionsSerbia), of Trade of Srbije–Federation (SSS SavezSindikata in socialist Serbia,the systems from state inherited similar pointdevelopment, Ialso examine twoother cases of peak level unions that presumably started from a but experiencedmobilization and influence. Then, in order to highlight the preconditions of successful union Thevery ZSSS as thedifferent dominant after thesystem change. society civil andactor emergedasastrong relevant which organization national trajectorieslevel union Svobodnih SlovenijeSindikatov (ZSSS-Association Freeof TradeUnions of an Slovenia), has shown itself toof be capabletheir of grandown: democracies? in relevantmarketscale emerging organizations the the ‘official’were unions able to do on their own under structurally difficult times in their efforts to become unions TheSerbian and Slovenianthe unions changed their names: 1990in ‘communist’the trade union ZSS (Zveza The claim that the ‘post-socialist transformation is over’ (Ost, 2007) has important has 2007) (Ost, is over’ transformation ‘post-socialist the that claim The look Firstlevel of at peak all, ‘exceptional’ caseof the Zveza I Slovenian the union, 1 and Ogólnopolskie inPoland the Zwi Porozumienie 2 ą zków CEU eTD Collection Crowley 2001, Orenstein 2001). in& (Avdagic comparedOst West democratic 2004, the Europe’ ‘Eastern totheircounterparts in unionism of weakness the uncritically and swiftly rather out pointed scholars specialized by assessments influential most the vein, this In work. union of conditions and legacies as aswell points starting specific country to sensitivity a precluded paradoxically persuasions that social disappointmentexpectation of partof the on andscholars democratic subsequent Eyal alt. 1998,Brubakeret 1996; Frydman alt.et 1993). Kitschelt1999, Grzymala-Busseet altinstitutions market democraticreforms 2002, and (see e.g. ofinquirysubjects (cf. Pierson 2003)such elite behavior,as ethnic mobilization,introducing or intermediaryany other organization, than more dramaticon and fast-appearing changing and unions or trade on less reflection significantly been has there transformations, East European on tensions or economic reforms associated with the most countries in the region. In the literature instrands have literature yetquitethe misleading, shapedthis appealing, conclusion. bordering irrelevance on (see esp. Crowley & 2001,CrowleyOst 2003).Two2004, Kubicek are weakand passive, that is ofactors Europe inEastern unionism trade understanding of common most the However, cases. among variation is asignificant there and organizations, socialist and Europe, toofferthus further theoretical insights. distance also offers of for is perspective study the and useful intensive of system dynamic events change. the possibility for the re-evaluation of scholarly work on unions in post- Second, there has been an unrealistic, seemingly ideologically motivated great motivated ideologically seemingly been an unrealistic, has there Second, First, trade unions seem marginal if compared to the significance of political elites, ethnic As noted, trade unions insome post-socialist countrieslargest areamong society civil the 3 This CEU eTD Collection capacity capacity buildingin organizational of developmentunions. However, they came up with a rather Dimitrova & (2005) haveforthPetkov a put similar agenda,internal suggesting attention to 2010). &Jefferys (Contrepois union trajectories case-specific inshaping matter capacities and strategies union conceptualized dynamically is, claim that I That special attention. deserve internal strategies ‘organizational union 47),Iposit that dynamics’,Petkov (2005: 7,10-11, or Reviving‘union’s importance of internal the (Sabel1981)along politics’ with & Dimitrova & Meardi Stanojevic‘weakness’ (seee.g.1998, Stark 2005, GreskovitsBruszt 1998). 2003, rather or ‘strength’ union shaping factors andagency-driven structural of importance the on understanding insignificance. of union My buildsassessment onthe unresolved scholarly debate approachis idiographic and longitudinal still missing.organization-centered more a of unions, assessment comparative for the perspectives good as have served issues not whilerelationshipalso only Inotherwords, environments. but to political social certain is little the attention internal paid to of organizational andpeak level perspective theirunions union links1995, Avdagictheor agenda, there (e.g.Aro&Repo 2003)dominate party curiously Crowley 2001; Dimitrova & 2005). WhereasVilrokx issuesvarious such as collective bargaining usually non-systematic exercises in the assessment of union trajectories (e.g. Waller 1994; Ost & are these volumes: in edited studies case single of collection the is still characteristic Most non-standardizedsystematic a united comparisons according to without properties, methodology. methodological point of view, literature the on unionstrade is in Eastern Europe filled non- with social andorganizations arestill political actors missing (cf. Hyman From 2001). the both as unions level national European East of trajectories in the differences and similarities This dissertation moves against the mainstream state of the field and common and field the of state mainstream the against moves dissertation This necessary understanding for athorough of systematic assessments Consequently, 4 CEU eTD Collection communicative and associative conditions’ common in countries of East European authoritarian and demeaning ‘stultifying overcome presumably the level to able unions Werepeak (‘agency’)? actors emergeuse asautonomous to to they were able capacities which have sufficient system.An intriguinglevel posesitself: peak unions in did trade states various post-socialist intermediary of perspective which survived organizations authoritarian ‘old’ the prominent dynamic the through democracies post-socialist new of dynamics organizational internal and 2006).Wood Namely, study the unionsof trade a offers deeper understanding of development unions and the establishment (orcrisis) of post-socialist civil society and democracy (Harcourt & regimes (Skocpol & Amenta 1986) of the new East European states. marketcapitalist andwelfare (redistributive) aspect of restructured/redefined the an important is which policies, social of definition in the organizations these of strategies on light sheds also The internalfor see unions exception 1998). partial study Iankova2002,Thirkell etalt. trade of West applied thecases European (HanckéHymanunions of 2001:212,Fishman1990, to 1993; asit was Europe inin Eastern anygivencountry level organizations sectoral andwork peak between plant, interests of to theissue of articulation devoted islittleissue, attention there minor with Tostart a seemingly misunderstood. hasalsobeen its widerimportance underexplored, organizations. union level peak of dynamics internal the on precisely focus I Therefore factors. other from influence theirseparate to and union trajectories trade onto factors organizational of importance difficult tooperationalize. From their proposed analytical framework itis difficult toassess the is aresearchagendawhich variables, or of andnumber alarge framework complex theoretical In this study, I also contribute to the understanding of the interrelationship between between trade of interrelationship the understanding tothe contribute Ialso In thisstudy, is 1989 unions after While trade of organizational reconstitution the of the dimension 5 CEU eTD Collection here that unionhere todilemmas that hard times”1986) depend “economic answers during (Gourevitch expect I (2004), Following Burgess of interests constituency. union against the power, acted they in in case,once allies influence againstpowerful from distanceand exert create to success was In order to become relevant organizations in their own right, the second condition for trade union influential limit andpolitical alliesboth alsoa threat, posed could union autonomy and authority. Whereasin involvement it politics union necessary, greatrisks.also Namely, carried was depends to a great extenteconomic and social which policies, for publicare necessary recognition. Exerting influence on a union’s politicalover activity self-positioning and the involve deliberations new Strategicchoices and ones. of invention the organizational practices availability of political byhoning Unionsand strive autonomy ‘older’ forself-empowerment mattered. capacities in allies.the external environmentand policy-making. thatcapacities in new environment, andthe an developed voiceautonomous in influencing politics allow unionsonly if to exertremainorganizations is able relevant to were thatunions Myargument union trajectories. influenceshaped have choices these extent what to test I and transformation, post-socialist of years early over of in successful this case Slovenia, well of as level Serbian the and peak Polish unions inthe in organization newmarketdemocracy.the is Slovenian level the aninterestingcase peak union sincetheunion asapowerful emerged new perform unfolded process efficiency trajectory dounions roles? of their The what andwith how hasaltautonomous organizations?so, 1997: 13)andsocialismsemerge this asIf et (Elster they overcame specific organizational vulnerabilities, adapted to and increased theirown andincreased to adapted vulnerabilities, organizational specific they overcame My argument implies first that inherited union and country andspecific organizational implies inherited firstthat My argument union country choices strategic the analyze I development, union internal of determinants main the As 6 if and if CEU eTD Collection decisions, congresses, interviews, and newspaper articles, which is both an advantage in allowing research is based avariety such sources, on of primary as publicly availableof documents union This etalt.1975). Tilly also comparison (see and based research case ofsingle issues reconcile serve (Avdagic 2003) only expense of comparative contexts purposes. to country specific atthe categories analytical of thesignificance overstress not enough careful am same time, I the At studies. my case to approach analytical a unified I offer assessment, regional justified Crowley and Ost’s broadly analyticalframedefined for casestudies and aresulting vaguely Crowleyothers, Iincorporate and Ost(2001), country However,specific contexts. in to contrast Following, Europe. in among Eastern post-socialist development relevance andorganizational union in andbehaviortrajectories ahead. period the loyalty made sense. Finally, Itest the significance of these ‘strategic choices’ as shaping paths of choices of do and organizations, reformed autonomous assufficiently establish themselves socialist in union responses sensethe onlyin that if secondthe turn, ifand unions only trade uniongoverning trade operation modifyand action. I argumentthe of post- Burgess (2004)for institutions by existence political established of allies, andtheconditions (emerging) alternative factionalism self-organize, withinof willingnessto protestor workers union,the the unionssurrounding trade (Offe 1981). Thatis,union choices areinformed byfour factors: perspectives allandmacro micro incorporates itsince useful is especially of choices union model Burgess’ level organization. peak andthe theleadership onto ininflicting damage greater are capacities ally party thepolitical or members weigh union whether to leaderstry as union element, acalculative has choice The loyalty. of choice and estimates leadership union on solely In general terms, Ifollowtheoretical by alineproposed follow Hyman (2001) to and In designing my Iincorporated twostrandsassessment, from research unionthe on trade 7 CEU eTD Collection an autonomous intermediary organization. The ZSSS developed a publicly recognizable labor recognizable developed apublicly TheZSSS intermediary organization. an autonomous union solved its organizational itchallenges and adapted then newto the political environmentas power. I explain the success of the ZSSS’s in governments irrespectively of mobilization capablescale grand of actor, powerful social fight for relevance in two steps: first the peak level crisis. economic global the until up period, socialist post- in later the trajectories onunion choices of these implications andlongterm immediate the I alsoexamine eachcase, For unions. of three the andresponses choices critical the explaining Slovenia andPoland. 2,3and In chapters 4,I take each these of cases in describingturn, and inSerbia, level unions peak ‘official’ the thecases research: the of introduce and selection justify mycaseandFinally I ‘path-dependency.’ juncture, agency, choice, critical strategic on unions’ capacity to shape their own trajectories.level unions in the region. Here I also can helpmattered infurther designing researchand understandingtrajectory the peak other of introduce the key factors on what insights the concepts Europe, in post-socialist cases other to betransposed directly cannot of findings the Whereas differences. critical as well as commonalities and trends some both show nevertheless theirare uniquebut as trajectories cases analyzed peaklevelunion organizations of decisive in history forpoints developingunions’ were crucial the Thethree understanding. were made. In these,interviewsunpacking with main the andtheirprotagonists self-evaluation details‘informal’ orsituations of in dealsand barters, which some crucial of most the decisions accessthe itto morewas much difficult Further, ofmaterial. such sources all covering possible impossibility the of also limitation but due to a factors, on contextual perspective for abroad I begin in Chapter 2 with the case of the Slovenian ZSSS, which established itself asa itself 2with ZSSS,whichestablished caseof I begin Slovenian the inChapter the literature 1Ievaluate the in followingChapter way.the In is structured The dissertation 8 CEU eTD Collection OPZZ did not act assertively OPZZ not only itsreputation,not similar but damaged against did reforms. This From late 1993,when its political allies were in contrary power, to its own stated principles, the necessary. became it when allies neoliberal its against specifically, more and arena political to its ally. weakened feature internal This theunion’s fight incapacity autonomously to the weaknesses internal had exposed union the aconsequence As overcome. were not vulnerabilities internal organizational its while coalition (electoral) apolitical entered union the However, legacies made political which political necessary struggleactivity marginalization. againstto and organizational with coped unfavorable for The OPZZ Polish the OPZZ. partisan loyalty trap actors. state conflict with cost atthe of open intermediary organization autonomous buildingup an upthe of leadership risk totake waswhether nevertheless for union the After apartial issue the upintermediary building reform, of unionism. undermined prospects the processthe of democratization in 1990-1991,the authoritarian directlyelite both indirectly and In within SSSduring the changes (late1987-1989). spitesomeperiod late of self-management reform andnew the establishment of unionist practices wasauthoritarian inelite domination the Here Ishow union, SSS. thecrucialthat internal the which element prevented organizational conflictandcompromise. combined successfully and tactics itused escalation Instead, loyalty. partisan to hostage a become to refused ZSSS The socialism. from transformation the throughout making policy concrete union an forceinactive wasasignificantemerged as social player and ideological and struggles mobilization of rankthe andfile. in Usingthe expansion political structures, thisopportunity into strategic andinvested practices, organizational agenda, established self-empowering Chapter 4describes and political choices explainsthe activity endedina over which In Chapter 3 I deal with the strategic choices and trajectory of the Serbian peak level 9 CEU eTD Collection skill of skill of leadership the and civillinks to andsociety organizations society. broader the butalsomattered, political the‘quantity’ useof the andinventive resources union trajectories fightforunion’s relevance had Namely,for successful aninternalprerequisite. organizational inseparable from broadly incorporation labor into understood the state, efficiency in a given capacities and for union strategies Ifindtrajectories. in that, politicaladdition to opportunities of organizational importance especially the on I concentrate cases. analyzed the of trajectories organization of labor. alsominimized the relevance of the union as both an efficient (influential) and a representative The Conclusion summarizes, discusses and compares the main elements in the mainelements andcompares the discusses summarizes, The Conclusion 10 CEU eTD Collection (late) authoritarian socialisms. The statement implies not only that it is questionable whether the whether is questionable it that only not implies statement The socialisms. authoritarian (late) in present union of organizations trade unions emerged on bases the commonly andvivid trade successful most the Second, Europe? Eastern and of inCentral someactors countries relevant on the commonfirst assessments: point already brings us to the very importantmostand strongest intermediary researchorganizations inmost post-socialist The countries. questionin ofcoping the dissertation within in weak society across region,unionsthe civil trade membership of terms remainedand the turnswith the table radical However, areunderestimated. organizations in intermediary lifeand participation associational shock, howindependent on even disintegration or crises political insome cases, and liberalization, could tradepost-socialist unions remain unionism. First, choices strategic and society, civil 1.1. Unions, the effect and Poland. of large andsuccessful, peaklevel in reformed andits inunion less Slovenia, successful counterparts Serbia major destructive cases:the theintroduce selected Ialso and‘path-dependency’. juncture, choice, critical forces strategic of agency, thekey concepts introduce I chapter the of part thesecond In trajectories. of economicunions’ socialism and discuss their limitations.capacity The basis of the evaluation is neglectedthe perspective of to become ZSSS relevantpost-socialist Europe: Explainingthesuccess of Slovenia’s Chaptercivil 1. The political relevance of peak level unions in society organizations and to shape their own This dissertation builds on the evaluation of four available but unexploited assessments of inpost- union trajectories ontrade assessments first theavailable review I In thischapter 11 CEU eTD Collection undermined independent civil independentundermined briefly.activism. factors Ioverview these leastat crises, political of atcycles and 1989 after communities the political of redefinition of processes beginning addition, political In solidarities. undermined often whilethemarket of proletarization workers, of transformation and deprivation absolute created often marketization and transformation of economic in shocks Indeed,the financial weakenedof organizations. unregulated union radically capitalism the majority increasingimportance gradually the reorientation and trade de-industrialization, marketization, of cases includingdoubt,liberalization, of destructive transformation, large.economic effects Without increased defend interests. worker The significanceinsecurities of negative in external, factors shaping this outcome is submissiveeffectively weak or tigers’ 2004)of to (Kubicek too transformation, post-socialist and post-socialist (Ost 2000, Crowley actors emerged assurprisingly region ’paperthe weak 2004), unionism relative strength of vis-a-vis the externalshocks 1.1.1 Thepuzzlingcontrast: Underestimated European cases hadhelpedthenon-East design on inquiry.assessments which of the including own trajectories, intheir shaping capacities andtheir of unions conceptualizations autonomouspolitical elites. in Fourth, conceptual trade sense unions wererarely recognized as sufficiently actorsimportance and operation of legacies andmost - importantly - brings in strategic interventions of to shape the questions variation The democracies. invariation Western to unions comparable trade their European Central and East country specific played among androles significance trajectories, own trajectories. legacies.is union Third, specific, then there regionally universalistic in alarge variation legaciesunion impact of inimical also was but activism to weremore that there generally country I continue with an overview of the The general observation, shared today The unionsby mostisgeneral today observation, thattrade shared across scholars the 12 CEU eTD Collection increasingly fragile employment contracts indirectly undermined solidarities across groups and groups across indirectly solidarities undermined contracts employment fragile increasingly the aswell as sizedenterprises, andmedium small owned of privately significance economic the and in employment large share the sector, service atomized the self-employment, of significance of a whole segment of the population from the labor market. Moreover, the increasing levels,unemployment asignificant percentage of population living in poverty, and amajor exit high consistently have economies post-socialist most Indeed, inactivity. of legacies than rather as vulnerability labormarketon poverty, or deprivation’ preventing ‘absolute collective action, class,workers self-organize and incapacities iscausedto by existing structural conditions, such argued convincingly weaknessthe unions, prevailing of the that identity’trade ‘proletarian of the Meardi labor, of of self-organization (2000) trends onthe these effects negative the Indicating financial capitalism which built compromise’‘capitalism without (Bohle & 2004). Greskovits economicforces of foreign direct investment (FDI) and even more specifically, neoliberal the destructiveA later of emerging effect of highlighted 2007). unionism explanation weak halfoccurred from only (Contrepois of 2010:79,Drahokoupil second1990s the &Jefferys which privatization, and commercialization ofliberalization, effects the independently explore development state-ledof employer 1999).The or could(see esp.argument capitalism not Pollert outcome in wasexemplified elite political domination an evolutionary,and path-dependent types of weak ordividedcommunist rule andled unions eventually trade afterto 1989.The latter shapedvarious countries legaciesEurope Eastern invarious of industrialization and authoritarian late of legacies historical that stresses explanation influential One markets. COMECON inand faced Western products weresuddenly with competition andformerwith domestic commonly were firms main technology indebted,theirthey with industrial produced outdated Most former socialist economies under “transition” to capitalism were vulnerable: were capitalism to “transition” under economies socialist former Most 13 CEU eTD Collection democracy democracy peaceful,was whileinAlbania, Romania and Bulgarialagged it behind dueto either Poland, Albania, onlyin andBulgaria. Romania However, Hungary and transition Polandthe to states which existed before 1989,only 5 kepttheir territorial integrity sovereignty:and Hungary, Outof 9EastEuropean Kitschelt former the Roeder 1994). (Beissinger2003, Bunce 1995, 2002, transition of waves markedly politics in federalstates of especially ethnic and disintegration one characteristic: earlier from significantly differed ‘transitions’ European East crucial. community,the very body of politics. The role of the political elite in thesemacro processes was after of 1989andsometimestasks defining political Europe the geography difficultof Eastern in thepolitical change accidental. adramatic There was variation isnot This full democracies. flawed and democracies hybrid regimes, authoritarian regimes, differed states byregime types: invarious index Freedom yearspost-socialist According thedemocracy of period. House, to post-socialist the countries varied significantly throughout inpost-socialistdemocracy European The of movements. quality union shaped post-socialist factors political country-specific also but economic various only not since of transition’ geography was‘anuneven there argued, areevenunderestimated. of unions on these The effects Europe. inEastern labor post-socialist of onself-organization effects anddestructive massive had it simultaneously that and employers’ of power ‘global in increase an with simultaneously economic occurred changes that &Jefferys (2010) Contrepois agree with even compelled to by rapidly uniondecreasing density inand their absence of some sectors economy.the is One weaker unions,ledis There aswitnessed to littleshocks massivenegative 2001). these that doubt inalmost mushrooming absent privatesmall medium and sized enterprises Gardawski (e.g. collectivities andalsounions unions. Manysurveys consequently that indeedshowed were Transformations differed markedly markedly Transformations in (1998) formerdiffered socialistcountries. As various Herod 14 CEU eTD Collection Kideckel Kideckel However, somewhatsurprisingly,2001b). independentsufficiently when strong in rooted political and economic (cf.Wolchik uncertainties & Curry Kideckel 2010: 25; 2001a, andlimited participation mostly absolutewas due tothe deprivationsindividualized of citizens 2002, Rueschemeyeralt et1998, Cook al. et Padgett2000, Greskovits 1998).Inactivism 1999, was very (Howard limited state between the and society the mediation of capable organizations, society civil strong sufficiently and intermediary independent created newly of significance and size the countries in post-socialist rule, authoritarian from democratization wavesof other to In contrast 1997). (Lomax of society civil complete absence almost the was consolidation and change regime and democratization post-socialist in theEast-European was missing is Europe weak. of Eastern countries in society civil that claim the of light in especially significant, very are cases insome actors unions(Rueschemeyer remained 7).Consequently, largest the 1999: ascivilsociety unions trade inorganizations intermediary some cases,among atall. Second, civil organizations society organizationalactive are depending strength unions (Armingeon of also unions 2006), whether of in terms among cases variation is there asignificant facts. First, two due to reconsideration needs and is conditional weakness union of meaning the context, this In organizations. weakandintermediary along rather with static confused citizens, domination over andatomized Germany. FR with unification the disintegration of USSR, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. Finally, GDR ceased toexist due to common feature alsoin many newly independent European states which came into being after a was latter The community. political the of in definition problems to due or unrests, violent Scholars recognized fairly soon that in contrast to earlier waves of democratization, what of democratization, waves earlier to in contrast that soon fairly recognized Scholars Not surprisingly, in years of already early many observedpost-socialism, scholars elite 15 CEU eTD Collection (Jowitt 1992) (Jowitt only perception. negative reinforced the legacy argument of the ‘Leninist’ conceptualization driven ideologically and paradigmatic ‘transmission before generalizescholars unions in andcommentators 1989aspure trade Europe Eastern countriesbelts’ of Eastern Europe of stems fromruling its own, detrimental communist legacies. assessments evaluationofcommon 1.1.2. Thelegaciesofunions: On the one hand, many elitesScholars already posited the argument but not at all quite as the assessment above suggests. in mattered. legacies past the of hints that already cases.question other The alone to compared all countries. trajectory and strength is of this itsunion widely recognized, but success isless let discussed, active isandorganization.society The unique unions,which arelevantcivil also the ZSSS, On the otherinteresting intoif itmore weincorporate ‘exceptional’ the caseof Slovenian trade the reformed hand,significant organizations,least at in the sense of keeping their membership? The question is even the unions remained ‘old’ trade in least the reformed at comecases some that how itself: offers society organization came closein tothem ofmembershipterms 2002). The question (Howard civil of type other no while transformation, after also organizations and relevant important in unionsmany socialist remained trade Miszlivetz 1998). countries Ryszardpost-state 1998:38 & Orenstein 1999:72, 2000, Cook Padgett organizationsother (e.g. compared to membership changewithtypically period, amongunions stood out very high associations the ‘inherited’ trade system least duringin At some countries, &Barnes of 2002:545). new'(Kurtz resources the economic the not system, of old the structures the on 'built were found, these were organizations According to the prevailing understanding union weakness or quiescence in post-socialist quiescence weaknessor union understanding prevailing the According to 16 CEU eTD Collection significant invariation labor activism, and union autonomy in trade functions rooted past the suggest amore literatureThe more however in-depth to tends variation (Kubicek 2004:24-26). socialistcountries compulsory membership,with acknowledge other some, butstill insignificant past. Whilein the cases among variation was substantial there andwhether Europe Eastern of socialisms for some scholars unions2000: 505). were generallycauses (Ost, two the of operation the separating without social democracy’ of crisis ‘the general weakglobal was unfavorableto and international environmenteconomic pressure, political also due transmissionlabor weakness that adds nevertheless self’.of Ost conception undermining anda ‘consequent beltspredilections’, since has ‘procapitalist labor class identity, aweak partof Europe in Eastern the in all (state)isactor labor aweak that Inaddition, Ostargued of past. heritage the ideological structural and a thick representing legacies, communist of effect the as region post-socialist whole the also furthermore explained Crowley post-socialist weaknessin democracies. (2004) labor Russia and weak labor lead legacies in self-organization necessarily to of communist new the weak worker mostscholars, notably Stephen (2001) madeCrowley and DavidOst generalization astrong that 1992) whichlegacies’ appeal.negative (Jowitt receivedalso asignificant Some ‘Leninist possibility the forof Equally if control factors. other notmoreis problematic theargument on model was attractive sinceit allowed aconvenient and simplified cross-case analysis and offered is,That 2003). started introduction union the development only after democratic setting.of Such fromfrom zero 1990 of post-socialistvarious national level labor unions (Careja 2007,Avdagic and impliesof start before development a‘tabula rasa’perspective 1989,which inturn a fresh There is an unresolved debate whether labor was generally weak under authoritarian under weak generally was labor whether debate unresolved is an There Many students of union transformation assume ageneral ‘transmission belt’ unionism 17 CEU eTD Collection were used as instruments‘mere of penetration andcontrol’ 1988: 45). (Nelson Romania workers’ hostileself organization,how unionsextremely showing was to instances Simonyi 1997, Neumann Incontrast,1997, Neumann theregime2001). in of Ceausescu (Mako& of andworkers groups between management privileged andfavoritism practices interestsrepresenting (Pollert 1999), worker worker solidarityinformal was undermined through organizations moreto autonomy andgradually granted of interests workers soon separate of consumerist welfare policies. Although communistthe decision makers recognized relative isolated remained‘welfare also dictatorships’ the help prevailed,politically with where workers socialism state under organization of ‘the reality work in Poland, in as leastcases, at some labor organized Similarly, arguedthat Arzensek(2000: 244) Meardi 1984). of periods 1979, (Jovanov crisis increasingstrove towards their autonomy in of terms self-organization especially during the during socialist Yugoslavia.Workers in Yugoslavia, who engaged relatively inoften strikes, Slovenian exceptionalism of basesSlovenian of strength on of the union exceptionalism representation, aswell industrial as action. Stanojevic (2003a)demonstrated casethe of and articulation interest unionism, self-organization, of legacies worker the more concretely of communist2003, Kitschelt Ekiert (seeregimes Bunce and sub-groups e.g. 2000, 2003,1999), in blursleast,diversity of existence way Alegacy inat 1999). the this argument conceptualized (Roeder civil self-organization to inimical necessarily not legacies are socialist authoritarian elsewhere, As acknowledged whole the region. to characteristic legacies labor negative be with associated cannot Europe post-socialist whole inthe labor weakness that out pointed (2003a) 2001) Stanojevic Serbia (Arandarenko caseof the application onto andespecially its In histhesis (2001) &Crowley’s 1999). Ost of criticism Pollert (Meardi 2003a, 2005, Stanojevic promoted the search for worker autonomy’. In GDR, Czechoslovakia and Hungary and Czechoslovakia GDR, In autonomy’. worker for search the 18 positive legacies of organized labor organized of legacies CEU eTD Collection ‘legacies’ as shaping union trajectories. asshaping union ‘legacies’ operationalize these needs to dothis, one union To into 1989. after capacities translated being legacies of mechanism specific the and impact, the both show to is issue the important: 2000). The question of of importance the and remains legacieshow theway mattered validand (Fuller settings national different across then and general, in socialism late under politics labor states’ ‘workers’ under communism,insteadmore and study and reflect on issuethe of class and cases of thansubgroups regimes2003: (Ekiert89). in individual if not society’ and state the between relations of modes and forms ‘distinct further Rather,is one 2008). Grdesic toexplore compelled 2003a, Yugoslav exceptionalism (Stanojevic it andis suggest, negatively morenot to but than there matter, as manyaccounts seem to bloc.is legacies Eastern legacies than across unionism the It that rather universal though striking also during reformand and reestablish themselvesin the liberalizing polities. Unions kept a aftersizeable membership to parties communist the from autonomy significant received theothers also later but Yugoslavia transformation.1996: 112).Thus during unions the 1980s trade insome countries, such as Hungary, and Poland, Thus we was a in reacheditsthat gradual late terminal process andstage 1989(Pedersen, Ronit Suhij can talk more from but a single blow occur not did interest representation system of erosion communist the of about variouscollapse of Eastern the bloc1989, Stark (Stark 1995, Stark1998). &Bruszt Similarly, the the after even legaciescontinued and system the of ruins on built market the to change evolutionary of inis, many the 1980s.That for the countries market’ especially characteristic ‘plant to component(Campbell & Pedersen 1996,Stark & Bruszt 1998)which built from on a reform A general condition study to labor legacies is togive upparadigmatic assumptions about evolutionary had an Europe in Eastern change radical the that noted Some scholars 19 CEU eTD Collection become influential becomeis influential their - –inherited Hungary,Frege main arguedthatthe unions,of problem andtheirmobilizeto capacity andthus in unions level company at research on based Finally, representation. interest of challenges with tocope inappropriate they were organizationally Bulgarian alsobutPodkrepa, the from former –asit movements whichemerged was thecasewere organizations with Solidarity that the union had had little or far too little thefarthat union hadlittle& Freeman (Blanchflower 1997 454-455) had ortoo power needworkers astrong intermediary indicated union 63.5%of organization, while respondents that statementagreed orstrongly the majority agreed with moderately well,(76.2%) agreat polls in 1989 and 1990inHungary a indicated strange situation: were whereas unions evaluated sinceso, Even more 1998). (Miszlivecz during transformation were soquietbut organizations unions in membership, termsremained, of sodominant organizations society among civil remains more comehow Hungarian trade puzzling even 1998:180).It intervention (Greskovits state enforce protective to capacity employers’ of exploitation a lesser extent, to economy, or market exitwas intothe from pattern theinformal a massivethrough labor the individualization deficit necessary for 1970)on ‘voice’labor. the part of (Hirschman Therefore, raising general major a was there depression economic post-socialist in the violently, protesting an inherited weak civilsociety whichand weaklabor, ledpolitical to stability.instead of Thus, indemobilizing market effect economic hardtimes democracy,transition of to since therewas thatinstitutional Greskovits (1998)asserted legacies of andcultural ‘communism’ hada suppored the claim that unions had far too little or too powerlittle (Blanchflower & Freeman 1997: 454-455) 2 that the legacies is Inadditiondelineated. passivity to ‘transmissionof belt’ unions, Ost(2002)argued In ISSN surveys conducted in Bulgaria and Czechthe Republic in1993 greatthe majority of respondents similarly There are rather few assessments in which the actual way of operation of (state) socialist of (state) actual the in way operation which of rather fewassessments There are new post-socialist trade unions were ‘weak’ due to their ‘weak’ dueto unions were trade post-socialist weak unionidentity 20 (Frege2001: 298). Moreimportantly, organizational form. Since they Since form. organizational 2 . CEU eTD Collection two interveningtwo factors as politics’ legaciesand‘elite level: union the outcome 1.1.3. Variationat or building on their own legacies and shaping their own trajectories in the fourth section. less ‘thick’ thanpresumedwill inthe literature. I issueto the return onunion role inovercoming alsobut legacieswerebyfar programmatic elite-relational democratizing cases,organizational, in sense, periodthis of democratization. In inheritedthe and deficitsovercoming duringtheir attention role the unions draws our for trade inincreasingto theircapacities and of opportunities legacies these of ambiguity the anything, If socialism. (state) late in autonomy organizational enjoyed andmore significant decision makers some information to andlinks accessto assets, On hand, unions other had hadorganizational the inthe a securedplace system, significant they negative organizational in know-how exerting pressure makers. on decision In sense,this wecan speak of communist parties and hadno inmobilizing andlacked membership experience the authority of values ultimate the andrespective and such accepted establishment as they of the werepart unions Solidarity, like trade unions trade with alternative of exception the 1989, negative. Until or positive than rather purely legaciesasambiguous union we canconceptualize which later, duringinterests transformation were linkedand earlier to practices. had someinherited organizational indeficits defining, channeling and representing common unions is that assessments in these point right common The development. union for detrimental Kubik 1999). Other specific legacy arguments inherited legacyalso stress specific arguments Kubik 1999).Other unions & cases,other ‘rebellious’ during trade Polish system change caseof aswasthe (Ekiert Nevertheless, Greskovits’ argument on labor passivity faces difficulties when stretched to some However, given the relative significance ‘old’of trade unions in the post-socialist setting, legacies alack as of in voicein way.a powerful know-how expressing and concerted 21 organizational factors as factors CEU eTD Collection more poorly more poorly than Czech the Republic2003) orRomania (Avdagic (Careja 2007).Onehas to most states of history successor infareYugoslavia significant union of reform with the 1980s or Hungary e.g. some, correlation, reinforce the states Baltic andthe Slovenia Whereas legacies. or ‘efficiency’ doesmarginal role of trade unionsnot in the Baltic states. correlateRepublic &Koch (Triff greatly 2004),which 2004, Avdagic contrasted especially the to completelyinunionsa lesserRomania, Slovenia (Stanojevicextent, 2003a)and Slovakia to Czech and to variations in detrimental or positive union 2005, Avdagi 2005, influencing decision-making roles in and Eastern-European differentcountries Meardi (esp. at asignificantvariationgroups of also point ‘efficiency’cases union in density,regarding sub- of assessments comparative in depth More visible. barely were they in others whereas influencing varying the oforganizing political process, with levels mobilization potentials, and of intermediary capable important unionsorganizations Europetrade remained Eastern of capitalism in (e.g. Central BohleEastern Europe 2012).Inmany &Greskovits countries of varieties emerging on literature in match its found nevertheless demonstration The democracies. variationwithin-group variation among similar post-socialistto established within cases is thereahuge Moreover, in unionmovements democracies. trade noestablished homogeneous and movement union trade European East homogenous regionally no is there that demonstrated variation (2006:3) Mostimportantly,Armingeon comparable in to established democracies. European unions, East amongvariation is post-socialist is Europe there a significant that Eastern Most strikingly, what comes out from these assessments is that variation in union strength An additional finding which I stress against the thesis on labor weakness in whole ü 2003). Specifically, some scholars pointed out the exceptional case of theexceptional out of trade pointed case scholars Specifically, some 2003). 22 CEU eTD Collection citizens as well as intermediary organizations in different national settings (cf. Meardi 2005). (cf. Meardi settings national indifferent organizations as intermediary as citizens well of capacities from variously capacitiesassociational their took toll state politics orweakening driven elite and unrest political debt, external of size liberalization, economic and marketization forces of mattered As and how. in section, outlined previous factors the which remains unclear until then, in union density rates Serbia quiteremained high 2006). (Upchurch least at frozen, 2000 was until democratization Serbian give although an example, activity. To elite hostile of aresult as weak become union Serbian the did exactly when and how eventually and toelite union strongunions howinSerbiareacted efforts, presumablyorpotentially ties, Stanojevic explore havecould found in necessary to a more manner in-depth changing elite- hostilelabor elite easily strong (cf.defeated 2001, Grdesic Arandarenko To test point, 2008). this union from iswhat problematicThe most comesactivity. point out argument thata Stanojevic's for arena political changing alsoof the but elite, of the significance only not the stresses correctly it simplification, is essentialist over asomewhat forces took ‘social-democratic’ the in Slovenia in the new settlement. Although Stanojevi labor of role the also but transition of outcome the determining only not in role a great had elites ruling competing democratically andlater the elites communist late democratizing the already interventions’ ofelites, which mattered union for ultimately Stanojevic argued destinies. that Serbia, Stanojevi for outcomescases. various inindividual mattered factors intermediary contextual or that of (2003a) Stanojevic statement agree with general the I take Stanojevic’s point to look at intermediary factors shaping union trajectories, but itbut shaping trajectories, factors union atintermediary look to Stanojevic’s point I take Contrasting transformation of unions in cases with very similar legacies, Slovenia and Slovenia legacies, similar very with cases in unions of transformation Contrasting ü (2003a) argued that the decisive intermediary factor were ‘strategic political were‘strategic factor intermediary decisive the argued that (2003a) ü ’s statement that in Serbia ‘Stalinists’ prevailed while 23 CEU eTD Collection incorporatinginstitutions with whichscholars intensively,dealtimportant most the were unions via (e.g. legislation)and by newrolesfor designing organized labor.Among trade of re-institutionalization beneficial waysof lessmore various,or were shapedthrough commonly, destinies Most elites. political union the union dependence on out commonly point system. assumes union change as upon passively depth dependent and direction of in changes wholethe representswithin movement. Initself, union the structural such ‘state’ or determinism dependence a rather changes of explanation the in incorporated sufficiently been yet not has arena structural the in shallowchange ‘system’, the with together changed unions that knowledge explanationa common became it although indirectly affecting the position Bohleof labor(e.g. organized & 2005).Thus, Neunhöffer for union role of intellectual the elite in constructing the new institutional directlyenvironment, trajectories.or the to attention draw analyses ideational emerging Similarly, trajectories. union level national for mattered environment Thepolitical wider the how manner in depth more in a show to maincomes it when short stops problemanalysis their regrettably, countries, in several levels national and sectoral enterprise, is that ittheir original and challengingstudy ison actual focused transformation processes on the Although 2001). of Stojiljkovic entire alsoMeardi the economic2005, system organization’ (see changes ina dependency the widerenvironment, ‘upon prevailingformsthe of and political formulated unions thedependencylabor relations Thirkell trade and on et al. (1998:7-8) of in depth, a morecaseby case fashion. Therefore one must inspect the operation of legacies together with other contextual factors in- Assessments dealing with union incorporation or accommodation into the new setting new the into accommodation or incorporation union with dealing Assessments When discussing the transformation of the union movementin early post-socialism, 24 CEU eTD Collection ‘distinct ofstate-labor paths relations’ Shefinds (Avdagic 2003: 6). the varying cause degree of undergoing successful transition – Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland, wasderived from countries in three strength) (i.e. effectiveness labor sense, this In transition’. the of beginning the since structures andinstitutional between strategies political interplay focus on ‘the to necessary is it countries in CEE weakness labor of variations of analysis sufficient for that argued political actors unionsin as trade conceptualizingmade forward astep Avdagic 2004) explanations, (2003, orbipartiteand deals? atentering tripartite stakes union motives and role in reaching these dealsvariety in of settings. What was union position on a general meaning of these tripartite pacts across the region, one needs elaborateto more on peak in formulatingreal Before Hellmann threat political1999,2002, the 1998: 204). (Kubicek arena pose since a Crowley to moreinstrumental theywereunable (e.g. areal actor, 1997)and than structural quickly reasons scholars unions concludedthat dueto werepassive Furthermore, too allies for introducing measures liberal & economic (Orenstein Hale 2001: 261-262). channels instrumentallyreceive conflict avoid union only legitimacy social to from and to trade incorporating labor these used elites left-leaning the that out pointed analyses influential from ofpolitical of activity.Apart the highimportance most cycles, outthe union pointing marginalizing theinfluence andrelevance as ‘transformative 1999)rather (Iankova corporatism’ 1996)corporatism’ andmostas ‘tripartism corporatist’ without (Reutter adequately (Ost 2000) institutions these as‘illusory The valuebodies wasevaluated 1999: 141-3). (e.g Pollert of thesetripartite within an interactive perspective through werecommonly strategies analyzed tripartite bodies in charge forsocial dialogue and collective bargaining.Union activity and In her dynamic and refreshingly creative accounts which built on criticisms of ‘static’ of criticisms on built which accounts creative refreshingly and dynamic her In and their elites, relation to buther overall isconclusion misleading. Avdagic 25 CEU eTD Collection genealogy ofto Czechthe political unionism: however, itseems Counter-intuitively, as if needed and tiesalliances unions successful political elites leaders to exertof the influence. Czech organizations. complex these of dynamics organizational internal neglected and entities unions One cameissue peak level unionsunion author ascoherenttreated the capacities, competition to bargaining in positionwhere Avdagicwhereas Avdagic correctly pointed out importance of the fragmentationunion inter-union or as politically account Fourth, reforms. foreconomic support union of condition necessary werea on unions conferred is silent governmentalinducementsBonifaceform in (2003)point benefits the out, of organizational is the itexplored whatSimultaneously, wasnot receivedordemanded unions As in & Tafel exchange. measures. these in slightly gain modifying or neoliberal acceptreforms to sentenced were either is, unions That ‘positive’ proposals. concrete to negative reaction atbestcapableof actors, state channels of whereasexchange, were unions compared portrayed asrelatively passive actors to structures’ (Thirkell alt. 1998).Third, were or eliteet state recognized actors asinitiators of these tripartite the of construction inthe ‘differences specific country were there and choices: formalized informal had tripartism includingspecific, country pre-history, actions often union bodies. tripartite &Gardawski 2002) Meardi 2010, Iankova 2010, As (Stanojevic scholars bysome outlined institutionalized of level point starting a from analyzed are relations state-labor absence of ties to political elites is a condition for or correlates with union strength. Second, Avdagi in problematic arefour points There organizations. group interest and collective ineffective transition years.into Strong ties labor translated subordination, highly lead vulnerable which to in of unionsearly political the and of weakness’ instrength between parties trade ties ‘labor ü In general,Avdagic’s hasexplanation a negative biasagainst ‘politicization’ of unions. ’s analysis. First, the argument is negative: it suggests that the weakness or even the even or weakness the that suggests it negative: is argument the First, analysis. ’s 26 CEU eTD Collection ignores the specific union legacies, most notably, legacies, specificunion the ignores again translateswhich elite, the with alliances strong dictates) even (or with hand in andhand goes fragmentation reinforces union subordination from union necessarilysuggests, notweakness stemming organizational that account correctly, and weakness. Avdagic’s Atbest, inter-union competition. mostly a function of is ofinfluence strategies In the meantime better orworse of and capacities qualities aside. union organizational kept Furthermore, the author also are making, policy economic in voice labor of incorporation on impact its and debt external suchas issueof the factors, external Other Civic Forum. to representatives labor acceptable practices towards members.their towards practices pressure establishthe members responsive for on unions to increased increased and competition unionism inthe & Kubik case, EkiertPolish pointed outthatunion (1999) fragmentation ‘rebellious’ explaining in Namely, conclusion. different at also point case Polish the Finally, unions with case, trade very werealso cross-class informing alliances political ‘political’ parties. in Slovenian the from 1990. Moreover, appeared confederations several Slovenia where either, fragmentation (Iankova 2001).The argumentunion yearmatter on of of one 1991 underneoliberal government on union weaknesssyndicalistlines, findonly to itself in and isolation membership lose rapidly in and assets a and itself radicallyfrom its ‘natural’ ally political communistof former the party, appeared onmore politicization CITUBdistanced Bulgarian reformed confederation indicative Namely, 2002). the (Iankova does not is 1996,Crowley Thecase & heremore 2001). of than Bulgarian union Bartosz the Ost seem also (see isunwarranted to Europe Eastern apply post-socialist of hard-times in economically movement to the case of for shapinglabor-state union-party or relations. The claim that political isolation, pure syndicalism could bring success to the union the to success bring could syndicalism pure isolation, political that claim The 27 internal organizational capacities as relevant CEU eTD Collection as well as Hyman’s (2001) assumptions on the importance of organizationsas asmovement- importance as onthe (2001)assumptions union well Hyman’s Kelly & 2003) strategies’(Frege andrevitalization ‘union ‘strategic activism’ concept of union and union duringpolitics structurally Most commonly,unfavorable contexts. scholars appliedthe issues capacities linkedto of organizational usually relatively recently, emerged strategic choices 1.1.4. Organizational capacities and choices shaping union trajectories shapingunion and choices capacities 1.1.4. Organizational which focused andstrategic onunion choices. organizational capacities capacities and choices over their own development and trajectory. I turn now to assessments union trajectories pointing atelite state or domination. That is Ibring in unions’ active role, their on explanations asoversimplified well as conceptions, reductionist and structuralist overcome themselves1996). Asagainst (Bartosz already abovein legacies,posited the section on Iaim to they that suggest acted accounts forming alliances, in active arepolitically passivity.they case In passive, descriptionof this passivity is necessary, as well as the exploration of the reasons of their political theirin capacity trajectories. own shaping remainunionsorganizations? The doto relevant presupposes union question activity and whatcould in theliterature: unanswered remains this project to interest of question The crucial legaciesunion as well as economic behind andpolitical determinants specific union trajectories. ties withstrong or political politicization, from stemmed weakness union trade that claim parties. the contests dissertation These issues again point at the need of careful examination of trade In the present literature on East European unionism the concept of of ‘ theconcept unionism literature onEastEuropean In thepresent and autonomous asactive, unions post-socialist rarely treat understandings However, this legacies, specific country of importance the to attention calling to addition In actors in the course of democratic transformation. In case the unions were indeed were unions case the In of transformation. democratic in course actors the 28 union strategies’ or CEU eTD Collection Whatcould unions doin historicalgiven times toemergeorganizations, asrelevant and when are temporal temporal ismissingdimension from account: the vaguely defined it remained factors, with along broadly contextual several capacities other cases covering of organizational evolution outlined the whereas the authors Yet, for union strategies. mattered identitieswellpointed union capacities outand organizational (2005: 46-52) Petkov that identities’ along with outlining union strategies during the post-socialist Dimitrova period. & in step and union important structures andmadean perspective trade outlining of ‘evolution the actors. other with interaction andunion action 2004). The ideational analyses alsoin brought a historical perspective in patternsinobserving 1994b,& also for Rainnie Weinstein &Koch Romania 2000, Hardy 1995, Gortat also Trif least at developingwing,politicized, ratherthanconstructiveunionism inPoland (see or right for leadership ideology are union alonglate 1980s, responsible Solidarity the trade of with Solidarity in showed how theunion Poland, liberal Ost(2005) elite, anti-labor political the however concentrated mostly ideas in and trajectories. theirunion focused on choices own shaping accounts on one Further al. 2010). Bernaciak et 2010, Krzywdzinski (e.g. aftertheir accession member states case: Poland’sA 2010). strandinfocused strategiessimilar on the innewunion literature EU revitalization Solidarity.later (see esp. Dimitrova &Vilrokx 2005, Meardi 2008,Kaminska2007b, Triff & Kahancova In his mostand EUaccession during union on strategies concentrated mostly studies these cases. However, recent book East European alsoon fortunes theirown shaping capableof agents active type autonomous on Thirkell alt. (1998)andlateret Dimitrova &Petkov(2005)also relied ona historical The case of ideational analyses, the influence of neoliberal ideas on labor leaders how union Equally, union mattered. capacities if and strategies moreimportantly,not a 29 when did strategies and capacities matter most? matter capacities and strategies did CEU eTD Collection labor in some ways. Consequently, as a potentially political force interacting with the elite, the with interacting force political a potentially as Consequently, ways. in some labor with deal include or to elite the required which certainties transition elite-dominated complicated labor unrest application the of lines similar that on argued (2008) (Kubik 2000:112).Grdesic which ‘ Kubikorganizing collective (2000:112)argued, activity and symbolic represent actions struggle in As organizationsnot the mainbut new politicalarena. designing as relevant still actors the system change as an can elite-led process be amendedbringingin thus through intermediary startof the The paradigm & Kubikof transformation. (Valchev 1999)at Ekiert 1993: 267,also unions socialism wereinmany ‘transition’ from state countries force’ social ‘strongest the We that know is underestimated. fortunes thus change onunion andregime democratization democratizing public space as well as political cycles and elite competition. regimes. Thatis,unions had the chancetousepolitical from opportunities stemming outcomes, butalso outcomes in labor organizations termsof destiny the of in democratizing (1989) remindmattered in the role us, of labor organized futurenot only shaping political the tripartite bodiesinstituted. were As Collier& Collier (1999), Collier (1991)and Valenzuela before even and change, system of years the from responses their and unions of development historieslocate and to goback inorder intime we needto Meardi and(2005), Kubicek(1999) relevantorganizations is missing thus from Following literature. the the call amongof, others, blocbecomein thedemise remain after Eastern to the of their or unions’ counter-moves struggle choice operationalized for thestrategic study of of post-socialist union trajectoriesdefinition in a the nextwith section. up come will I possible? choices strategic these The exploratory The exploratory potential unions’ of A comprehensive assessment on the evolution of union strategies and evaluation of challenge or support the hegemonic frame legitimating the incumbent regime’s power’ regime’s incumbent the legitimating frame hegemonic the political 30 activity during the process of process post-socialist the activity during CEU eTD Collection more informative studying than for in crucial periods. andtime choices capacities union Murillo institutions governing union trade organization andaction. nevertheless depends also on available political allies and contextual factors – such as union organizations strong of A consolidation taken. choices along strategic with important, very of periods time, consolidation the of organization the itsand leadership authority beseems to different, more general on opinions and rank-and-file agendae public and influence ornarrower broader focus on topics and issues of concern,national level.A crucial is, as question Huber &Stephens whetherhighlight, unions are able to or remain more parochial. peak level on forthe union ispowerful reachingan there organizationally nopre-paved path Yet, at crucial Buteveninindustrialized countries 26). (Huber &Stephens 2002: toreinforcetend each other power’ of andtheirunions school, ‘political power” the“organizational resource from power the “level of organization and centralization” of unions is also politically relevant, since, as we know levelplant 1991:169-179).Consequently 2001:25-6; unions (HuberandStephens Luebbert the by of lessparochialism issues constrained and are more general [leftist] to pay attention more mid 20 in and union fortunes early divergent on accounts Forexample, be fully separated. and cannot increasestrategies. Strategies to organizational andcapacities linked are significance political words, strugglethe forrelevance includeschoices overboth political and organizational not politically but alsoestablish aspowerful only actors themselves trajectories. organizational least own their shapedat have actively unions, capablemobilize agents organize as themany(Rueschemeyercould to and 1999:9), th Studies on duringorganized labor marketizing reforms in Latin America and Spain are However, unions during the change from However, to facespecificchallenges unions changefrom authoritarianism during the century stress that unions which achieve a significant level of centralization levelare able to a significantcentralization of unions which that achieve stress century 31 organizationally . In other In . CEU eTD Collection exemplified in union leadership behavior. Union leaders autonomously interpret the situation, leaders leadershipautonomously behavior.exemplified inunion Union isThe behavior 1992:423). autonomous powerful unions of 1960,Schmitter, agencies (Lipset expression solidarity,of meregroup instrument nora manipulationfor by more state the or is neither a sum of the asintermediary ‘system-dependent’ logic’ ‘operative unions organizations and ‘goal of oriented’ individualand behavior organizational The preferencesfile. and rank the and elite political the both from autonomy of members or groups enjoy groups interest significant or unionsintermediary organizations is trade as that literature composing them, nor1981, Murillo2001, Huber& Stephens 2002).A findingcrucial availablefrom classicthe an relative leaders autonomy andchoosing union strategies peak level inselecting (Offe of union with elites. interaction political of with efficiency the interrelated become capacities organizational internal privileged sectors of economy vis-à-vis thepeaklevel Unionorganization (Murillo2001:5). organization the highlights autonomousand rolerather of union strongholds inthe earlier manufacturing of sectors brings economy. inalsosub-nationalMurillo levels of union special attention not peaklevelonly to union organization, butalso tounions in and public leadership competition with resort tomilitancy;finally,inter-union and competition. Shepays internal loyalties, partisan of legacies (longer) in the policies governmental (neoliberal) reasons for divergentanswers and of achievements unions (organizedvis-à-vis labor) locate the to attempts Murillo organization. levels of union different from coming answers active role of unions, which has all national and sectoral contexts; and thus sheds light on intensive frame assumes time centered agency a strict within analysis interactional Her countries. American ininteractionsLatin three labor-government varying focusedof outcomes on (2001) In contrast to the bulk of available literature, only some assessments highlighted the onlysome assessments bulk In contrast tothe literature, of available 32 CEU eTD Collection 9). leadersmorethe 2009: 8- &McIlroy (Burgess 2004:8,Daniels damage members inflict onto can allies political onwhether depends strategy choice over leadership Union matter. itself system electoral the as well as behavior union regulating system legal the institutionally, Finally, in asalternative unionthe ally’spositionandstrength government, well allies. political deprivations of union members during the crisis.Politically, factorsinfluence two union choice: union membershipinstitutional and political factors. Organizationally, union leadership choice is influenced by and loyalty on several of organizational, variously, depending theconflict leadership resolves density; members. Union theirand allies balancebetween political leaders necessarily union relevance, centralizationfor struggle their In ingovernment. are latter the when unions, and parties left between or factionalism appears in ‘choice’ critical union for situation the alliances the when period comes a crisis shaping their own trajectory in anevolutionary manner. During the negative ‘neoliberal’ shock, within in union autonomy leadership significanceof the demonstrated Burgess neoliberal reform, under the union, changesandloyalty in onto party union with relations Spain allies in Mexico, and Venezuela as well as of exit-voice triad Redefining Hirschman’s Burgess (2004). of is account the leadershipchoices constructed. are as channels interests 53), which through class the in critical times may be thus understood, to amend the formulation of Rueschemeyer et al. (1992: union strategy leaders peak level over of trade Choice ‘internal leadershippolitics’. union under further interest of (Müller-Jentsch issueof the separate (1981) developed union 1983: 20).Sabel for action theoptimal strategy and choose demands, into ofmembership interests the formulate The mostimportant contribution on significance and temporal dimension of union 33 organizationally andpolitically or union CEU eTD Collection turbulent transformations.turbulent of elite-led contexts based inspecific dilemmas specific facedcountry peak level leaderships that legacies they from' derived &Jefferys(Contrepois 2010:85).The recognizes dissertation thus the and them in played unions the roles the were too so and countries CEE in different different 'The claim the attention: transitionswere[…]quite Contrepois &Jefferys (2010:85)deserves of trajectories, union of variety the given countries, ‘Visegrad’ later, the cases or reform-communist among Although these mightdifferentiate of asformer developments. sub-groups cases, such we trajectorieslevelthe ofindividual and union shapingorganizations, peak choices strategic trade individual Applying point the cases. trajectories onto of East European unions,mustinspect one political factorsrenegotiated after 1989.Furthermore during whenvarious transformations, economic and need in sensecounterparts the hadambiguous legacies, betweenunions thatties andparties to be taken into account, union issuepost-socialist the of assessments of trade trajectories. European designing it highlightsspecific, long term historical and (legacy) cultural issues. Their pointlatter sheds lightalso on once country need remainassessments sensitive to to butaddedthat unionlevel trade organizations again peak national of trajectory and choices the analyzing in concept the thefurther developed They Left. specificitiesleadership tradeunion concept inBritain onto choices Brown’s(TUC) New under Blair’s and of East European cases of democratization differed from their Western or South American South Western or from their differed casesof democratization East European In arguingfor general of Daniels framework, the &McIlroy relevance applied the (2009) 34 CEU eTD Collection dramatic times of system change and after the end of level an periodwhen authoritarian endof the dramaticpeak of and after system change times deliberations and actions. Finally, butalsounionsshaped operated, union in specifichistorical that the situations trade depicting I apply social movementin trade which context broader understand the arenecessary Theseto Europe. insights Eastern analysis to casessocialist former in the countries the of of trade transformation systemic the into insight unionsilluminating most at the I find that economists political is with It actors. social and political with interaction their internal dynamics of complex organizations, peaklevel analysisapplied unionsthe andtheir trajectories. East European to of post-socialist but they also highlightunions wassuggested some timeago(see e.g. Offe curiously1981), itwas never developed or the trade of role understanding complex similarly a Although of operate. they inwhich leadershipsystem the from extent some to and autonomous are they is, that integrity, of level a have they organizations, interest intermediary as Furthermore, behavior. members’ own their to example, for level, micro the on developments sensitive butthey to widersystemicandthe are also on environment, dependent asattached unions areunderstood Trade perspective. informedconstructingcentered union an in me help turn in which data level macro and meso, micro, mix of a offer strands three These 2005, Voss 1996). movement &Scott analysis (e.g.McAdam social 1998, Bohle 2002)and Greskovits 1995a, Woodward transformation (e.g. economy of political the Pedersen 1996), institutionalism studies Powell organizational and &DiMaggio1991, Campbell (esp. and science and political sociology. My analytical framework is informed political of by concepts fromsub-disciplines three new of cross-fertilization through perspective analytical an develop Methods and Design 1.2. Research New institutionalism and studiesareextremely organizational helpful in the grasping deepen understandingIn order to inour of I unionism countries of Europe, post-socialist 35 CEU eTD Collection dependency’. Agency denotes dependency’. Agencyactors denotes sufficiently autonomous and capableinterpreting of their Mahoney 2000, Pierson 2003):‘agency’,‘strategic choice’, and ‘critical juncture’ ‘path- in science political (Collier &Collier 1991,Steinmoet al.& Mische 1992,Emirbayer 1998, research in comparative-historical used commonly concepts following the on Idraw trajectories, andpath-dependency strategic choice,criticaljuncture, Agency, ofunionsasrelevantorganizations. 1.2.1. Theemergence analysis and the interpretation of available statistical data and historical accounts. question implies a historical inquiry, which interviewsuses retrospective with key actors, textual my Finally level. outcome the at variation large also but change, system before similarities some show that andPoland cases, Serbia two selected I more completely, exceptionality Slovenian understand Inorder this to Europe. Eastern in post-socialistthis successisan exception But its own trajectory. andshape actor emerge arelevant as to for aunion itwas possible that shows ZSSS Slovenian the of trajectory The union. Slovenian successful the of that particularly cases, my of informs alsoselection question This emergeorganizations? own asrelevantto and taking into account country aforementioned threestrands: given varyingdegreeof the success of in post-socialism,unions specific transformations, what were unions able to do on their action. space of union McAdam 2001,Meyeret alt. for 2004,Meyer&Minkoff reconstructing2004) the possible this Iuse literature the concept of political (e.g.McAdam opportunity structures alt. 1996, et From arena. in political the action of collective newestablish practices able to unions were trade For developingFor aperspective whichfocuses onunions’ active role inshaping their own in advanced stemsfrom arguments the my of dissertation question research The driving 36 CEU eTD Collection therefore analysis must follow analysistherefore in suit(Polanyi critical intensivity must Furthermore, 1957 [1944]). “time expands”; “critical when period” centered isan actor period juncture critical 277). The allows “systematic attention” toactors as agencies and their “preferences” (Katznelson 2003: periodization change. Such and system of in studies revolution the utilized were especially of structural change. Periods of unsettled times are usually referred toas critical junctures, which causal assessment, history is divided intoperiods of continuity and “unsettled times” or moments (2003) in inhistorical account thepurpose outcomes causesand of conceptualizing For time. scientists. of political commonly used inhistorical reasoning argument, path-dependent arepartof junctures a complex critical In turn, properties. causal andtheyhave junctures of critical periods choices occurwithin Strategic of them formal the part argument. Iintroduce First, as later. abitmore precisely trajectories of the same organizational later influence These choices choices’. ‘strategic astheunion’s change period organizations. I define the content of strategic situation” (Nolan choices1983: 118). of trade unions countriesquestionhow unions on made “sense of intheir of structural and selected act[ed] answera union-centered the to level perspective Iadopt attempts bodies which of peak unions, (Emirbayer& Mische 1998:964).Thus, concentratingon union leadership orrepresentative and‘their’ their changing to relationship structural conditions andexisting social relations is from arecapableenvironment separable mediatinganalytically agency: actors of evaluating, temporal dynamic“ & Mische Amajor(Emirbayer here 1998). assumption structural isthat the structural environment and purposefully acting within it, which is in itself “internally an complex I construct the logical form following path-dependencyof the argument Pierson’s leaders system the during of union choices assessed,crucial retrospectively the I refer to 37 CEU eTD Collection political, and economic environment and they are interrelated with the interaction between with and theyareinterrelated between trade interaction the political, environment economic and own fortunestheir shaping and capacities own in their increasing and the reforms organizational externalinternal of storms political arena.navigated simultaneously is,unions inorganizations arenae.through social That theand political Strategic choices its both own levelwithin complex authority andthatof peakthe the organization union are situated in historical, for relevance of leadership’sstruggle denotes union the The concept sameorganizations. the social, of alsobut injunction asunions of stickiness the practices (new) organizational the period. choices strategic of implication long-term and immediate both as dependency’ ‘path I test period. hypothesizingstrategicjuncture they were unfolding from critical taken during choices that the Kelemen 2007,Pierson 2003)of institutionalizedunion and theirtrajectories behavior multi-party elections. few second months the after of consolidation, until new regime start the system theold of years last the bridging period (‘”transition”) intense transformation and crisis (Campbell & Pedersen, 1996:209).Thecritical for juncture unions overlaps with system the intensiveof process institutionalizedactors’ struggleamong roles different over and boundaries intensive historical period historical intensive ‘thick’, centered, an in actor region represents system the anewdemocratic constructing unions? In of general, period between the transformation ‘leaving communism behind’and Kelemen 2007, Mahoney 2000, Collier & Collier 1999). taken, most commonly newlythrough institutionscreated orinstitutionalized roles (Capoccia & thepath through themselves reinforce choices is, critical that dependency, path create junctures It is time now to define trade union’s strategic choice in the assessment of of trajectories of in assessment choice the union’s strategic define is now trade It to time long& explain (unfolding) isa outcomeThe (Capoccia dissertation the to thus aim of Which is ‘criticalthe period juncture’ incasesof European period East post-socialist par excellence . The period represents ‘a sequence timeof filled with a 38 CEU eTD Collection comes to power, but adopts measures harming union constituency, the union leadership hasto measurespower, adopts but union union the constituency, comes to harming ally wing left the where case In allies. political influential and potential had union the if effective mobilization, ini.e.influence, toexertorganizing 1970) through wasespecially order protests is,“voice” (Hirschman That useof term the defeats. forshort gainconcessions and organizations become relevant to inorder form alliances and arena political the appear on to needed Duringhard “economic times” affecting the(Gourevitch 1986) rankand members,unions file in loyalty contexts. posit specific that second choicewasbased I country the of considerations, making. This couldhappen only seekingthrough political allies. ApplyingBurgess (2004) exertinfluence using politicalopportunitiesstemmingthe from decision democratization over to inadapt tothe newexternal Unions alsosense of had crucial environmentthe environment. to in the self-positioning reform and asgeneral internal speed of deliberationsand ondepth to refers choice thus makers. first The from decision autonomy andgaining mobilization capacities, and organizational own their of extension meant this sense practical In representation. socialism in Ihypothesize newunions environment. the could thatorganizations becomerelevant in post- only if theyas goal oriented agency, peak level unions underwentwere self-interested in their own success or relevance autonomy of union organizations from politicalthe elite andthestate. With autonomy,sufficient internal reform, social andother actors. elites in political interaction with values and organizational adapted roles political their redefine to also but sympathizers, and members potential to mobilizing through the new demands themselves could (re)establish based organizations Unions movement protests. aspotentially of interestengage in for unionsdemocracies to market offereduniqueopportunities change towards unions and political elites, as well as unions and other social actors. For example, the system However, such conceptualization stands only ifisorganizational standsonly sufficient there such However, conceptualization 39 CEU eTD Collection the EUaccessionthe largestpeak levelthe in global and the union crisis, economic trade Slovenia, highlights importancethe of unions’ critical choices in shaping their own destinies. legacies and socialist incorporates selection case Such transformation. of the start before the andlegacies presumably‘positive’ unionist inthesenseorganizational of significant capacities appropriate case selection is crucial. Iemployed two criteria: large variation at the outcomelevel and Slovenia) Yugoslavia (Serbia republics ofsocialist in Poland,andtwoformer level unions Peak 1.2.2. Caseselection: and the Serbian SSS and in the final step I compare their trajectory to that of the ZSSS. into account two less successful cases. That is, I also analyze the trajectories of takingthe through ZSSS, the success of I of the actor. offer adeeperexplanation relevantPolish politically OPZZ asa emerged that level union a peak case,as asmy core ZSSS Slovenian the cases,Itake three casesselected andits validity test for explainingpost-socialist union Amongtrajectories. the historicalin Idevelopargument the policy-making. periods of juncture critical three concrete incapacities new the environment, toandincreasedtheir own adapted vulnerabilities, organizational specific they had overcome at choice. of momentthe factors the contextual on also nevertheless alliances. In this ‘loyaltyfor alternative partisan searching or andloosening mobilization, measures, opposing protracted dilemma,’ as I theirmembershipdisapprove engage inloyalty of of alliesor to through political reforms refer to silently or it, support conditionally a could choiceUnions loyalty. primary its place will it where ischoose made necessary that depends The central case my of dissertation is the dominant peak level union in Slovenia. Up until trajectories own choiceson their strategic of unions’ assessimportance the To remain organizations relevant is wereableto thusthatunions My argument and practicedin autonomousvoice influencing politics and 40 if and onlyif if CEU eTD Collection (savez Samostalnih Sindikata Srbije – Confederation of Autonomous Trade Unios of Serbia) from 1998. from Serbia) of Unios Trade of Autonomous Confederation – Srbije Sindikata Samostalnih (savez Sindikatov Slovenije – Confederation of Free Trade Unions of Slovenia) in April 1990, while the SSS became SSSS3 Unions (Ogólnopolskie Porozumienie Zawodowych Zwiazków - OPZZ) Agreement Unions of of Trade Serbia –SSS)and of (Confederation Trade Polish the All-Poland Srbije Savez peaklevelselected Sindikata the following: Serbian the are organizations selectedthe and casesgenerally for justification then caseselection. detailed provide amore unions in another successor state of socialist Yugoslavia, Serbia, as well as in Poland. Iintroduce trade dominant the period: juncture critical before the butcommonalities dynamic trajectory, arguablymost very selected with two case,casesare Slovenian other different, addition to the In perspective. in not especially comparative fully explained, are not trajectory its exceptional also Crowley 2004, Meardi 2005 Dimitrova & 2005, Armingeon butVilrokx 2006), reasonsof (see is widely of recognized union Slovenian strength the The exceptional success or 2003a). along with influence ZSSSmobilization high the and hadrelatively union significantwith capacities actions density over decision making in economic and social policy (see esp. Stanojevic which started itswhich organizationalstarted consolidation atradeunion as from only 1991 (Ryszard 1998). laborissuesnot strictly limited Solidarity, (Ost2005)and agenda to union with an was that a focus wason primary deal attention, scholars’ of agreat received during transformation was unionanother in the Solidarity. underground: Interestingly, Polish whereas labor organized in there Poland apart from OPZZ, legally the operating Incontrast, justification. furtherrequire not does andtheirlargest selection organizations, period they the post-socialistremained later before inwere the thenational levelin 1989,andeven Slovenia the and only on unions Serbia The SSS and the ZSS changed their names during their trajectory: the ZSS was renamed ZSSS (Zveza Svobodnih (Zveza ZSSS renamed was ZSS the trajectory: their during names their changed ZSS the and SSS The In addition Slovenianthe to ZSS (Confederation Unionsof of Trade theSlovenia), 41 3 . The SSS and the ZSS CEU eTD Collection 5 Bartosz 1996 buteven Solidarity’s here dominant role was highlighted. 4 The littleOPZZ garnered from unjustifiably attention scholarly communitythe Slovenia. Among countries of the former Eastern bloc, the most similar in terms of labor legacies legacies beneficial strong wereespecially which insocialistrise to inunions Yugoslavia, gave socialist country. indicator for assessing reformed asa unionism inagiven serves post-state ‘official’good union the of and relevance trajectory words, the other In level organization. union peak former official unions remainedincountries, newtrade of shadow the reformed inheritors the mainof the European inEast if mostaccount that is into post-socialist important aspect Itake especially communist’ union confederation, i.e., the OPZZ rather than ‘betrayal’ on part of Solidarity.‘pro- ‘official’ the performance of poor relatively tothe betraced can limited instrength This in the available literature, my pointis that a part of the reason that organized laborin Poland was isinwhat to argued decision makers.Moreover, contrast to ties institutionalized bargaining and regions, for example). branches industry it of than unionsSolidarity to according(rather was organized and other since over 248).During advantages OPZZenjoyed 1997: restructuringthe (Deppe &Tatur economic countries post-socialist inother unions by‘official’ enjoyed advantages similar were to that transformation beginning overSolidarity at the of advantages OPZZ hadseveral organizational the union, recognized as officially the that, stress also must one Yet, Poland. contemporary in peaklevel union it most organizationally consolidated became that thelargest, acknowledge main attention to the OPZZ. I do not contest the significance of Solidarity for Polish labor, balancingtowards this deal ‘injustice’, out I only andtangentially Solidarity with and devote the I Conversely,OPZZ had weak territorial representationwith its 12 main regional offices (Machol-Zajda 1993:45) forpartial exceptions see: Kramer 1995;Kubicek 2004,Avdagic 2003, Pollert 1999, also: Gardawski 1996, It was convincingly argued that, in contrast to countries of the Warsaw pact, labor 5 The OPZZ and its branches had paid experts capable of engaging in engaging of capable experts paid had branches its and OPZZ The 42 4 . In an effort CEU eTD Collection largest trade union federation largesttrade is it lostOPZZ visible,continuously butstill socially to capacities are majorin political the differences significance.formerunions’ and social InPoland, the laborSerbia and is even organized Poland asweak,but described cases between these two there was inonly Slovenia, where a comparably strong union movementorganization emerged. In friendly lines itlabor Yet, on 1990, Denitchneocorporatism arrangement 56-58). (Ost of 1990: candidates for establishingapost-socialist socialistsystems, Polandtop and werethe Yugoslavia are learned and isgained. experience which helps overcoming problems of collective in action That future. the is, organizational skills legacy a creates in organizational specificposits (1999:10)social past the positive participation would as in I Rueschemeyer Yugoslavia. former that, expect recognized occurred socialist strikes number associatedtradeunion while of with the largest independent ‘Solidarity’, the protests, in Hungaryin wasthere no major labor militancy and industrial action after 1956. 6 gaininglarger union autonomy. for struggles activism,but examples also of as independent forworker interpreted attempts were protests andcountries’ &Raginworker-led worker 1990).Strikes inthe 1980s(Walton ‘protest as wereclassified Yugoslavia and Poland Only socialist councils. worker of establishmentthe with self-management, worker of institutions the workplace: of level the on especially making, in decision- workers include accommodate and to in order created were systems economic and political communist the of institutions many era Stalinist the of end the after precisely, activism unionism.worker with experienced trade significant and experimentation More countries friendly established worker institutions self of worker management,both had and activism under authoritarian socialism to Yugoslavia was the case of unions in Poland. Both Hungary was thethird reform communist state whichstarted thorough liberalization already in the 1980s. However Accordingly, militancybuilding institutional on and at twilight the setup, of authoritarian 6 Poland is known for the great intensive waves of worker 43 CEU eTD Collection labor institutions and activism worker alsolittle help us inconstructing the startingfor point the environmental important whichbe factor omitted. Relatively cannot legaciessimilar general of Slovenia and Poland, this does not allow strict comparisons across cases, butit is also an of inall Since there are uniquefeatures transformations shaping theirSerbia, trajectories. own modest aim. Namely my taskand While how. my ifso, research agenda disregards structural reductionism,itmorealso has a is to assess to what extentunionsmattered in involvement both shaping systemicthe outcome and their own trajectories, and how did union activity whether clear completely itis not in mindthat bearhas to One capacities. union organizations’ matter in shaping for also factors political and economic different very these of strength and importance a harshIt is therapy’acknowledgethrough neoliberal in1990. difficult‘shock to not the went then and compromise a through socialism authoritarian from extrication experienced and reinstallation very deep recession isolation, international in wars, involvement Yugoslav the democratization, of Western Serbia markets. marketeconomy facedashallow export-driven small to a semi-authoritarian recognition and quick sought integration the within European Community,fully itsdirecting differentrather in threecases:Sloveniathe from international seceded Yugoslavia, sought regime and in notably, the three Most countries. massiveexternalthe shocksduring system werechange slow democratization.legacies for unionist work. Finally,worker Poland self-management of similarities institutional haveincommon relative three cases these that is however puzzle and worker activism at the union militancy. emergedrarelyindominant trade actor, asavery SSSS The engaging quiescent starting point level, unions.its asinfluence, archrivalalso tootherbut trade still only not the InSerbia, Solidarity to positive contextual Without doubt, the varying outcome is also due to very different transformation processes 44 CEU eTD Collection autonomies, whichformed the Yugoslav level peak organization. The level republican level peak with broad state andof federal the provinces republics levelof socialist atthe organizations level organization cells. Therewerepeak unions andcommunist authorities party political of andinternalsources reports. union characteristicsI am After this, organizational the differences. butalso commonalities describing also and challengessome ZSS, payingattention to level the SSSand Slovenian unions, peak union the Serbian level peak Yugoslav republican two am presenting First I level unions. peak selected three of the Polish of the challenges (‘legacies’) and characteristics pay also particularorganizational the attention OPZZ. In organizations, with theirspecific organizational and features political as of this 1987. Inaddition I description,Yugoslavia, Iintroduce now in a more in-depth manner selected the level peak union I rely on secondary environment. Only in the conclusion do I come up with a cross-case comparison. and historical theirtrajectories in time given and country changing structural specific casesindividual, of organizations. Consequently, Istudy level concrete peak union organizations country andspecific constraints opportunities inorder to reemerge relevantand as strong used orcopedwith legacies and unique they how organizational with struggled a variety of of the three selected peak environmental internal-organizationaland basedchallenges, on specific legacies organizational level unions. In other words,concentrating my goal is to demonstrate analysis Inmaking Iovercomeof union nexttrajectories. the in step structural reductionism how unions on one specific cause: exploring union strategies as answers to external- The formal organizational structure of trade unions inYugoslavia the followed In orderto overcome overlegacies generalizations of labor in organized Poland and 45 CEU eTD Collection political organizations and forces with broad and major tasks and responsibilities aiming at the development of development the at aiming socialist workerresponsibilities and self-managementtasks major (Basic and Principlesbroad with of the Constitution forces and VIII). Instead oforganizations interest representativepolitical 7 constitution. the according to operate functioned councils,in than space,much to aprescribed worker smaller they were supposed management’ which was dysfunctional crisis.inand Inthe acute 1980s tradeunions, along with foster ‘worker self- had weresupposed to 1989: 86).Unionsthey role: aself-defeating (Markovi policies economic and policies employment of definition and income, of distribution constitutional in role increasing improvingproductivity, social relations during production, peaklevel 1980 onwards, unions meaningfullynot andtheirmembers practice their trade could unions and rank-and-file members. level from plant its handand of leadership peaklevelunion other butlargethe the a on distance leadership.union This ledsituation toinclusion intodecision making and information,access to from be level contested not peak could and were elite economic) (and political setby goals the meant level1998: 134).In systemic,higherthat effect, such Arandarenkoalso a constellation positionsswitch political toother they 1989: 444; (Goati to as union officialscould expect too, other political bodies, and tied to the League of Communists. In case they fulfilled their task well whichmeantrotation functions.rotation’ werepolitically on different in leaders Union tested leadership ties had and strong leadership. Therewith communist was a mechanismof ‘cadre peak level leaders that implication became union trade partof overall Yugoslav and republican (self-managingself-governments communes). Theformal incorporation unionsof trade had the principles.is, That peaklevel gathered union unions associations organized onthelevel local of unions, among which also theSerbian were SSS andtheZSS wereorganized onterritorial The federal Yugoslav constitution defined trade unions as voluntary organizations of workers, but also as socio- as also but of workers, organizations voluntary as unions trade defined constitution Yugoslav federal The However, faced with acute crisis of self-management spiced with the debt crisis from crisis debt with the spiced self-management of crisis acute facedwith However, 7 Unions did not have a significant say neither in the 46 ü CEU eTD Collection rank and file exit was possible, but rare. Author’s interview with Boris Mazalin president of Konfederacija 90, ofKonfederacija president Ljubljana 26 January Mazalin 2007. Boris with interview Author’s rare. but possible, was exit file and rank Formal fees deducted. union and members, union trade as non- with enrolled workforce automatically the were employees All provide to as benefits. well wage as 305), 1999: (Vodovnik of managers decisions and behavior unjustified 8 organizing elections forvarious bodies (Art. 135). of the 48 no Act - of labor organization Contitution),cooperation basic in andreaching revising the self-management compacts(within (Art. 122 Art.and 124) level and sub-plant the at disputes labor settling in unions fordevelopment necessary of forces’ the self-managerial- ‘socio-political socialist conservative system. ‘subjective’, The constitution responsible the envisioned among were unions a ‘constructive’trade organizations, role fortrade discontent. worker channeling groups withinof workers institutionsleading the of self-management, they were alsonot or among disputes settle to unable increasingly were unions level plant While involvement. union from this situation, culminating inanincreasing numberand sizeof ‘wild-cat’ strikes without voiced workers with dissatisfaction unions’ work.Analarming for stemmedsituation unions falling were theyearswhen wages real weak.During unions levelwere to workplace onthe ties level. workers’ above plantTypically, workers action of collective in organizing experience had unions no self-management, making.Under influence couldworkplace nor policy they regions, but also in various industries and enterprises. Whereas the union Whereas union inof but also the city Belgrade variousregions,the and enterprises. industries Serbian various at only not work unionist to commitment and quality in the difference more also wasarguably addition, In there local (Magas1993). strongmen tiedoften were to latter while the peak level communication had local poor union with level self-managerial and plant unions, the structure, organizational terms of level In organization. from peak the inisolation operated county level leaderslevel union and plant enjoyedunionists significant both from autonomy and in Serbia, and self-management functionsthe performed. Under organizational the structure education the file,of of the institutions universities. through rank-and especially worker Among classic protectionist functions, plant level unions could at best There were however two significant differences between ZSS and SSS: in the rigidity in of rigidity the SSS: ZSS and between differences significant two however There were 8 Theimportantfunction most by inperformed remained unions 47 protect individual workers against the against workers individual protect CEU eTD Collection 4 2007 10 November28 2006 9 low found also thatespecially as it sociologists InSlovenia, extremely was the casein Serbia. layoffs. over negotiations prioritizing the interest of‘insider’ plantlevelworkforce, unions came inonly during economicmonitor keep insightand best to at councils whereas worker was of 1995a). In turn, priority the prospectsnonext influenceto on scalegrand policies employment (seee.g.Comisso 1979, Woodward ofparochial-clientelistic logic of employment peaklevelprovided unions trade traditionally with thesignificant with spiced market labor enterprisefragmented driven Kosovo. and enterprise An regions werein peaking highlevels passive with rates unemployed eighties, the of especially during withUnemployment self-management. of crisis political the triggered which crisis economic the to limitednot buildingeffectively could principles advocate of workingclasssolidarity due encompassing concern significantly 1980s(Seroka the eroded throughout and Pavlovi overpassive,increasingly andshrinking.old Theactive membership of and in confidence SSS the employment levels peaklevel for aninfluenceoverthe skills necessary union. and qualifications. than Consequently, more union officials from “passive” these regions typically had lower qualifications and mattered strongmen local to ties political where position, lucrative a industry, under high of conditions unemploymentandlower wages,aunionist represented office moreinindustrialized SSS relied from regions. also low In unions with on employment regions level enjoyedvanguard animportant ininfluencing role the agenda of peakthe level union, Author’s interview with Slobodanka Brankovic, former head of the SSS office forlegal matters, Belgrade, Author’s interview Gradimir Ivanic SSSS & Milomir Boskovic Valjevo county level union official Belgrade June The ZSS was also in acute crisis due to the paralysis of self-management, but not that membership oflate1980s,union Accordingin scholarly to the Serbiawas assessments 48 ü 1987;Mircev TheSSS 1989). 9 the 10 CEU eTD Collection attractingfrom support republican Slovenian political federalelite against regulations. sometimes well, worked unionism economic republic, developed most industrially but smallest in self-organizationFurthermore, inone worker strongest (Jovanov the of was 1979). Slovenia result they set a reservation wage for the country [ftn> because that they arguing had shortages policies; of restrictive and labor, controls theywage federal should over ranks not be break to prevented first the were they from policies; raising wagesrestrictive to keep and attract labor.As a militia.’ local and ofexperts 12 a government and artisans, and farmers private of reserve labor settled a trade, Western advanced, lean socialist core of skilled workers and commercially attuned manufacturers participating fully in 11 wasencouraged. migration from Yugoslav other republics labor, of ashortage andearly 1980s experienced in 1970s Since the economy the Slovenian Yugoslavia. within interests ‘economic ‘national Slovenian to in relation policies market labor had haveunion andinvolvedcadre. The ZSS to highly competent wasalso in educated defining benefits, following Austrianthe and German welfare systems (Prasnikar et al 2002). For this, the politicalagainst makers. The decision unemployment ZSS wasactive indefinition of generous industrialandin laborprovided management cooperation unions – strength with -with plant skilled of 1995:283,Schierup 1990:299).Shortage well self-management(Woodward worked labor institutionsinclusivestrategy of participatory the with selection of Yugoslavia, growth of republic in Yugoslavia noregistered whichhad unemployment. almost In contrast toother parts position laborof in Slovenia self-management. during Until mid 1980s,Slovenia was only the in hadsource a privileged activism a Union its counterpart. Serbian a more centerthan active This ZSS madethe SSS. with it case was the than extent a greater itsto activity professionalized ZSS level national on resolution’ ‘conflict level plant from absent was it whereas However, management 1984). (Arzensek side same the Sloveniawith which typically took (ZSS), skilled blue collar workers were alienated from unions of the official Alliance of Trade unions of The republic’s unions and firms tended to lead the country in laborstrikes, protesting wage controls, and Woodward’s In (1995a) description cause the forfull employment in Slovenia was due to ‘ an industrially 49 Informativni bilten 11 ]. … (Woodward 1995a: 284) In 1982 Notsurprisingly,in thefederation 12 CEU eTD Collection 1981 was directed against the alternative trade union re- against union the was not Solidarity, alternative trade 1981 wasdirected the and December of law martial The compromise. of cost the at unionism of attempt reform internal Serbian SSS were postponed. In Chapter 3 I will describe the case of the SSS. Serbian populist-authoritarian in developments latethe 1980s,internal reforms within the organization. Consequently, its leadership initiated a thorough internal reform. In contrast, due strong to relevant, a become to conditions as environment, changing the to adapt to challenges its authority over its member unions. As I will show in Chapterinsecure and its own increase to order also leadership, andtheir control level of unions peak the 2, the Slovenian ZSS was aware of industrial and branches.of sectors stem and Implementation of happen wastounder the reforms made bargaining alsounion necessary internal of lines trade the reorganization on organization PavlovicMircev 1989,Cimesa 1989, 1986). From reintroduction 1988, the of collective voluntary basis (cf. file and rank on of organization become representative aresponsive, in function ineffective Peaklevel making. netof the decision and memberstheirunions had to an over-bureacratized performing from detach themselves wereto Unions leading communists. politicalthe arena, while hadthey toinitiate renegotiation and gain distance from greater the order to learn about possible ways to reestablish themselves and respond to the problem of low legitimacy. 13 minimum wage by the changing to reduce attempt the measuregovernment the against of subsistence protest public asuccessful (Ibid.) launched also accountants Slovenian ZSS and SSS wasthesame, but varied in intensity. for both of challenge ‚reform’ Thecrucial asintermediary organizations. themselves reestablish system in late1980sopenedthe upalso opportunities for unions trade internal for reform, and to Aware of the challenges ahead, union leadership ordered researches and external evaluations of unionst work in work ofunionst evaluations external and researches ordered leadership union ahead, challenges ofthe Aware The process of establishment of the Polish OPZZ in late state socialism symbolized an symbolized socialism state in late OPZZ Polish the of establishment of process The The announcement of major changes in the main institutions of the Yugoslav socialist Yugoslav the of institutions main the in changes major of announcement The 50 13 First, unions had to become more active in active more become unions had to First, CEU eTD Collection (PUWP) party communist governing the by life political and social of attempts normalization the with unions place via 1982,in institutional from late acts design trade of took legislative accordance factories they competed andsometimes clashed with self-management bodies (Mason1987: 499). 17 1987: 59).Political functions of union the were not regulated (Mason 1987: 491) conditions forfulfilling tasks, introductionof technological innovation development and raising productivity. ofsocio-economic (Kolankiewicz planning of Poland. (Masonthe in 1987: 491) Later regulations organs increasingly state emphasized the the ‘positive’ with task of unions to ‘create the and cooperate and living wages’ and social, conditions of ‘working, spheres cultural the in rights employee of defense and onrepresentation focusing foremost and first members, of their interests related labor the defend to was task real prescribed unions trade The 491). means of production, the leading role of party,the and do of the not interfere in theforeignownership policy of ofsocial (MasonPoland. 1987: principles the recognize to have but they state’ of the organs economic and administrative but also limitations to trade union activities. In this sense it was stated that the new unions are ’independent of the 16 ‘new’, ‘official’ unions which took away also resources of Solidarity 15 political prisoners in 1986, their status remained precarious ofall (Paczkowski release 1998:559).and amnesty, after Even arrest. home under put or jailed, and treason ofstate charged were positions ‘illegally’ (forthe importance of ‘legalism’ see Kolankiewicz 1987). Until 1986, Solidarity activists in1992: 54). leadershipIn 1985, changesharsh to the penal code were instituted against those who attempted to strike ororganize 14 resources. scarce with coping increasing voluntary increased also membershipbasis. assets while at aimed on their They unions hadstartactivities to through resolvingformal organizational issues, butgradually New 1975,Hagemejer1995). rudimentary the bargaining(Ludlow institutions of collective established,activismthrough unionists of devoted andalsoexploit organizers,who knew how to and there second, could union beonly one trade plant workplace. at or Lawunionism: tothe according leadingunions of hadtorecognizethe 1982, of role party,the federations of kinds.various Therewerelimiting two however compromising principles ‘new’ union create andalsoto plant, the from starting unions of types various establish free were to participation’ both for workers, the a radical breakand (Mason anew 1987: 489). start Workers reactivated, CRCZ not was its’While theformer lift. ‘official’ after legalized In terms of resources, at least in the beginning the local new trade unions depended on managers, while in many in while on managers, depended unions trade new local the beginning inthe least at of resources, terms In autonomy of labor terms in concessions both incorporating provisions, of a duality on based was statute new The After1982 Solidarity developed asan underground organization but later also a very hostile attitude towards the The main political aim of post-martial law Poland was ‘eradicationof Solidarity from public life’ (Gebethner New unions typically emerged from scratch. First new plant level were newunions plantFirst from scratch. emerged typically New unions 15 . Trade imagined revitalized unions . Trade for asanewor ‘channel institutional were 17 The problem of resources plagued both operation union and both plagued resources Theproblem of 51 16 14 aunique CEU eTD Collection Alfred Miodowicz counted critically for the authority of the peak level organization. The unions’ its skills chairman of andthe where connections conflict-managing (Kolankiewicz 1987:58-59), divided by a variety of sectoral, occupational, professional but territorial also lines confederation, The from emergedasaloose center. OPZZ the autonomy legal andfinancial level. member principle Therefore had of grassroot embededdness onthe unionsof OPZZ the The OPZZ didnot rule out possibilities of autonomous mobilization (‘solidarity strike’) and the Unions) union, trade butalso toaterritorially union(regionally) model based,trade of Solidarity. CRZZ model pre-1980 the of (Central branch Trade Council union of centralized-bureaucratized its only firstat emergedcongress in 1986.It as federation,a loose both an alternativehighly to union federation, trade solidarity andundermined worker industrialamong sectors branches. further competition such Solidarity, and CRCZ former of assets distribute to how controversy of deal was union While membershipagreat there counted. contest, in(CRCZ and Solidarity): the twotradeunions fortheproperty other the of wasanincreasedcompetition there federations, (Masonand 1987:496-499).On stores levels higherthe of newself-organization, among union non-union purchased members or overallocation fundsfactory andof through goods distributed councils conflictworkers intowith often ran established unions Thenewly ‘self-management’. strained resources of further unions.the They findalso had to theirnewly place instituted under managementthe wasonly secure unpaidto leavebut notpay salaries union of activists, what since voluntarily work would level plant at officers union funds, no were there If investments. waitand had to until tomake weremembership strategic, dues accumulated boosting newattraction Namelystarted members. operation with little unions typically the of resources This union revitalization eventually brought to the establishment of the new peak level peak new the of establishment the to brought eventually revitalization union This the OPZZ. The union was created in 1984 but stabilized itsbutstabilized structures in1984 was created Theunion OPZZ. the 52 CEU eTD Collection sensitive areas of (increasing) working hours, working conditions losing competencies to competencies losing conditions working hours, working of (increasing) sensitive areas of their members. Yet, as a minority fraction they lost unwanted battles of the stronger part in the interests the to according legislature influence wereto representatives Sejm.Union the directly to its own OPZZnominated In 1985the candidates (Kolankiewicz 65). powers consultative 1987: allocation funds)social of yetthey only leavegot paid for activistsmodestly and stronger demanded decision- binding,rather than (e.g.consultative powers concerninghousing andthe modifications, loan and funds holiday economicand other (‘non-political’)issues. In 1985 they (Mason 1987:500).OPZZ its activitystarted lobbyingincreases for in tax-system pensions, increase criticizingeven policies. proposals, governmental new some price and plans economic on consultation interests, affectingworkers’ the matters raise voice inlegislative OPZZ wasto banner normalization of of law post-martial The the regime (Kolankiewicz 1987:153). union prime example of and 'extensive inclusion and strategic exclusion' forcesof of society under the judgeddecisionjudged makerscommunist unacceptable. Commentators OPZZas was the a professional qualifications of employees, raising the productivity level, and supervising safety and hygiene standards hygiene and safety supervising and (Mason1987: 496).level, productivity the raising ofemployees, qualifications professional 18 makers. employees, OPZZ members with the and had cooperate itstypically managementto decision and of voice a in representing be efficient to order In constituency. their of interests bread-and-butter fight for economic growth and productivity butalso against some aspects of reforms hurting authority within union.the aim both exertingof influence overdecision makers, butsimultaneouslyincrease also to his pragmatic the with Politburo the PUWP, the of organ highest the of member became chairman They had to cooperate with both the management and self-management bodies on personnel matters; to raise the raise to matters; personnel on bodies self-management and management the both with cooperate to had They On level the of influencing decisions, OPZZ and its membersinto were put situation to 18 The majority of society saw the new unions as orchestrated, and cooperation with andcooperation orchestrated, as newunions saw the society of Themajority 53 CEU eTD Collection internal organizational choices, militant actions and interaction with the elite. Through process Through elite. the interaction with actions and militant choices, internal organizational (CapaccioKelemen and 2007). Process tracing allows pinpointing and analyzing major events of final compellingproduced the that reconstruction choices keydecisionsoutcome’ the and of connecting with their decisions their and consequences, ultimately offering astylized but actors, key the of positions the traces carefully ‘it structures, not actors, on focuses analysis 2005: 205-232) untiland be aremade, choices ‘sticky’ reversed. Bennett to costly Since the (George wereopen in options several from which a situation starts tracing cases. The selected andcritical juncture’(CapaccioGeorge 1985)inthe Kelemen McKeown 2007, and three of a narrative the in‘structuring of transformation widerthe context I alsoincorporate project the andstatisticaldata methods, andhistorical 1.2.3. Casestudy linesconsolidation and ofinternal on strainedorganizational furtherstructures union resources. competition forcesfrom anti-communist associatedcoming with Solidarity undermined andthe of transformation economic costs the However, organization. emergeas arelevant to strategies concrete OPZZselected in 4,the Chapter As show I will stabilizeits resources. also to unions.increase had The union to its membership basein tobecome order more influential but principle of harmonizing andcoordinating among the interests itsof independentmember organizational.commitmentits proving in The actions, through legitimacy political and social OPZZincrease to had it First, influence. emerged as a tonew typeworker of 1987: 66). (Kolankiewicz overcollectivedisputes agreements organization, or negotiations during strike to right the lost even They bodies. interestsministerial and management but it was built onvis-à-vis the decision makers. The second challenge was Whereas it focuses on peak level unions choices and internal organizational dynamics, in dynamics, organizational andinternal choices onpeaklevel unions focuses itWhereas During transformation, OPZZ the had toresolve adual challenge for ‘authenticity’ and 54 CEU eTD Collection legal regulations or pacts regarding union formation, participation and representation, with with formation, regardingpacts trade participation and representation, or legal union regulations last the and regimes post-socialist the of of consolidation start the as taken elections, multiparty Yugoslavia. Thetemporal end pointof is intensivethe period a nearpoint the dateof second four’ ‘Trial against the April 1988 the on Materials NewDemocraticthe Slovenian werepublished,Constitution and the (SDZS) wasformed 1988,spurring inearly from a strike in metal of workers 1987.In December Alliance of Slovenia Social-Democratic party non-communist first the In Slovenia, republic. Ljubljana, against four Slovenian journalists who published secret documents compromising the Yugoslav military. 19 negotiations Table Round so-called holding the on authorities and communist the Solidarity between an through agreement started 1988, paving political road the to change. In September political 1988the of process transition 1994a), which neoliberal measurestonew along in strikes with lead worker April and protests possible,under but way.Poland,in visit Pope’s In the late 1987set the stagefor change (Kubik only not dramatic are changes that Europe in regimes Eastern other sign certain to first gave the and Poland.In inJanuary 1988, economic (perestroika) restructuring started Union Soviet the elections (1993-4) in republics andlater states successor of Yugoslavia –Serbia and Slovenia, (1988) until institutionalizationmonths roleof labor the of the after secondmultiparty (Stryker 1996). tracing Ibrought inempirical strategicallydata whichallow aconstruction narrativeof causal political coup against Stamboli against coup political federala pro-market seat. InSerbia, government totake byFebruary 1988 Milosevic finishedthe federalYugoslavia. OnDecember firstresigned,communist allowing 30th 1988 the government The process, also known as the Ljubljana trial or JBTZ trial, was a political process held in a military court in court in a military held process political a was trial, JBTZ or trial Ljubljana the as known also process, The In the selected cases, the period of critical juncture includes the last year of year of lastcommunism includes the juncture critical of period the cases, In theselected 19 started the political campaign for secession of from Slovenia of for thepolitical secession campaign started ü , the main executive authority on the level of the socialist the of level the on authority executive main the , . By the end of 1988wide-ranging throughoutBy theend of reforms started 55 CEU eTD Collection Commission for Social and Economic Affairs. Economic and Social for Commission 20 1994 symbolizes this end point -signed inFebruary butwith1993 adopted modification in February the establishment of wasagreedbefore barter endthe a major at of 1993 while elections, multiparty second the after the tripartite body in InSloveniaelections. in few March Law1993 the on union was adopted, months representation April 1994. In Poland few secondmultiparty the after months sanctions, in a decreeon wages duringinternational the Pact on State Enterprisesinstitutionalizedis union- andthegovernment unions. thepactbetween the this point Serbia In situation faceda they organizations, typically autonomous peaklevelunions emergedassufficiently the of loyalty leadershipunion solved organizational inchallenges their for struggle relevance.in Second, case positioning and adaptation newto the environment. specifically, More Iinquirewhatextent to choicedynamics and scope of internal union reforms as away of organizationalbetween empowerment and self- OPZZ follow argument a two-step of peak level union fightfor relevance.I examine First, the partystruggle for relevance and trajectories in Slovenia, Serbia and Poland. The cases of SSS, ZSS and allies in power case affiliates in of OPZZ 1994. advocating strike of education and traffic in1993,alongPoland inMay with no-occurrenceof in protest inworkers April 1991 andthe general unrealized oflatestrike 1992until mid-1993; and the welfare in metal Serbiandominant sectoral in unions of andstrike March textile 1992; the Slovenia of strike general warning the implications: and dynamics cuts, organizational internal the on also andbringing major changesin to – will national governments beclosely sheddinglight examined, especially union congresses as well as events of (or chances for) major union unrest – all established by the Council of Ministers' Resolution No. 7/94 of February, 1994 on the creation of the Tripartite of the creation the on 1994 ofFebruary, 7/94 No. Resolution of Ministers' Council the by established 20 : the second multiparty inIn all : wereheld secondmultiparty 1993. elections the September cases, three The dissertation continues with the three empirical chapters on peak level peak unions’ on chapters empirical with three the continues The dissertation 56 CEU eTD Collection post-socialism. and varioustrade unionson (ideological) reports and attitudes, in in Serbia Poland, Slovenia activism, onworkers’ studies anthropological and sociological economic, historical, available sources, secondary I use period, post-socialist later the For activists. and leaders labor with employer conducted interviews were Additionally, unions. trade andother parties political organizations, authorities, state with negotiations activities, protest and strike from documents union organizations, tradeunion internal congress debates, anddocumentation, reports within trade on changes mostly anddocuments, newspaper articles later, and period 1988-1993 for the data on of publicly analysisavailable The economy the relies etc. changing structure indicators assessment such important of unions’ indicators as trade membership of density; the for used is also data statistical Basic analysis. textual quantitative analysis, content interviews, more of factors favorable contextual (Burgess 2004) andresources. implications of a partisan loyalty. In comparison to the OPZZ, the success of ZSSS was the result was only the ZSSS which was able toinvestin its autonomous voice and itdefectfrom the allies, external of help the with isolation political from out broke and reforms organizational andunderwent ZSS(S) OPZZ both Whereas makers. decision vis-à-vis conformist stance its due to also partly fora‘loyalty-choice’, necessary level autonomy of reach sufficient not did SSS Serbian the that demonstrate I chapters following inthe short, In choices. these of representation rank-and-fileof responsiveness. demanding inquire FinallyI about ‘stickiness’ the The relies project onhistorical methodsof gathering andanalysis: archivalresearch,data 57 CEU eTD Collection first democratic general elections inApril 1990. The ZSSS asa emerged justbefore the moment, calculated a carefully at agenda a distinct with a political organization as itself established ZSSS the Symbolically, bargaining. in engaging and militancy both to prone was that arena political the shaping actively group interest an into itself turn to strategically union opted The arena. political in the activism calculated and capacities organizational sufficient both required outcome this that is argument general My deal. complex a reach to benefits. coalitionof broad the ZSSS a governments, struck complex 1993,securing inlate deal long-term compromise. After a series of grand scale mobilization, turns in negotiations, and continuous rule and it conflict and used escalation combined successfully tactics partisan loyalty.Instead, to becomehostage a to ZSSSrefused The transformation. making policy throughout concrete and struggles in ideological player asignificant was force and social as an active emerged file. The union and rank of the mobilization strategic into invested and organizational practices, self-empowering agenda, established labor recognizable ZSSS developed apublicly in The capable irrespective of social actor, of grand scalemobilization power. governments by1993 itself asapowerful ZSSS leadership, the established its capable political-entrepreneurial (1988-1993)andperiod its importance in shaping union’s the trajectory.post-socialist Guidedby Insider-Outside Problem Chapter 2.Slovenia’s ZSSS:EscalationTactics the and In this chapter I analyze the strategic choices the Slovenian ZSSS in the pattern formation The ZSSS ’ made a risky, yet successful choice to engage in large-scale conflicts in order conflicts inlarge-scale to engage choice madesuccessful yet arisky, 58 political organization CEU eTD Collection deals with the internal organizational reform of ZSS(S) from late self-management until the until self-management late from ZSS(S) of reform organizational internal the with deals series of critical choices has unfolded, and what made these choices possible. The second section 1991-1993. The second and third outlinehow and sections why specificthis self-positioning, asa of union critical thejunction in position peakof its political arenaduring period defined the enterprises. in oriented large,export successful management with coalition in ‘worker-insiders’ of representation interest strong a and co-management, and privatization inclusiveinsider-led was worker thestate in with struggle interestrepresentation worker allies, surpassing often important elementdivisions.partisan Anadditional behind effective several left orcenter-left parties and enabled of a strategic entry the search for temporary allowed and long term representation proportional with system multi-party effective the Moreover, preserve autonomy from party influence through its own regulations on links to political parties. to ZSSSsought partisan strong alliances, itnecessitated Although international andrecognition. coalitionbroad during support independence requiredthat forgovernments union thestruggle politics intensively and made use ofstemming from opportunity structures ofvariousweaknesses in activeinstitutions part creating new action.followed union Inaddition,governing ZSSS the influenceindustrial inincreasingly into making,andtook strikes action,engaged decision order manifold.were late ZSSSthe self-managementits From for developed capacities organizing prerequisites andrepresentational political organizational The was tactics escalation possible. tactics’. ‘escalation situations critical in negotiations and militancy both using strategy of ‘patterned’ union’s I call influence.the andexert negotiate to always prepared and action collective for mobilizing weaponry, political its using consciously excellence, par What follows is structured in the following way. The next section describes how the how describes section next The way. following inthe is structured follows What union’s howthe strategy,from Ishow Apart of formation union’s the describing 59 CEU eTD Collection until until The then quiescentquite union ZSSS. demanded aredrafting law with the of union tactics of escalation pattern successful 2. 1.The morehave a fundamental they established ability to newer againswiftly once changes?adapt to union now strictly follow its organizational practices established in criticalthe junction or period, Inwhatsenseenvironment. can stickiness inwe talkWill behavior? about establishedunion the changed substantially a then was what in period junction critical in the established ZSSS of changes neverthelessinteresting about question an pose the stickiness of successful the practices ‘capitalist’ EUinduced economy financial These and increasingly deregulated deregulation. of crisis the Slovenia’s linkedto is closely which cleavage first insider-outsider the to is related crisis union current the that I argue 2004, someaccession. after lost ground Although unionism union for principlesits commitment uniontrajectory after to program EU original of even along its trajectory until the recent global economic crisis. It also looks at the implications of new, popular and effective leader. The final section ZSSS with anddeals finalsection leader.The new, effective popular a of election and practices organizational new inclusive and alliances; political for alternatives of array an and autonomy union relative for allowing elite political adivided self-management; from beneficial evolution ofinstitutions legislation action thegradual union governing during large a sizeandmobilization potentials; and membership strategy militantand choice: assertive allowed a (Burgess2004)which factors four the describes section itsThe thirdand constituency. issues for of union privatization andmanagementwere central the insider-led leadership concern organizational the organizationco- thenew andadapted deficits stress Ialso that to environment. concrete overcame union the that I show late 1991. of consolidation organizational In August1991, draftthe law on privatization firststir was the to from a major protest an 60 ‘ sticky ’ behavioral behavioral features CEU eTD Collection September 14 1991; Delo 1991, ‘Veliki socialni pretresi so pred vrati’ August 8 1991 Majda Stuc ‘Sindikat zavraca predlog o lastninjenju’ breposlene?’ 22 sanctions Slovenia,on arguing successfully it that would harmworkers. 21 made furious. the union While ZSSS time italso invited unions trade tosign a social pact. The unilaterally incomedefined policies same the At remuneration. with dealing agreement thecollective of main clauses the annulled awagefreeze, introduced Slovenian which newly coalition independent state the of government anti-communist centrist, the January 1992, In macroeconomic stabilization. pretext of the co-management. and insurance health disability, and pensions security, social international ZSSS the recognition, wasintensively lobbying for theintroduction lawsof on 1991. toaSloveniancontributed from exemption sanctions from in European the Community late mountingthe insecurity international independentof newly the state of Slovenia, ZSSS’ activity metal the industry. of Simultaneously, the process disintegration the during andYugoslavia of in especially protests, worker with together occurring also followed, this time criticismsharsher even September andcapital. In labor between agreement social the of piece as afundamental lawonprivatization shouldthe before a lawcome arguedthat onco-determination furthermore ZSSS foreigners.The to discount prices at it asale enabled butthat interests, national protectinglaw Slovenian not draftthe the was ZSSSpolitical the arguedthat elite disagreement, tolobby law. the inorder and organizedagainst participation Building aunion on conference onto a social pact as a necessary part of of Slovenia part necessary as a pact a social onto . Vinko Vasle ‘Sindikati jezni na vlado, ker hoce zamrzniti place’ zamrzniti hoce ker vlado, na jezni ‘Sindikati Vasle Vinko . InNovember 1991, the ZSSS contacted unions in other EC states to press their owngovernments in lifting August 27 1991; ‘Veliki socialni pretresi so pred vrati’ August 81991; ‘Trd boj zaprivatizacijo’ 21 Using the fact that the political elite needed and rewarded union cooperation for securing cooperation union andneeded rewarded elite political the that fact Usingthe The issue a second which reaction fromprovoked incomes union the was policy, under Delo August 13 1991; Gordana Pipan ‘ZSSS ocita drzavi, da je pozabila na delavce’ Rajko Lesjak ‘Crni Peter(le)!’ ’ chairman welcomed the government’s signwillingness to Delo 61 September17 1991 ’ s development, he refused to sign it on the Delo August 31991; ‘Vladapozablja na 22 Delo Delo August 7 CEU eTD Collection 28 March 3 1992. 27 vlade: najprej opozorilna stavka’ 26 Jelena Gacesa ‘Nasilje nad sindikati’ 25 at constitutional unemployed the court against appealed wereeven 24 exchanges and consultations with leadersunion followed up in closed meetings. battles. of aseries itfacing was still strength, and identity moral its boosted which battle major a won had union the although However, equally importantly,it as union the interest established a powerful groupin political the arena. inThe strike March1992(Kavcic 2002). both proved ZSSS’concertation the capacities and, from support the massive parties, mainopposition the of a successful and strike warninggeneral strike February announced awarninggeneral 1992 theZSSS interests. worker asagainst policies governmental criticize chairman his skillfully used appearances,public toenterprises visits andpress conferencesto undertook risksthe andburdens of militantstarting aconflictwith government.the The union even toenter refused intonegotiations with the The government. union leadership fully government was desperate to negotiate acompromise was desperate to government request that law the on co-management should takepriority law over the on privatization. The the thecollectivebe berescinded, andrepeated that respected, wagefreeze demands agreement 23 of poverty cost the at Slovenia accept building the not union [ could the that simple principle Jelena Gacesa ‘Place, cene, socialni pakt’ socialni cene, ‘Place, Gacesa Jelena Tonja Slokar ‘Jezni sindikati, izgubljena vlada’ izgubljena sindikati, ‘Jezni Slokar Tonja ZSSS did not invite other trade unions to participate in the deliberation. Jelena Gacesa ‘Odgovor na oglusenost na ‘Odgovor Gacesa Jelena deliberation. the in participate to unions trade other invite not did ZSSS Majda Vukelic ‘Sta sklepa o zvisanju nadomestil nezakonita?’ nadomestil ozvisanju sklepa ‘Sta Vukelic Majda Ibid, see also Vlasta Felc ‘Pot do soupravljanja v podjetjih bo dolga’ Polona Malovrh: Cim vec indikatov v republiko skupcino’ vrepubliko indikatov vec Cim Malovrh: Polona After the strike, the parliament put the wagefreeze the put parliament the strike, After the Delo Delo ’ February 25 1992. 23 . The ZSSS not only refused to sign: due to the late notice, it February 4 1992. Delo March 25 1992. Delo 62 February 29 1992, Tonja Slokar ‘Bo vlada rezala place’ Delo Delo 27 but could notavoid ZSSS’ launch, with January 14 1992. March 31992. Delo 24 26 Decrees harming workers andthe workers Decreesharming . The strike threat repeated earlier repeated threat strike . The January 28 1992. graditi ad acta 25 . At a press conference in . Atapressconference ] of the of ] . Moreover, intensive ‘ development of 28 Negotiations Delo CEU eTD Collection ZLSS gained control of the Ministry of Labor and Social Policy. Social and Labor of Ministry the of control gained ZLSS the Within coalition government, newbroad SDP.the underthe leadership of Slovenije), established Listof ZLSS United the the Social Democrats, (ZdruzenaListaSocialdemokratov 30 29 its active dueto participation. capacities its increase and in authority gain to able was ZSSS the policy, social centralizing and instituting on coalition partner party ally its closely with Cooperating 1993). centralization (Svetlik independencestate but necessitated local andenterprises, to was fragmented self-governments wereagreed. elections next the until was elected (LDS) Party Democratic Liberal April fell government1992, the An interimapart. led government, by pragmatist-centristthe lastlongdid not further disagreements since thegoverningwithin intensified, coalition andin Slovenia - of Renewal Democratic SDP(Social the communists, of Slovenian the main successor largest the electoral party loose other Workers’ a with allied union,Party, established the the coalition with the turn, In representation. parliamentary for threshold the pass not did Party Socialist the union, union. the out-maneuvering thus newbefore the elections, the lawshortly adopted parliament the However, Privatization. Lawon of the adoption the acall off torecommend in order aconference organized 1992, union the socialAugust and welfare.In affecting policies to collective agreements it came when especially continued, parties and ruling the interim government with the conflicts Elections were planned to for autumn, but as it turned out, were not held until December 1992. December ‘Zgodovina’ until held not were out, turned it as but autumn, for to planned were Elections At the preliminary parliamentary elections in late 1992, one of the main party allies of the Socialdemokratska prenova Socialni Demokrati http://www.socialnidemokrati.si/predstavitev/zgodovina/ ). In May 1993 the parties especially close to the ZSSS 63 30 Before 1991, social social Beforepolicy 1991, 29 ZSSS CEU eTD Collection privatized from 20% to 50%. The ZSSS accepted the privatization offer and these amendments and these offer privatization the 50%. TheZSSS accepted 20% to privatized from increasedminister discount buying for thebe proposed workers sharesof to companies inManagementadopted in period,this negotiations but with leadership, union the the prime Co- Workers only was aLawon inNot 1993. JuneandJuly deals occurred Crucial concession to participate on talks on social partnership. Long meetings and intense negotiations followed negotiations intense and meetings Long partnership. social on talks on participate to of representativeness. criteria met the Representativenessthe of Unions. ThelawTrade high granted status to peaklevel unions that government– which itdid, but this hadlittle effect: thelaw was notrevoked. protestmeasure, tothe lobbiedin theZSSS ETUCto protest frontof parliament.the Asalast couldbut with freeze newrespond vote only prevent law, ZSSScoulda repeat on wage not Yet, http://nov.racunovodja.com/STA/Novica.aspx?id=652 33 Vodovnik (1999: 307). 32 various on parliament the to submit and matters. opinions separate formulate could it In addition promulgation. its before constituents.Its main powerlay in putting a temporary veto onlegislation, making the parliament reconsider alaw 31 Council the State parliament, the chamber to corporatist second of veto the a backed union parliament, the the freezingon proposed an wages to government act In March the 1993, when both ‘left’ ‘reformed communist’ socialist or and‘right’ leaning ‘anti-communist’ governments. the union had signed with the Chamber of Economy. The union then proved that it was critical of that sector non-public for the agreement collective general the and even overruled union pressure resisted government left-center new The income policies. over especially continued conflicts See e.g. 'Nov krog pogajanj med vlado in sindikati' STA April 21. 1993 accessed at See unions. ‘representative’ newly to property own to right and personality legal recognized also law The territorial local as well as churches farmers, employers, unions, of representatives gathered Council State The As a concession, union the gained bysecuringits new official position a Lawthrough on After a new, broad coalition government led coalitionAfter LDS anew,broad bythe inearly wasformed government 1993, 32 The government also invited unions also other the ZSSSand Thegovernment 64 33 31 . . CEU eTD Collection organizational reform from December 1987 and early autumn 1991, which helped the union theunion to from 1991, whichhelped 1987andautumn early organizational reform December and internal athorough Federation Unions completed of Trade started Slovenia) of 34 1989, Cimesa 1989), whatempowerment was andself- as adaptation reform success: of cause internal 2.2. The at the time called union itselfreformed and adapted new,to the changing environment. the ZSS howthe describe section, next I In the mattered. of union the capacities organizational internal and & Krasovec policy economic 2008). (Stanojevic of social aspects important onthe most agreements social of wasincharge reaching The latter Council. and Economic body Social the called a tripartite also established agreement historical incomes policy in the competitive sphere, a definitionunemploymentinsurance, and pension and disability risk insurance (Vodovnik 1999:310). of tariffs, and union funds andseats inthe guaranteed governing supervisory para-state insurance,health of wage restraint, intensified.in a hadthe security, theof social place TheZSSSwasgranted system through coalition the within conflicts internal when government, coalition for the time a critical cameat tobeincompletepartnership and for further negotiations. called to the law werein passedin parliamentthe Still,June judged1993. ZSSS the on social document As it will be outlined in more detail later, the ZSS changed its name to ZSSS inApril 1990. Similar to other unions’ work in unions’other Similar YugoslaviaMircev to work 1989, during the 1980s(Pavlovic is that answer the of part One ZSSS? the of achievement significant this explains What The formal agreement wassigned only inApril 1994. Along with an agreement on Theacceptance on social anew 1993 ZSSSaccepted partnership. In late proposal the 65 34 ( Zveza SindikatovSlovenije – CEU eTD Collection structure, reestablishing the peak level union as a confederation of branch nationally levelorganized aconfederation of reestablishingas theunion peak structure, At ZSSSchangedits the 1990congress, internal the organizational empowerment. organizational mutual for andmember level unions plant territorial links between peak andunion the andredesigning practices new organizational introduction of organizational through capacities democracy and changed institutional setup. parliamentary of in conditions elite political over influence exerting of mechanisms new found ZSSS ( After the announcement oflabor the multipartyand which were elections to govern influenceZSS exerted in institutions design the of crucial which defined the new position of of tradeApril The union policy. 1990,economic over influence action exerting the successfully and system, union, economic the in after changes bythe then end renamedof socialist issues lobbyingof on activity statements, programmatic critical publication through the of self-management. one hand,in lastthe days of self-management the union gained autonomyfrom makers decision ingoal for was a claimingof newarena. legitimacy the representation necessary condition latter The file. rank-and the and unions level lower both among footing firmer a establish to was its own autonomy and find its institutionalized vis-à-vis voice the elite.political The second task makersdecision claiming governto in name the of workingthe class,which buildallowed itto from distance itself ZSSwas to the First, of workers. interests the representing organization union of the and intermediary reform organizational autonomous re-establishment the as successful for were crucial complex tasks Two deficits. organizational its specific overcome Zveza Svobodnih SindikatovSlovenije As for the second task of internal reform, the peak level union strengthened its strengthened union peaklevel internal As for second task of the the reform, On the steps. of in concrete a series normative wereachieved goals abstract These two –the Federation Freeof Trade Unions of Slovenia) 66 CEU eTD Collection management self-of economy amarket areaffirmation with state: (federal)limited the for a more role introduction the self-management,democracy Itsupported market. andanda market economy of valuesof on the stressing changes, grand systematic formulated statements programmatic ZSS Yugoslav and deteriorating Slovenian makers aboutthe decision security social The workers. of worsening crisisand increasing economic an frequency of the strikes, union warned the 36 35 authorities against federal theZSSexecutives, and its member union organizations raised their budgetindustrial whichconstrainedIn line production. with criticisms the of Slovenian the provide them with protection of andunsatisfiedoffertheir rights, to answers workers. crisis in form the of policies wouldimprove that the economic andsocial position of workers, republic of Slovenia. letter open to the public,ineconomic whichit the politicalsituationincriticized and the socialist For the first time, issued first leadership the an time, voicein union for the December1987.Inraisingits appeared the ZSS demanded from authoritiessocialism thelastyearsofself-management Accelerated reform during 2.2.1. a reaction to the in were introduced allowing organizational the inclusiveness.structure more crisisthe by mid-1991, waseventually whenanewresolved leaderwaselectedand changes Internally, crisis. legitimacy its completely overcome not had union the factthat the to attention democratic anti-communist elections 1990 inbroad victory April and the of a coalition,drew the achievements, major several had reform the Although rank-and-file. the with links direct of creation the into resources and energy increasing invested ZSSS the on, then From unions. ‘Zahteve delavcev so nedvoumne: sindikat naj bo njihova organizacija’ bonjihova naj sindikat nedvoumne: so delavcev ‘Zahteve ZSSS ‘Porocilo o delu RS ZSS in njegovih organiv med 11. in12. kongresom ZSS’ Ljubljana 1990, p3 The first sign of the ZSS giving up its ‘official’ subordinated role to the communist elite communist the to role subordinated ‘official’ its up giving ZSS the of sign first The . 36 In practical lobbied terms, the union againsta restrictive federaldebtservicing 67 Delo June 25 1988 35 Amidst CEU eTD Collection 363). 1995a: jobsincomes (Woodward andincreasingly, worker alsoaffected enterprises which 1990, ZSSS left the Federation of Yugoslav Trade Unions (SSJ). with ‘bureaucratized’ unions in Yugoslavia. When the independence drive of Slovenia reached itsclimax in autumn of official former Lukovic, Slavoljub Yugoslavthe trade with union federation, Belgrade October interview 26 2007) At the congress(Author’s in 1990, ZSSS declared unions. a break Slovenian and Serbian between quarrels in mirrored thus were leadership Serbian and Slovenian between cleavage The ethnicity. ofSerbian workers protecting pacification of it. From 1990, ZSS found unacceptable the Serbian union’s unilateral activity in Croatia, in 39 from Ukraine (USSR). unions in Italy,Germany, Austria and with Spain, but kept cooperating cooperation also withHungarian active unions more as wellstarted asunions ZSS integration, of European need the for leadership communist Slovenian 38 wages, employment and investment. elite used bothconservative ideas (nation, self-determination) and formulated concrete economic policiesunderdeveloped interms andrepublics regions of South. Acoalitionof the uniting alllabor, management the communist and nationalist grounds: it was argued thus capitalthat was more productivecultural, North inthe thanin the increasingly ‘passive’on productivity capital of discourse the used representatives Slovenian Moreover, incomes. setting and investments allocating in authorities central than efficient more were enterprises managing the ground of protectionlaunched against (IMF‘imposed’!)Yugoslav federal authorities’of centralizationattempts over money credit,rights and on of ‘successful’ enterprises37 as ‘property owners’. Namely, it was argued that self- voice against respect of human rights as a necessary condition for European integration. for European condition asanecessary human of rights respect (SZDL),the ZSScalled organization socialparty socialist umbrella recognized of forgroups againstfederal As vote Slovenian the a partof the government. no-confidence unprecedented whichin harmonywas of with decisions Leaguethe of Communists, anddeclared to areturn the union presidency implementation tostop decided its of program atitsadopted 1986congress, of and Atworkers state. the welfarethemeeting of extendedcouncilinJunethe union 1988,the important was the strong advocacy of the setting ofminimum wage as the basis of social security most the its which of activity,among substance as theaims andorganizational principles was becometo interest anautonomous organization of As formulatedworkers. newsuch, it The quarrel counterparts. intensified during 1990. union with Serbian their andconflicts inheated quarrels stanceunions putSlovenian latter the Thestrike of Albanian miners in Kosovo in February 1989 was discussed,along with the consequent violent demokratije' 'Uznemiravanje V.Zagorac Woodward (1995a) highlights that the original attack of the late Sloveniancommunist elite the in late 1980s was 37 Ina meeting of unions, Yugoslav trade Slovenian the union an initiated trade In the democratizing political In economy, self-definedpolitical opening democratizingtask the arena and union’s the the federal taxation of the market profits of (‘successful’, export oriented) Vecernje Novosti 68 39 October5 1988. Following suit with the call of 38 The implication of CEU eTD Collection and employees.and employers between the relations regulating institution fundamental for agreements and bargaining collective made federal Law on Employment (‘Zakon o temeljnih pravicah iz delovnega razmerja’ delovnega iz pravicah o temeljnih (‘Zakon Employment on Law federal 41 40 rolein thesociety. adifferent function and of union the representative interest ‘classic’ self-management, understood as democratic supervision of processes of governance in of the as processes governance of democratic supervision understood self-management, socialistinself-management 1989,the ZSS further tothe developmentof committed remained of end formal the after even Nevertheless, contracts. employment and incomes over bargaining collective unionism: intermediary of function classic the to returned union the capitalism, its for guarantees operation regulations for union inoperation emergingthe new setting, and soughtconstitutional and legal workers. of defineinterests itself the September anautonomous 1989toorganization representing as of Constitution Slovenian the to amendments and project ‘state-building’ Slovenian the discussion. for members union local to out sent were principles formulated The inflation. with cope to had also and prices liberalized newly against be set to were Minimum wages family. his/her and a worker level of maintenance the secure to wage minimum a of introduction the importantly most standards, minimum depend having on additional to assistance. In social practical policy the terms, called for workers possibility the active of The ZSSrejected vehemently families was andwork. their emergence of a class of working poor. In this formulation, the basis of social security of workingprotection intereststhe of of a dignified class,andagainst allowing active the of for workers formulated The a wereprinciple ZSS council social underattack. was therefore and rights rising session also suggested a new principle of unions’ work for aperiod in which economic insecurity The ZSS contributed to the draft of the Law onEnterprises, later adopted with the consent of the union. The ‘Zahteve delavcev sonedvoumne’ delavcev ‘Zahteve The union used inclusion opportunities the stemming from social of into organizations As such, the ZSS not only lobbied for but actively participated in formulating beneficial formulating in participated actively but for lobbied only not ZSS the As such, 41 Delo . As an interest group of workers under newly set rules of June 25 1988; Pavle Vrhovec (2010). 69 Off. bull. SFRJ , no. 60/1989) 40 The CEU eTD Collection 43 1980s. the during increased of strikes size the and number the Both councils. work sometimes, and cells union trade local 42 reforms. alone carry workers that conditions of underthejustification wage freezes, cannot of burden the in legitimate fully as leadership strikes defined in ZSS earlier early 1988, the to practice, contrast In involvement. union without strikes of rise the and self-management of crisis the was conflict. and massive chaotic increasingly an into order bring to in order strikes of institutionalization and legalization for called union the arena, thepolitical of liberalization on-going of the advantage the Taking strikes. consent. union’s the with Employment on Law the adopted late in institution In Marchthe Slovenia. of bargaining Slovenian collective 1990, the assembly councilwork vis-à-vis management. The ZSS worked hard tocreate conditionsthe tointroduce the over influence for fight in the experience own its on also relying model, co-management style ZSSS soughttheincorporation organized laboratthe of enterprise levelfollowing the German- insteadrepresentativesself-management, the Later, andpublic inenterprises establishments. of economy and society, with institutionalized consultative and supervisory powers for employee proposal: a document on institutionalization and regulation of strikes, named ‘Rulebook of In forJanuary aconcrete making workers. decision upwith union the came power 1988 asan only social more forexpression higherwages,but for of asademand dissatisfaction also strikes. of institution the implementing and in drafting role central a played ZSS the action, worker industrial collective legitimate in designing hand afree won their worker friendly regulation and seek union inclusion during collective action. Since 'Slovenia is for strikes unless incomes law changed' law incomes unless strikes for is 'Slovenia Up until 1988 A radical novelty from the practice during self-management was the ZSS’s position on position ZSS’s the was self-management during practice the from novelty A radical 43 The union committed itself to firmly The itself union committed continuously monitor to to strikes,contribute and , the bulk of strikes in 1980s surfaced as wild cat collective actions of workers and criticisms of 42 A trigger to the organizational reform of the ZSS Tanjug 70 (in English) September6 1988. The union defined strikes not ithad CEU eTD Collection president of NSS, Ljubljana January 24 2007 and Ptuj Plohl July 23 2009;Rastko see with also: interviews Author’s workers. angry the among well received not was representatives elect workers in Maribor, in the company to address came of Ravnik the Miha Slovenian chairman, ZSS deputy-prime conflict, minister. ofthe His culmination call the to During resolve conflicts constructively. act to locally unable and at its peak. Strikers formulated harshcriticisms against ‘the union bureaucracy’ while union representatives 1988June in thesecond were largest Slovenian townof Maribor. strikeThe involved morethan 10,000 industrial workers 48 47 Vladimir Arzemšek autonomy of strike committees as opposed to conservative union positions. Stavkovna pravila in neodvisni sindikati’ 46 45 circumstances of crisis the union was under immense pressure to act, yet, due to lack of trust, it lack trust, of due to act, yet, to immense pressure under was union the of crisis circumstances In conflict. of in a situation caught were and strike dynamics about little they knew that admitted plant that based enjoyed hadnot unions enoughauthority Plantlevelamong workers. unionists 44 meaningfullate for participation. too anditwas strikeorganized wasalready situations ofindustrial levelconflict plant since unions seek tended inclusion to only when a for empower cells andactivists union to inclusion.secure timelyunion sought thus The to union Strikes’. communication communication and in avoiding largerscaleindustrial conflict in worker-management terms of assatisfactory of of judgedStrikes’ results ‘Rulebook the criticism, involvement.union allowing also forstrikes without 1988,Yugoslavia. Throughout the proposal in was tried out practice, andmodified in the faceof way themostdisciplining ‘radical’ demands. inclusion in asimportant formulatingwas conceptualized realistic demandsof thus in strikers, a also inclusionrulebook proposed councilof union intoand members work the body. Union the but committee, strike a elect independently to right the had Strikers involvement. union with The decisive but constructive blow to the ‘given’ authority of ZSS happened during the long and massive strike in strike massive and long the during happened ZSS of authority ‘given’ the to blow constructive but decisive The Author’s interview with Miha Ravnik former ZSSS chair Nova Gorica, January 25 2007. 'Kritika na racun scenarija' Forcritical evaluationsee e.g. Tonci Kuzmanic ;Strajk kot opozicija’ In original ‘Stavkovna pravila. See’'Sindikat i organizator i vodja' organizator i See’'Sindikat pravila. ‘Stavkovna original In The ZSS also advocated a rule that would oblige early announcement of a of in strikes rule early would order The ZSSannouncement advocated oblige that also First the rulebook was submitted for public discussion, not only in Slovenia but in was forbut rulebook notFirst only in the submitted publicdiscussion, all Slovenia of 44 The Rulebook attempted to reconcile the autonomy of strikers and the right to strike to right the and strikers of autonomy the reconcile to attempted Rulebook The Mladina Borba 88/11 p 32-33. April 14 1988. Some intellectuals criticized the union and argued for the 45 71 Borba Mladina 47 January 20 1988. . 46 Katedra In the end, the union leaders 1988, no 4. no 1988, October1 1988. 48 ZSS leaders felt ZSS CEU eTD Collection November 1998. svobodnih Sindikatov Slovenije: 52 51 with the charge of unprofessionalism.activities and raised problemsthe insufficientinformation of sharing among the leadership, along As a response to internal criticism,maintenance, inclusionthe and empowerment. peak level union which needed nevertheless anetwork unions, emerging trade ‘alternative’ to advantage was acomparative of trustees and unions network its encompassing that recognized leadership union the its tosecurecredibility union for newidentity.practices the under Moreover, new organizational ZSS leadership introduced the representation, filerank collective and and the ‘return’ slogan to internal union’s the consolidation.of undera organizational Inaddition, especially in industry. from less were pronounced, 1990, defeatsworkers striking union cells and publiccriticisms of 50 49 strikers.nolegal,leveled their deemed sanctions would be and actions such against were regulation. strike on final text the adopted following January characteristic early union inthe 1989, the union years.In the of answer became during a industrial strikes of paidfeature sideswith lowest workers taking the livingstandards.This werebelow minimum wages wage increase whose those among only strike forto In the level social demandsfor representativeMaribor turn, rights. supported union strikes ofindustrial inworkers Maribor weretermed, the ZSS council publicly defended the right workers. with communicate to difficult was Author’s interview with Miha Ravnik, former ZSS and first ZSSS chairman, Nova Gorica See also: Zveza 'Manje strajkova - vise ucesnika' vise - strajkova 'Manje 'Strajk nije vanredno stanje' vanredno nije 'Strajk 'Bez autoriteta' Vjesnik February 7 1989. At Junethe 1988ZSScouncil representatives meeting, were of union own critical was thefirstindustrial in regulation Tackling big step and resolution conflict union’s the Borba Porocilo odelu ZSSS in njenih organov med 2. In 3. Kongresom. Ljubljana, Borba January 6 1989. February 7 1989. 52 50 The cost of strikes would not be paid by strikers if by strikers be paid not would strikes of Thecost 72 49 After the Slovenian ‘hot summer’, as the large as the summer’, ‘hot After theSlovenian 51 By CEU eTD Collection Branimir Nesovic ‘Sindikat je za trg, ne za posege drzave’ posege za ne trg, je za ‘Sindikat Nesovic Branimir 57 Gradnjah pred stavko’ March 13 1992; ‘Sindikalni posvet se je sprevrgel v protest’ 1992; Joze Pojbic ‘Sindikati: Subjektivne napake krive za tezave’ jim plac ne povecajo’ direktorjem’ z strinjano sene Avtoradgone ‘Delavci Pojbic April 251990; IztokUmer ‘Ladjedelci pretrgali stavko,podaljsali seznam a zahtev’ representative organizationaland function. See: Lado Struznik ‘Tekstilci incevlarji se pripravljajo stavko’na Latest from 1990, unioncells increasingly sided with protesting and striking laborand developedboth a 56 55 motivation low for work.increasingly their See and e.g.workers, Vlado industrial Podgorsek for consequences its ‘Voljeand do dela ofenterprises jeproblems vedno financial manj’ the vacuum, 54 March 14 1989 53 of cells. action union the organization of collective unions supported legislative in changes. public discussion on actively in the public, participate to organizations union asignificantIt notonly member degree of activists. granted autonomy to union innetwork of invest carefully the ZSSScontinuedand develop the to Later, public appearances. effectivemaking in offered advice cells union and of reorganization the union also supported unionsbargainingnew regulations. peak The of skillsandtrade in collective knowledge of terms member trustees, union and officials whichback brought the rights of capital, ZSSorganized and seminars educational for workshops forfile. 1988, legal inlate After rankonEnterprises the the advice and adoption of Law the member and for unions services for organizational providing develop capacities to was pushed and initiatives that triggered reorganizational processes and sped up renewal of complex the andspedof processes uprenewal triggered that andinitiatives reorganizational organizations. based member branch an of association launchinginformation, legal training seminarsand offering advice. set upmechanisms empowerunions local trade to member bydisseminating relevant The meeting of the union council received an extensive report, first page article in the dominant daily. See: daily. dominant the in article page first report, extensive an received council union ofthe meeting The The contrast between union involvement in strikes in late 1980s and especially those in 1991-92 period is major. See e.g. Majda Stuc ‘Sindikat zavraca predlog o lastninjenju’ Already 1988,in plant level unionactivists were able to raise theirvoice against the unbearable institutional organizacije’ svoje identitete ‘Iskanje Vrhovec Branko seminar educative onan areport Seee.g. In 1988, an internal debate also started onthe level internalIn into debatealso ofthe started reorganization peak1988, an union Delo April 251991; Janez Petkovsek ‘Delavci Gradenj groze zstavko’ iz 53 aimed at building capacity among local and branch based branch and local among capacity building at aimed 55 The ZSS and its emerging branch and sector based sector and branch emerging its and ZSS The 73 Delo 54 Delo but they were also encouraged to participate to encouraged they butwere also June 25 1988 25 June Delo 57 April16 1991; Slavko Dokl bodo, ‘Stavkali dok The leadershipZSS prepareddocuments August 27 1991. Delo February 11 1992; Janez Petkovsek ‘V Delo 56 Delo June 21 1988. The peak level union also Delo February 7 1992. February 8 1991;Joze Nasa komuna Delo January January 28 Delo CEU eTD Collection 59 B. Poklic ‘Sindikat ne bo puscal delavcev v stiski’ ZSS poziva republiki svet naj nemudoma ukrepa’ September22 1988 Javna tribuna, letnik 27, številka 289.; Milena 58 principles of inunionism the new political arena and instituting organizational modernization. The congress renewalof wasconsciously designed as ina breakthrough both redefining the subordination. political from break a radical as also respects in some but legacies organizational envisioned union in work newenvironmentthe as both a continuation someof positive positioning self- and political as thepeakofreform 2.2.2. Thecongressof1990 forprequalification members union andmeasures. other local active for socialwith bureaus cooperation in policies education andsecuring successfully suggested furtherfunctions social and of solidaristic Some sought unions unions. feesmembershipnewly toprovide aidto members of unemployed Local unions. unions supported ZSSinitiativethe establish to local solidarity fundsfrom a portion union of the basis of anddefining protecting active laborreceived positive feedback. Local alsounions reform. internal to contributed thus and in discussions, participated actively funds.unions Local solidarity creation union of the and initiatives wage minimum included discussion wider for forth put topics example, For work. andtheprinciplesof internal reforms union courseof councilsunion and plantson the anewmechanism forfrom territorial introduced leadership The feedback particular interests. own to according activities anddevelop establish organizations hadto unions theautonomy based branch founded newly that meant This unions. based branch of autonomy the increasing union confederation. TheZSSalso internal changed own its by organization establishing and renamed ZSSS: the new name also included the attribute ‘Free’ ( Ibid. See: Martina Kralj ‘O delu obcinkega sindikalnega sveta’ sindikalnega obcinkega ‘O delu Kralj Martina See: The 12 th congress ZSS was at the same time the founding congress of the reorganized and 58 The ZSS’ suggestion on the principle of minimum wage as the as wage minimum of principle the on suggestion ZSS’ The Novi tednik 74 Glasilo ob [Celje] 59 . June23 1988. (42) no 25. þ anov (Litija). 1988. No. 10. ‘Obcinski svet Svobodni ). Delegates ). CEU eTD Collection unions left the confederation, in aspredominantly unions confederation,the peaklevelunion leftthe was reestablished practice based been in system. had that organizations dominant theprevious some publicsector Since The based statutebranch dividedsectors. includedin adopted unions two territorial also the 19 alliance of an aconfederation, as redefined ZSSSwas The internal process. reform intensive transform the union intoa social force which governments and parties could not ignore. influence was tomonitor the work of parties and demand responsiveness. Crucial was to relevantpolitical throughunionparties members within parties. An those additional of element to secureadirectvoiceinfluence Indirectly, union inmatters. to the trying considered economic thus was aim the bargaining collective of institutions the Through legislation. on influence exert bills laws parliament, butif and tothe necessary organize inalso to strikes and to protests order propose therightto was touse concept program. with union the The inaccordance lobby parties Economy. of Chamber andthe government –the thesocial partners of representatives congress, but invited the were to 61 shoditi’ hoce ‘Sindikat Gacesa see Jelena congress Onthe organization. representative 60 elections. of the outcome the of makingirrespective policy influence andto influencecompetition the electoral both agenda to adistinct formulated parties, ZSSS the for crisis the (ZSSS 1990a:3).Asapolitical interest organization,from independent political from responsibility a distance the union declared past, the of apractice Ending policies. welfare arena interestinfluencing asanautonomous group of aimingworkers at making decision on democratic general elections of April 1990. The union defined its new in position political the Miha Ravnik Miha ‘Ne bomo pristali na ponizujoco ceno dela’ in ZSSS (1990a:10). interest and organization employer both as membership compulsory with running was of Economy Chamber The The congress was organizationally well prepared, and designed as the culmination of an of and astheculmination designed wellprepared, The congresswasorganizationally The launched timing: its justbefore calculated union first the with congress carefully 60 The ZSSS chose not to compete directly in elections, but to actively 75 Indeed, Delo April 7 1990. no political parties political no 61 CEU eTD Collection parliamentary democracy, rule of law, welfare state principles, a market economy with a tight with economy market a principles, state law, welfare of rule democracy, parliamentary formulated the social broader for,and valuesthe union political suchstood as participatory and as employmentgenerating developmentplans onthe republic level(ZSSS 1990a:3-5). a chain Thebankruptcy of union procedures. also demanded lower taxes on enterprises, aswell allow for subsistence of workers and their families, and called for policies that would to stave off maintainbargained The minimum adevelopedstate. welfare ZSSS thusfor wouldwage that enhancingjobs,employment andopportunities andretaining preserving the dignity work of focus on was to that forth a clear agenda labor put thus Theunion (ZSSSvice 1990a:3). versa’ political unions, independent noeconomic democracy aswell trade as and democracy without and autonomous without economy market real is no ‘There arena: in the union the of positioning aptly challenges thewasfacingdefined the dramatic anewprogrammatic and union self- rank andfile and needthe increase to union responsiveness, the chairman ZSSS,of Miha Ravnik immenseinimplement program the from concreteaction.engage Stressing the and pressure into capacities increasingfurtherrecognized thenecessity organizational order internal of moreover leadership ZSSS The formulated. was implementation for goals programmatic with endthe and of ruleself-management communist (ZSSS1990c).Accordingly, asetof facing was union the deficit legitimacy the overcome to way best the as changes political and large scaleeconomic of challenges the confronting adaptation directly and involvement, active of the results of its two years’levels. branch and sectoral the on also bargaining in collective work.engagement Union delegates allowed industrial Thebranch-based reorganization branches. oriented a confederation export of agreed on the principle of the union’s The documents produced by congressconsistedthe of parts.(ZSSSa) two Thefirst part evaluation congresspresented the organization, responsive and Indicating amodernized 76 CEU eTD Collection 64 production. See ZSSS (1990a) p.3-6. 63 62 shareholders by worker owned entities into enterpises owned socially of as transformation well as management in participation worker advocated strongly ZSSS The system. management welfareof state. the successful operation the for as conditions social Chamber of government,the tradethe andunions underlegislated partnerships Economy), developing andestablishing bargaining employer relations among organizations (i.e. the systemicthe in the polity changes andinsisted organization economy,the of on program the based guarantees of employment, social andrightsrights, of duringworkers redundancy. Given levels, social as an integral equality,of policy part development knowledge strategy, and skill wage just and minimum to adherence welfare, social for: strive to was union the which for aims laborand market, efficient aswell as union pluralism. The second partoutlined the fundamental that workers were co-owners of self-managerial enterprises. of self-managerial wereco-owners workers that collective bargaining. As for transformation of property rights, the union represented the position on collective bargainingand strikesagreements defined a instrumentas complementary to labor standards, and ecology. Thefirst two declarations were especially detailed. The declaration international of implementation culture, social property, agreements, collective on declarations: five adopted congress time. of The that procedures shadybankruptcy and transparent councils,work andtorepresentworkerinterests during privatization manyand non- atthe institution developingcollectiveof bargainingandagreements, complementary with relationship andforfight through astrongsocial the welfarestate majorunion’s to rights was thus task insider privatization. The ZSSS was very critical towards foreign direct investments (FDI)and investments foreign direct towards very critical ZSSSwas The insider privatization. Ibid. of ofmeans co-proprietors responsible were workers self-management under that interpreted union The See Pavle Vrhovec ‘Socialni dialog vSloveniji’ n.d. manuscript dowloaded from www.zsss.si Crucially, the trade union program union the Crucially, deal markethadtrade program basedwith to the reform of self-the 77 62 64 Therefore the union pressedfor Therefore theunion 63 . The CEU eTD Collection e.g.sindikati ‘Svobodni jezni nanovinarje in neodvisezne’ 69 activities. of union media coverage monitoring also ‘Moj sindikat’ [My trade union] 68 concern. and general increased communicationattention to with mediathe andpublic issuespresentation of of union its wider involved deficits conceptsand public of Aclearstrategy addressing these activity. transparency and insisted ZSSS the gain oninforming public sympathies and endorsement, the arrangement – 13 the recognition of union progressiveness,for wascrucial the success itsof goals. public union oncertainstandpoints matters and exertthus more influence over decision making. for the rank and file times in be convened tocritical was The conference and making powers. decision broad was given the union. local leadership which and union council the of gathering ad-hoc a special was The conference ‘Svobodni sindikati zahtevajo trinajsto in stirinajsto placo’ stirinajsto in trinajsto Gacesa zahtevajo Jelena sindikati of Economy; ‘Svobodni Chamber the with negotiations and wages minimum higher for lobbying – on 1990 collective bargaining. See e.g. Tonja Slokar ‘Zajamcene place v primezu sindikatov in gospodarstva’ in sindikatov vprimezu place ‘Zajamcene Slokar Tonja Seee.g. bargaining. collective 67 legitimacy. democratic with 66 powers executive efficient combining congress, the and council executive member 65 (‘ ‘conference’ union of institution anew created newstatute the widerpublic, the making. decision level inplant participation valuethe of Theenterprises. ZSSSwasalsotolobby forlegislationnew allowing worker a moratorium on selling social legalproperty with guarantees loweringagainst andmanipulating demanded union the situation, the control to attempt an In owners. foreign private arriving’ ‘fast Initially, union representatives were critical and dissatisfied with insufficient media attention to union actions See Abig paid advertisement published in the majordaily popularized the idea of the newly ‘free’ trade union .See The congress of April 1990 launched strong, publicly visible messages on new union roles, Author’s interview especially with Dusan Semolic ZSSSin terms chair Ljubljana, of January 25 2007. 15 the between bridge a basically was body, deliberative making decision aninclusive as conference, union The Union delegates recognized that participation in grand scale changes, along with public along with changes, ingrand scale thatparticipation Union recognized delegates In order to increase its visibility, i.e. to communicate directly with the rank-and-file and rank-and-file the directly with communicate i.e. to its visibility, increase to In order th and 14 67 The leadership launched conferencesand union press ads paid th month salary. month Delo April 4 1990 April 65 The aim of conference gatherings was to present to the 78 Delo Delo April 6 1990 on union demand for a profit sharing a profit for demand union on 1990 6 April April 51990. 69 When the media was silent or critical, or media wassilent When the 66 konferenca’ Delo Toachieve 68 April 6 , while , ). CEU eTD Collection also pointed out that the legacy of ‘bureaucratized’ operation of ZSSS was the cause of inefficient protection of dva?’ protection za le ‘Prostor Kuzmanic inefficient Tonci of cause interests. worker the was ZSSS of operation of‘bureaucratized’ legacy the that out pointed also monopoly and a lack of competition withother organizations on the scene (Mircev 1989). Later intellectual conservativismcriticism as the main organizational deficits of the union. The main cause for attitude this was organizational evaluationof Yugoslav Slovenian and union’s work second inthe half of 1980sidentified ‘inertia’ andlukewarm democratization. Such choice also could have followed also as a reaction to criticism. Namely, an external 73 72 sindikat podobo ogledna postavita’ action, and ultimately prove an‘ugly’ of feature youngthe Slovenian democracy. uncontrolled and Rajkoriots Lesjak ‘Kadar worker to oblast lead in could net safety aloose and insecurity social argued, was it Alternatively, times. in hard rights worker protecting on bill a demanded therefore ZSSS The workers. disadvantaged indispensable element of industrial peace:unions had the right to fight against structural inequalities that 71 70 in article An elite. communist top the of member former a Ravnik, Miha chairman, union former andbreakthrough congress: crisis 2. 2.3.Outcomesofthereform In other words, the ZSSS initiated cooperation, but left space for competition among unions.formed. had scene union Slovenian new the once unions all among assets union of distribution documenton supporting union pluralism and cooperation,included which also astatement on the establishto ‘own’ unions. theirAt ‘transformation’the a congress,trade ZSSSadopted of decent, organized, andworker collective non-violent actions (Kavcic 2002). condemnation andnot pressforin recognition the makers.argued ZSSSdecision The secretary industrial inof town Maribor early and1991 waslabeledfor state the harmful condemned by opinion. Forexample,in first of grandmetal scale protest the largestandworkers only the real for battle’ public the ‘ideological in an union participation assert actively and collective action, on principlesin of and the new unionism union arena, frame political positions and principles of standpoints. letters union sentrepresentatives presspresentingto the versions ofactions and their Arguably, the ZSSS deliberately opted forunion pluralism in orderto prove its commitment to free unionism ‘Izjavaand o nasem sodelovanu z drugimi sindikalnimi organizacijamiv Sloveniji’ In: Horvat(1990). Furthermore, in one press article, ZSSS secretary characteristically argued that collective bargaining is an is bargaining collective that argued characteristically secretary ZSSS article, press one in Furthermore, See e.g. Rajko Lesjak ‘“Mi nismo brez clanstva”’ brez nismo ‘“Mi Lesjak Rajko Seee.g. An issue which threatened the credibility of the internal reform was the reelection of the of reelection the was reform internal of the credibility the threatened An issuewhich freedom the weregranted workers that meant pluralism ZSSS’ advocacy union of Part of raise was public awareness to precisely functions of mainOnesecretary union the the of 70 Delo April 30 1991. Delo 79 Delo April 20 1990 20 April February 2 1991. 71 73 72 CEU eTD Collection ‘V suzenjstvo zakleti’ interview with Miha Ravnik, former ZSSS chair, Nova Gorica, January 25 2007.sufficiently numerous to receive a sufficient numberof seats in the highest union bodies that left the ZSSS.retrospective Author’s assessment, Ravnik pointed out that it was mostly those federations and competitors that were not 77 76 75 April 9 1990. influence of the ZSSS was what happened with the largely ignored call for a swift definition of call largely ignored for aswiftdefinition the happened with of ZSSSwaswhat influence the limited of the Characteristic making centers. decision ultimate became the andparties political Parliament isolation. mounting with cope to had thus and making, in decision participation and unionitsthe place guaranteed its lost pre-established information andearlier privileges, to right in union’sthe prospects In emergingthe newenvironment. the system democratic pluralism,of Ravnik’s communist past was discussed internally at the ZSSS council meetings as an obstacle to mainRavnik’s for the chairmanship,opponent Rebolj. regional,service basedKonfederacija 90 ofZSSS:the organizations splinter union from formed were level confederations new peak defeated at electionsbodies at of left defeated highest to the union the had ZSSS. the criticism of the chairman, of pretense the Characteristically, under ‘red’. and‘communist’, anachronistic, organization as representatives the of labeling other echoing chairman, the of legitimacy the questioned also unions Competing of unionlater. weeks few branches elections parliamentary first the won that government coalition communist and territorial unionsDusan Rebolj. The reelection of Ravnikwhich offered further grounds for criticism from the broad anti- were counter-candidate, against atalented narrowly race,winning congressinahighly the competitive 74 had allowedfor domination of cadres. the ‘bad’ statute ‘old’ a Slovenianalthough agooddaily concluded had program, that union the congress adopted a The The drift had bothregional(Kranj theand coastal region) and industrial (paper industry) dimensions. In a Lado Struznik ‘Ustanovili sindikalno zvezo Konfederacija sindikatov 90’ sindikatov Konfederacija zvezo sindikalno ‘Ustanovili Struznik Lado Author’s interview with Miha Ravnik former ZSSS chair, Nova Gorica, January 25 2007. Jelena Gacesa ‘Sindikat se je spet spotaknil’ se jespet ‘Sindikat Gacesa Jelena The trouble for the ZSSS was even larger. For several months after his reelection, Mladina 1991 no.9 (February 26 1991). Delo 76 April 111990. Branimir Nesovic ‘Po Ravniku Ravnik’ and the paper industry based PERGAM, ledby 80 77 74 Ravnik was moreover reelected at Ravnik reelected wasmoreover Delo February 9 1991; Tonci Kuzmanic 75 Soon thereafter, two thereafter, Soon Delo CEU eTD Collection Alliance of Slovenia soon after. ofSlovenia Alliance Democratic Social anti-communist of the founder the also was but he 1987, in late plant metal based Ljubljana of a protest public and strike large of the leader the both was Tomsic France chairman, Its ZSSS. to the hostile very 78 Unions KNSS. the Trade of Slovenia, Independent Confederation of union:become the trade aunion dominant the to hadpretensions which competitor, faced aserious ZSSS the arena in political the Finally, Party. communist of the echelons highest the former regime (Fink in thathad thenew distrusted bigsocial roots groups governmentinterest policy. DEMOS Yet, Hafner 1998) especially a union whose leader had been active in the to proveitsdemocratic commitment to values andunion wider the pluralism public.Buttheto of unions. The ZSSS thus offered a strategic answer possibly gainto in public legitimacy, that is, limitstate registration formation not should anddeclared that and the representativeness, activity law onunion refused the unions, among cooperation manner for liberal ZSSScalled very the fight for a socially just right toparticipate inlegislativesociety and policy decisionrelated making,influence deliberation, and with social and union’s the adocumentwhich reasserted adopted also conference The 1991. conference inApril economic security of workers. In addition, in a consultations with union.the without parliament the at adopted was it yet satisfactory; not was policy social on program program on social alarmingly, More protection. in the union’s view the government prepared the a prepare called Laborpromised Ministry to it but the of off after tothe government, threat a warning strike ZSSScommunicated the 1990 information.September In important access to Tomši France KNSSchairman, The parliament. the and party the both influence over direct exerted and links governinghad democrats social tothe shapeit good determined unionist agenda: the to The KNSS was established in March 1990 as an anti-communist democratic peak level union. KNSS was initially was KNSS union. level peak democratic ananti-communist as 1990 inMarch established was KNSS The þ was an MP and directly in wasanMPanddirectly decision-making,participated government having also thus A breakout from political isolation occurred after firstunion at the from the isolation resigned chairman occurred A breakout political 81 78 The KNSS was CEU eTD Collection peace during the struggle for Slovenian independence. Slovenian for struggle the during peace 83 soupravljanja v podjetjih bo dolga’ v podjetjih soupravljanja 82 remained in top leadership. Vinko Vasle ‘Portret tedna: Dusan Semolic’ Dusan tedna: ‘Portret Vasle Vinko leadership. intop remained Semolic where SZDL, transformed of party the was Party Socialist The 1987. in level republican on the SZDL of secretary for was elected finally and communists, Slovenian of the committee Central the onto moved later (SZDL), 81 80 legitimacy onissues such as privatization, the communist past, and union assets. accusations. As of ideology, articles in the periodical of the KNSS ‘ 79 the anti-communist KNSS, which moreover tried to increase its foothold in metal. of campaign ideological aggressive rather the to a reaction also was cooperation for union call Pergam mediatingPergam were inbetween two. the ’90and Konfederacija confederations, two other ZSSS,the the to hostile rather KNSS was professional socialist politician, formerly a reform oriented city level political authority, political level city oriented areform formerly politician, socialist professional organizer. Equally,agenda.unionist if notshape the to was its capacities decisive inincreasing cooperate confederations to othertwo the more importantly, the new union chair, Dusan Semolic was a development levels highemploymentwould which maintain ZSSSreacheda (Kavcic 2002). economic dimensions,protest new the chairman reminded thesuccessful government that state-building also has and that therefore it was vitalinterests. to implementworker harmful to as policies tocriticize governmental conferences andpress enterprises, to visits appearances, public his programs used skillfully Semolic Party. Socialist minor a of MP an time on economic the stateneededthe andcooperation union support during strugglefor the independence. when occurred metal, The protest unions. of a largeconstruction and joint textile, June at protest in mid happened appearance public first chairman’s union new the Symbolically, parliament. In late June 1991, ZSSS accepted the invitation of the government to consultations for cooperation and social and cooperation for consultations to government of the invitation the accepted ZSSS 1991, June late In Polona Malovrh ‘Cim vec sindikatov v republisko skupscino’ vrepublisko sindikatov vec ‘Cim Malovrh Polona Semolic started his political career at the local Ljubljana level of the umbrella socialist civil society Author’s intervieworganization with Boris Mazalin Konfederacija 90, Ljubljana 26 January 2007. The competition for metal constituency was betweenthe ZSSS and the KNSS only, but quite harsh, full of mutual In June 1991 ZSSS delegates elected a new chairman, a charismatic leader and capable and leader electedanewchairman, acharismatic ZSSS delegates In June 1991 82 As an MP, he had access to crucial information and was able to be heard in the Delo January 28 1992. 80 82 As it turned out, for the ZSSS, the willingness of Delo Slovenec’ January 14 1992, Vlasta Felc ‘Pot do Delo March1992 21 challenged the ZSSS stance and stance ZSSS the challenged 79 Whereas the Whereas 83 81 At the at the CEU eTD Collection ZSSS standpoint 1992; (Majda Vukelic) ‘Takoj spremeniti zakono isplacilu osebnih dohodkov’ ultimate gospodarske zbornice’ ravenske zelezarje?’ ravenske ZSSS and KNSS. See e.g. Bogomir Licof ‘Stari delodajalci v novi obliki’ 86 1992 Delo Forjoint positions oneconomic policy see: Ljiljana Resnik ‘Svet kranjskihsindikatov dokoncno oblikoval stalisca’ 87 Konfederacija 90, Ljubljana 26 January 2007 Jelena Gacesa ‘Vlada, gospodarska zbornica in sindikati so zaceli pogajanja o socialnem paktu’ osocialnem pogajanja so zaceli sindikati in zbornica gospodarska ‘Vlada, Gacesa Jelena 1992; Jelena Gacesa ‘Dogovorsindikatov o tem, kako se bodo dogovarjali’ stalisc’ Kriznik ‘Zahteve sindikatov kot pogoj za socialni pakt’ socialni za pogoj kot sindikatov ‘Zahteve Kriznik ‘Sindikalne zdrahe bine smelo zamegliti skupnihGacesa prizadevanj’ Jelena negotiations joint continue to and government, the to concessions giving ofnot claim their in united formed a tripartite body. The ZSSS also started building the government abandonedits law on wages, implemented existing collective agreements and lobbyunionist was reachednegotiate inearly refused1992. The unions to onthesocial pact until 85 anew RPcreated the afaction with SPS, the of in May1993together After elections, the (Fink-Hafner DSShad The 1994b). loose entereda electoral coalition inwith lateSDP 1992. relied more on preexistingStranka Slovenije -DSS)inFebruary highly limited1991, with success.The union therefore ‘natural’ ties with the main inheritors of the communistunions as well as civil organizations,society especially of organizations unemployed.the party SDP and KNSS, ZSSSthe the between difference than conceptual confederations kept these two unions incommunication. two these kept confederations two mediation other of the the constituency, metal workers’ the of for the allegiance competition ZSSS held positions close to various, mutually antagonistic political parties, and they were in 84 lawis revoked. freeze wage andthe that arerespected agreements sign unions pact to not a social with trade other common agreement Arguably, metal constituency and their competing metal branches were the obstacle and line of conflict between of conflict line and obstacle the were branches metal competing their and constituency metal Arguably, There was some difference related to privatization and judgments on ‘old’ managers between ZSSS and KNSS. and ZSSS between managers ‘old’ on judgments and privatization to related difference some was There Jelena Gacesa ‘13.170 SLT je za delavca zaljiva placa, meni sindikat’ meni placa, zaljiva delavca je za SLT ‘13.170 Gacesa Jelena ‘Sindikatov ne bo na pogovor o socialnem paktu’ o socialnem pogovor bona ne ‘Sindikatov September12 1991; DusanRebolj ‘Stalisca’ Delo The ZSSS experimented with PartyDelavska The ZSSSexperimented its with Workers establishing the own party, Delo January 8 1992, Jelena Gacesa ‘Sindikati bodo razmislili o skupnem boju za place’ March 31992;MajdaVukelic ‘Stasklepao zvisanju nadomestil nezakonita?’ Delo April 13 1990; Kuzmanic (1994); Author’s interview Boriswith Mazalin president of Delo April 171991.;Jelena GacesaPirnata ‘Pergam po prstih’ Delo Delo 83 Delo January 9 1992 September12 1991; DusanRebolj ‘Sindikat ne privoli v January 21 1992, Jelena Gacesa ‘Brusenje sindikalnih Delo January 29 1992; Jelena Gacesa, Bozena Gacesa, Jelena 1992; 29 January 86 ad hoc Delo Since there was morecompetition Sincethere was Delo 87 Delo an agreement on common trade January 20 1992. Trade unions were April 9 1991, ‘Kateri sindikat za 85 strategic alliances with other with alliances strategic January 18 1992. Bozena Kriznik, Although the KNSS and the and KNSS the Although 84 Delo unless general collective general unless March 31992 – KNSS Delo Delo Delo Delo January 21 January March1992 3 January 9 January January 10 CEU eTD Collection 90 89 ZSSS chair Ljubljana, January 25 2007. 88 of codes cooperation. specific adopting parties, relations with political organized unions unions. Second, regulated feed through territorially influences partisan abolishment of the territorialpolitical parties was limited, anddoubly could neverbe all-encompassing.termed the First, structure as the organizing principle of the confederation did not of in parties negotiations. political and engaged closed second chamber. corporatist leaders Union also held meetings with ‘socially members sensitive’ MPs, informal personal directpressure, connections, andinstitutional the through pressure parties and MPs,ZSSS methods pragmatically ofinfluence: various lobbyingcombined directof also from partiesother left. of Inreaching ‘anti-communist’the toawider out circlepolitical of policy making, and legislation, the ZSSS did notrely only on the support of their strict allies, but articulation, interest of times critical during Especially (ZLSD). Demokrata Socijalnih Lista Zdruzena Democrats Social Listof Allied SDP, the communist the reformed party with coalition various parties onissues interestof tolabor (Kavcic 2002). and lobbied MPs of political parties transparently,publicly announcing ameeting with from MPs inter-union andclaims. relations andpenetrated generated cleavages also partisan when of elections, times at autonomy union wasthreatening Partisan influence tacticsMPs among1994a: 11). (Fink-Hafner, other publicly presented their and opinions usedstatements; and personalcontacts; letters all sent to of parliamentary forwardedworking various groups, materials toMPsand working groups; Ibid. Author’s interview with Stefan Skledarformer vice-chairman of KNSS Ljubljana January 23 2007 Authors’ interviews: BorisMazalin president of Konfederacija 90,Ljubljana 26January 2007; Dušan Semoli Relatively strong but not uncriticalRelatively but SDPandlater ZLSD. linkswereestablishedstrong with 84 88 Union representatives attended sessions attended representatives Union 90 The ZSSS negotiated TheZSSS 89 Infiltration by þ CEU eTD Collection intermediary organizations crucial for legitimizing the new political elite. Consultations with Consultations elite. new the political legitimizing for crucial organizations intermediary infashion. aninclusive potential need corporatist This shapedinclusive towards practices support from groupsandinterest ‘civil insociety’ defenseorganizations new of national state the precisely, thestruggle during for Slovenian sovereignty and independence needed elite the an system emerging builtalong similarlines 1997, Fink-Hafner More(Fink-Hafner 1998:288). Yugoslavia, butit also empowered the same interest groups to legitimately demand anew rolein from and secession system very participate in that of to decomposition the groups proto-interest level, inclusion social under self-management hadoffered an both foropportunity social and state governing tradeunions ofthenew 2.3.1. Thebeneficialliberalsetup governments responsive to union pressure, andfrom early absence1991, the ofinternal factions. governing andempowering union action, significantand active membership,pragmatic coalition factors (Burgess 2004) indirectly helped the union’s agenda: a beneficialinstitutional framework necessary but not a sufficient condition for union success. Luckily for ZSSS,a all is It four ‘contextual’ representation. interest in efficiency and stance principled militancy, bold union explaining possible? itwas how parties: political with alliances conditional with combined militancy, 2.3. ZSSS’ whichof factors ZSSStothe helped newthe contextual successful the environment. adaptation several therewere latter, Asof the andfortunate. thorough was arena new political to the The emerging The in condition asufficient not but necessary, was indeeda consolidation Organizational In sum, the union inreform terms of building neworganizational capacities and adapting institutional environment 85 was beneficial for unionism. On a fundamental CEU eTD Collection ‘Amandmaji k slovenski ustavi’ after which the Yugoslav military left Slovenia. Although there was no more military threat, the itindependence,was followed by so-calledthe 10day war with Yugoslavthe Army,People’s declared After Slovenian parliament future the battles. them for which empowered state, sovereignty. In this sense, trade unions were active participants in the creation of the independent but part they in also took widerthe discursive struggleachieve of to Slovenia economic unions of in rights Trade notonly participated workers. changes, deliberation over constitutional to voluntary independentfightingorganizations worker social,and and economic forinterests 93 92 independence. Slovenian UN recognized USA and Community, European 91 union establish listedalso right the unionsto ending newtrade monopoly ‘official’ the of trade freedom to establish new associations,from organizations to political parties. The IX amendment federation (Bethlehem Yugoslav the secede from to self-determination, declaration that Slovenia was ‘an independent, sovereign and autonomous state’ with the right of 1989 ininclusive fashion.supportthe unions and social were invited Trade organizations to for secessionpreparation from andinternationalYugoslavia gaining recognition. and supportfrom civil society includingorganizations, unions, trade wasindispensable as organization SZDL organization umbrella society civil socialist official the within active organizations social-political for newautonomous role redefinition of the butannouncedto also space opened political pluralism, amendments took back at thereferendum social participation to foster were called on the monopoly of power from the League of Communists of Slovenia, Boris Majer Boris People. ofWorking Alliance Socialist the was name official Its the 1992 early In 1991. December inlate decision a to according sanctions economic from exempted was Slovenia 93 . Theconstitutional redefinedamendment tradeunions from socio-political organizations Already the amendments to the Slovenian Constitution were adopted in late September late in adopted were Constitution Slovenian the to amendments the Already ‘ Druzbenoekonomski vidiki politicnega pluralizma’ politicnega vidiki ‘ Druzbenoekonomski 92 . The amendments also granted the right of association guaranteeing association of right the granted also amendments The . Teorija praksain 1990 ( 86 27) no1-2 Teorija in praksa 1989 (26) 6-7, . In exchange, constitutional exchange, In & Weller 1997: xx),Weller1997: and 91 Miha Ribaric CEU eTD Collection of of dialogue with understood stateactors unions, its necessity. legislation. Although there was no formal institution of social partnership or institutionalization pragmatist center-left LDS but also the Slovenian Christian Democrats (Luksic 1992,Luksic 1997). orhigher political level. Especially sensitive to issues ofsocial partnership were post-socialist parties, i.e. the 95 services. See: Fink-Hafner social and (1998). medicine sport, and culture education, schools, high and groups: universities following professions, of the the each from tradespeople, one and farmers, two employees, four employers, four interests: functional 94 interests. professional local and economic, social, of representatives other with along unions of for representatives fashion, place securing in was acorporatist Council organized called The Council. National the statethe second newConstitution the created parliament the independent the of chamber of 1991 were preserved.Although socialist-corporatistthe ChamberAssociated Labor was of dissolved, (Vodovnik 1999:336). unionism. In these unionturn, freeself-organizecells were to in higherlevel structures remained baseof the in andworkplace levels level,and this enterprise workplace sense the at the legislative support received greatest the Unions employers their and representatives. unionstrade wasnotonlyindividual butalso collective vis-à-vis representation workers of making,decision strikeUnder andthe 1999: 306).new the to right (Vodovnik system, of role the level enterprise atthe participate to employees of right union the activity, to free association, of isolation. international for secession from Yugoslavia, the elite still needed civil society support to overcome economicall Just asduring struggle ECintroduced sanctionsthe the Yugoslav against republics. needed fromyoung recognition state international actors. Evenmore so,since in 1991 autumn Many political parties were either infavor of social partnership or hadpolicies aiming at union inclusion inplant of representatives eighteen and communities local from representatives of twenty-two consisted Council The During the struggle for independence some corporatist legacies and independence of past During strugglethe the somepractices corporatist for Along with introducing of therights capital, 1991Constitution the also included aright 94 The body performed advisory roles, butit also had a right to veto 87 95 Informal channels of dialogue in dialogue of channels Informal CEU eTD Collection enterprise/establishment. 99 solved. ‘associative employment relationship’ was ‘problematic’ and transitory since the issue of property rights was not 98 97 export-oriented enterprises dominated in it, which insisted on own autonomy from the state. 96 and of asrepresentatives defined unions via employees agreements, collective bargaining. large 114-116of Articles regulate Actgranted the autonomy industrial to relations management legacy of self- apositive economy as driven enterprise of a decentralized, preservation the under inrelations. legislation Thelaw federal Yugoslav late wasintroduced 1988,which stressed capital andintroduced andsocial relations property Enterprises. actendedself-management The influence. for unionsad hoc meetingstoraisesome power andhavesome reservedtheirvoice limited provisions and thus the general collective agreement(Prasnikaral. et 2002). wage minimum ‘froze’ freezes, alaw which also introduced onwage Slovenian parliament 1991the late a base to wage.In right andindexing worker's wages, education and skill, to categories nine corresponding whichbase for tariff the wage determined competitive sector, andstandards. employment ZSSSsigned central the first inagreement August 1990for the remuneration, of principles minimum wages, defined agreements General collective etc.). culture care, health education, sphere the (covering for public other sphereandthe ‘competitive’ for the agreements. collective of conclusion the alsogoverned which waspassed Agreements Collective on Law Slovenian As in Serbia, collective bargaining was envisioned on three levels: general, branch based and individual for Vodovnik (1999: 305) points out that originally,individual and collective contracting,which replaced the Literally: ‘Law onBasic Rights of the Employment Relationship’ earning hard-currency ofsuccessful, influence the broadly, more formulated or influence, Slovenian Arguably, From an industrial relations perspective, the central act of system change was the Law on The federal Law on Employment on Law federal The 96 . 99 At the central level there were two "general collective agreements": one agreements": "general collective two were level there central Atthe 97 of introduced of institutionthe 1989 also collectiveof 88 98 . In 1990,the . In CEU eTD Collection the importance of importanceof the ZSSSasapeak the andwith makers. decision organization links expertise to fulfilling thesetasks, plant needed unions supportfrom higher level bodies, which highlighted formaking employees, 1998). more laying-off employers costly (Prasnikar thus workers acton behalf unemployment of theinsurance unions to state empowered legacysubstantial of lists’ of workers to be sentUnions state. the in wereentitledtomediate massive process of the ‘waiting lay-offs, approving on partly paid leaves, managementcollectivelyand and workers inbattles with engage could andrepresent organize and early retirement schemes.and privatization. restructuring Moreover, the were concentrated on the mere survival of their enterprises, as well as on possibilities for 101 capital intensive enterprises, this solution had a significant appeal. could be increased only indirectly through obtaining internal ofshares enterprise.the With theexception of large where internal employee buy-outs through receiving shares. Most importantly, there was a solution that wagesAugust 1990 envisioned encouraged gradual transformation of socially owned firms into limited liability companies 100 times hard economic In challenging. most was situation the where level this also power. ‘political’ unions toactandit gavethemsignificant also trade empowered collective bargaining in reachingagreementsandregulating issues (Vodovnik certain sense, 1999:313).In this state property legislation be 1999:312). Onthepositive side, (Vodovnik partiesactive obliged to social and bargaining protect and of system establishcollective a needto the which recognized compromise, a aimeddesired reaching that at parties still-not-representative of voluntary action See also Vodopivec (2000) on the legacy of unemployment insurance in socialist Slovenia. insocialist insurance of unemployment legacy on the (2000) Vodopivec Seealso of Property Social on Law The enterprises. privatizing on decisions to make entitled were councils Worker As showed above, it was the enterprise level where unions enjoyed the most rights. It was a itwas real substance: without solution atransitory therefore was bargaining Collective 100 Unions emerged as the only prospective organizations that organizations prospective as Unions only the emerged 89 , work councilswork 101 In CEU eTD Collection 'Stoji 1839 vagona' 1839 'Stoji 102 the system, the of democratization in breakthrough the with Eventually, economy. Slovenian allrepresent give inthe since it hadto andproclaimedability employees upthepretense to majorblow, austerity measures. a inoppositionto in ZSSreceived 1989wereorganized The also against ‘communist’influence oneditorial policy. large The strikes workerspublicof sector directed was which station a radio at journalists of strike the in caseof as the occurred, workers independently strike inSeptember 1989.In a general strikes1989 openly political of white collar interestsparticular against table negotiation atthe andappeared sideof government the the more to of professionals, andworkers, journalists raised theirvoice independently. latethe In 1980s, ZSS tended tolean workers, alsotrain butconductors white collar publicemployees, health university professors, railway skilled Highly workers. of self-organization and or autonomy increasing the with as well at best, inincreased pressure The andlegalization bargaining power. liberalization with strike 1991, as in a moderating ZSSthe faced from significant pressurea highlyskilled with professional and highworkforce its reform, Before workers. of interest representation broad to aspiring organization a voluntary role. prone to union tostrikeandinterestinanintermediary will 2.3.2. Unionmembers’boosted level. from This process started 1993, with incorporation broad of union.the domain social of policy 1993:196)which(Svetlik invited peaklevel participation at the national This was the case also with the strike of train conductors who organized their own union in late December 1988 Union Finally, independence functions Slovenian requiredcentralization state of the in the organized membership Vjesnik militancy. atZSSS made meetingthe steps already emerge inJune1988 to as December 28 1988 also 'Slovenian railway workers strike' B Wire December 27 1988. 27 December B Wire strike' workers railway 'Slovenian also 1988 28 December was not only large but, in conditions of relative deprivation, also deprivation, relative of in conditions but, large only not was 90 102 Health workers announced Health workers CEU eTD Collection 105 104 sindikat za pravice zdravnikov’ pravice za sindikat 103 metal industrial mentioned, among followed was thelargest, sectors, by andwood textile As workers. semi-skilled bulkof the reached outtothe (Stanojevic 1997: 250-251)who professional andshop stewards high union indensity large, orientedthe export enterprises andworkforce was dominantthe union. membersunion (Stanojevic 2007:353).The ZSSS includedhalf about unionizedthe of remained workers lowerskilled, educated members, union theirincreased and among share all Yet,2001: 49). themajor wasin change members. thelessunion composition the of Typically, and73%, & atbetween estimated (Stanojevic wasaminimal Vrhovec there 1992-1994 change was & In 1989density 63% (Stanojevicrate estimated at Omerzu 1994). union density rates strongest branch was metal – the SKEI union. inindustrial oriented metal,workers export processing.the sectors of textile wood By and far the and fileremaining in About half union.the of ZSSS’ the remaining membership from came intensity 2010) (Vrhovec great union basis. voluntary which on a ZSSpreparedtheprocedure started inonly The but 1990, with organization. ZSSS Recognizing theconflict,did preventthesenot organizationsleaving from peak the solidarity based, andlow harmed wagesetting income policies protecting groups theirinterests. left ZSSS health education care and partly mostpublic sectors, powerful ZSSS Until then it was also clear that managers would leave the union and establish their own organization. For the health sector see especially Boris Suligoj ‘Sindikat izneveril zdravnike’ izneveril ‘Sindikat Suligoj Boris see especially sector health the For Although it faced some internal competition, ZSSS had a network of both highly both of network hada ZSSS competition, internal some faced itAlthough poll phone a conservative 1994, In fell. barely it since high, remained density Union had leave membership Union confirm or members rank-and-file freedom the union the to Porocilo o delu ZSSS in Njenih organov med 2. in 3. Kongresom. Delo April 151991. 104 . Readmission ended in mid 1991, with great majority in great . Readmissionof rank mid ended 1991,with 91 105 Ljubljana November1998, p. 56 Delo April 171990. ‘FIDES, 103 . They found that the that found . They CEU eTD Collection union.memberrefuse ZSSS unions to amassive were unable incutback inemployment, to order for theYugoslavhad military. earlier produced The situation was the most dramatic in the industrial town of Maribor with large metal plants that of low half industrial constituting skilled workers, nearly of unemployedthe 2000). (Vodopivec facingwasthetraditionally unionThe most population core affected unemployment constituency transport with lossthe markets, particularlyof Yugoslav damaging manufacturing, construction and GDPfellperiod bymore in than 20%. Especially sharp deterioration occurred 1991 and 1992 incomes. In 1989-1992 the security and falling in contraction employment serious experienced a rank-and-filethe members would engagein unionist workand collective action. members Union increasingly less againstmanagement and workthe councils andmore against thestate. 107 also increasingly related to employment security. Slovenia (1988-1993) engagement in collective actionon the part of semi-skilledthe was not only wage related but though collective action(Arzensek 1984). In contrast to the earlier times, in the period of critical junctureenterprise inlevel crucial decision making and could influence labor tight a setting enterpriseand level immigration minimum wages mostly(limited) market (Woodward 1995a:only 215). Semi-proletariancontrolled semi-skilled both industrial labor nevertheless barely securing participatedwage in minimum reservation a had which Slovenia in investment and thus also wages in ‘self-managed’ enterprises affected employment – overallin Yugoslavia, but not 106 skilled. on a competitive basis butalso with coped wage pressure(vis-à-vis from investment) semi-the (Schierup 1990:299).Internal coalitions incorporated policythe of highly attracting skilled labor labor’ with managerialism of ‘technocratic coalitions werecommon: coalitions management inheritedunion- strong, Western markets, Yugoslav to director producers foreign MNCsor to eithermanufacturing subcontractors enterprises, leanproto-Fordist these processing. In Seealso Until the late 1980s, incontrast to other parts of Yugoslavia, raising productivity and competitiveness through 106 Deteriorating employment was unprecedented and threatened the authority of the trade Economic transformation, falling production and employment affected the likelihood that Economic andemploymentaffected likelihood falling the transformation, production 107 Characteristically, ZSSS unions opted to represent the voice of ‘levellers’ but ‘levellers’ of voice the represent to opted unions ZSSS Characteristically, European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and Reconstruction for Bank European (Borak 1999: 31-32). Unemploymentincreased from in 14.4%4.7% 1990 to in 1993. 92 ‘Transition Report 2001’ EBRD. CEU eTD Collection retirement at age of 55 and 50 and/or 35/25 years of service respectively. ofservice years 35/25 50and/or and of55 age at retirement 109 Ervin Hladnik-Milharcic ‘Delavci so padli na zemljo’ employed incompanies which had no profits, thus they received 20% less of the ‘bargained’ wage. Mija Gacnik & 108 union The functions. representative truly with organization an of constitution the for necessary members to stay under the umbrella of the peak level organization. It also granted them the time gathered during ‘good times’ the which self-management greatincentivesof created tounion companies thestate intervened directly (Mencinger 2004:75). andinsurance unemployment schemes the dominated inagenda. Aselsewhere, large insolvent issues generous systems ofearly of Austria restructuringandOnce Germany. began, retirement security itson territory,includinginsurance unemployment 2000) following(Skledar the social of policies friendly labor introduced also Slovenia of Republic Socialist The force. labor andthe protect attract to for Slovenia a reservation wage setandprotected makers decision state, Slovenia maintained alabortight market. Especially from republic’s 1970s,the the action.rank andfile tocollective on which could count organization commitment the for space maneuvering some allowed these importantly, Most threat. under were jobs whose on core industrial rank-and-filelost memberswho theirjobs and sought new employment, or hard times ofeconomic effects depriving the dump could passivity than activism rather worker jobs and minimum wages under the veil ignoranceof that better economic times are coming. for their fight andvulnerable, most of as arepresentative itself the predominantly reconstitute jobsexisting and further companies limit at cuts protect state in artificially tightening the labor market, labor the tightening in artificially state Most importantly, preferential pre-retirement was introduced, male and female workers could apply for apply could workers female and male introduced, was pre-retirement preferential importantly, Most In late 1991, the number of unemployed reached the number 100.000. A similar numberof workers were The ZSSS had significant assets and sources from andThe from assets membershipZSSS had fees significant sources had been that Throughout period of the self-management,andunlike republics of other federal the However, existing unemploymentbenefits, tradeunion solidarity funds and alternative Mladina 93 109 based on official statistical data. the ZSSS attempted to integrate and integrate to attempted ZSSS the 108 . Along with being complicit with the with complicit being with Along . CEU eTD Collection incentives for workers to join incentives remain for workers to or in union. the could not be employed. Instead, they argued, the state was responsible to solve the personaland situation! shame: they argued, itwas notworkers’ fault that there was nowork, their and skills diligenceand attention and discussionsgreat followed. enmasse, attended were Union and meetings workerJoint activistscleanliness. pressed and discipline workers great in not operation to turn plant to the isolation,maintained self-defeat workers be recognized: could workers of the self-empowerment on activists worker and of union handwork the sense what was going on insome large ‘depressed’ industrial plants in Maribor. Although production was minimal, bankruptcies. Branko Vodusek ‘Sindikat kot upnik’ facing were which companies in acreditor as appeared union The company. of the creditors became employees 112 192). 111 better. 110 in general of warning strike the March 1992. convincing rank-and-file the meaning of the necessity andtheirand of engagement participation belly.’ its ‘into sensitive: most the was it where difficult organizemorebutdesign apublicstriketo soto apowerful state against the ‘punch’ notit to was in explained, Maribor leading Asaunion activist role. accept the union’s and to action state the a plannedagainst and coordinated receptivenow to were times, rank-and-file the waslow. unlike inearlierinlabor centers industrial Moreover, for semi-redundant strikes the of with, cost the start To function. representational more active upa and totake thus state, the engageinagainst action unions to collective deal other ZSSS and on agreat pressure exerted of protection of had in employees that declaredcompanies bankruptcy. An tradeunion wasthe 192). role important job search 1997: &Letonja and(Gavez intermediate facilitatedadditional or training, retraining, provided free legalassistance, Unions provided also running localon level improve thesocialsecurity to of ‘socially members.endangered’ (‘ restaurants worker as such institutions as well as funds, in solidarity invest to standing good in sufficiently thus was 113 Before declared bankruptcy, employees had the right to obtain their salaries; if not paid, after the bankruptcy the after paid, not if salaries; their obtain to right the had employees bankruptcy, declared Before Apart from cash, boxes offood, clothing were distributed and also interest free loans (Gavez &Letonja 1997: needs knew base the at people argued, was it since, organizations basic at established were funds Solidarity ‘Delavci so padli na zemljo’ na padli so ‘Delavci Finally,market leaving than labor union,the rank-and-file rather the active still inthe hranilnica Mladina ’ and ‘ February 1992. The extensive article also provides a detailed report and report detailed a provides also article extensive The 1992. February posojilnica Delo 94 April 14 1990 113 ’). The latter were important secondary important latter were ’). The Union activists devoted great energy in 110 Solidarity funds Solidarity wereestablished and 112 111 CEU eTD Collection distrusted biginterest inherited groups from Fortunatelyself-management. for union, the not one, ZSSSand the hostile to varying degrees to were parties ‘anti-communist’ the Nevertheless, defined unions as organizations of the past. In contrast, SDZS was for introduction of branch based and professional and based of branch trade unions,introduction for de-politicization was SDZS of all institutions,contrast, In past. and of the introduction of German co-determinationorganizations as unions system. defined 114 in ‘free’Slovenia with unionism their programs (SDZS)dealttrade of Alliance Democratic Social the (SKD)and Christian-Democrats Slovenian members, the coalition influential dominant, two the DEMOS, coalition anti-communist governing first unionisma working and appealed to classconstituency.Among the five parties constituting the on statements programmatic positive relatively had parties political main the of All movements. intellectualcommunist groups of ideologicalvarious persuasions and new issue based society umbrella organization. Second,parties ‘opposition’the of basedwere mostly in anti- civil socialist from the had emerged that andthose communists reformed of parties were the there First, cleavages. these mirrored coalitions and scene party The 1994). (Vehovar values religious vs. secular with overlapping partly only ‘anti-communists’, ‘democratic’, new and ‘old’‘communist’ cleavagesbetween the social and aroundcultural ideological conceptualized competition before the first parliamentary in elections April 1990 and December 1992was and policy. social in thesphereof economic especially several wereparties responsive tothe unionist agenda which lobbyingallowed efficient activity and allies party alternative were there Moreover, parties. coalition several consensusamong on amongpoliticalparties allies Theof alternative 2.3.3. availability Among governing coalition parties of DEMOS, only the program of the Slovenian Democratic Alliance (SDZ) Rather than resting on the formulated interests of social and economic groups, party of interests formulated Rather than the on groups, social and economic resting rested making where policy scene party political from afragmented benefited The ZSSS 95 114 (Kruši þ 1990: 22, 43, 53). 1990: 22,43, CEU eTD Collection 116 SZDL. organization Democratic Party and the Socialist Party of Slovenia developed from parts of the official socialist umbrella 115 in but political three parliament the Slovenian parties from ‘old’had stemmed the system. was reconstituted in 1993 and 1994, incorporating parts of the ‘democratic’ center-right of ‘democratic’ incorporating inthe parts 1993 and 1994, was reconstituted leadership of Under Hafner pragmatic the Drnovsek 2006). LDP,the governing coalition the and opposite camp. compromise Thisnecessitated building and coalition both ‘ideologically’ before andafter elections (Fink- the from parties with coalitions enter to parties of readiness but parties, least only form governingthree possible at coalitionsrequirednot not stable governments: to eightparties, respectively, in entering the parliament 1990 and1992.In ita situation such was inbi-polar ideologicalan and cultural it butwas sense, also strongly fragmented, with nine and consensus. D’Hont’s proportional electoral system brought tolife a party system which was both in coalition governments in broad were precarious, need governments 1990-early 1994 of of SDP. union, the leadership (ZLSD) the under Democrats Social of List to United inthe of creation participated the close was which Party Worker’s the with along it, of faction a and elections howeverThe latter 1990: 108; did177-8). not reach Decemberthe thresholdthe at 1992 ZSSSforthe inheritedhad tradeunionism, links (Kruši to thestrongest itssupport and program in stressed (SPS) of SocialistParty Slovenia Theminor largest. the were of Party Slovenia/LDS) (SDP) Renewal Democratic of -Party Slovenia of Communists of Alliance the parties, socialist were open to a pro-labor agenda to varying degrees. Among the reformed communist and In 1992 the Party renamed itself again to the Socialdemocratic Renewal, keeping the same acronym SDP acronym same the keeping Renewal, Socialdemocratic to the again itself renamed Party the 1992 In Liberal the while sense strict the in party successor communist the was Renewal Democratic of Party The 116 The outcome of elections in both 1990 and 1992, and a common feature of andcommon feature The three the 1992, inboth 1990 and a elections outcome of and the more liberal Socialist Youth Alliance - Liberal Party (later renamed the Liberal 96 115 All þ CEU eTD Collection p.20 Rus ‘Demos proti Demosu: Odprto pismo Jozetu Pucniku’ Jozetu pismo Odprto Demosu: proti ‘Demos Rus Veljko programs. cultural and political economic, for basis the as ‘reconciliation’ of national agenda Peterle’s Lojze 121 which was forpoliticians-representatives seeking swift solutions not acceptable February 9 1991. Mencinger pointed at difficultthe and complicated process of a gooddrafting piece of legislation, Utenkar ‘Test za reprivatizacijo?’ za ‘Test Utenkar cleavages. internal to brought general which ‘patriotic’ and wastoo government mandate of Yet,the DEMOS the parliament. in heated discussions spurred the collectives of and agricultural enterprises self-managerial From issues autumn 1991, of property includingrights, denationalization and the transformation policy. economic and property restitution issueof the on noconsensus early was 1991 there 1990and late importantly, during Most a lesser and wageregulation. social andpolicy to extent, privatization, enabling legislation and policy economic over ‘politicized’ and acute especially 120 unionism assuch acceptable formost parties See: Luksic 1992, 1997. 119 ‘ right-center. ‘democratic and left-center ‘old’ of the parties among driven consensus more even was building coalition party, apariah as excluded party launched a chauvinist 118 time. a at 6 parties as many as parties, 117 parties incomes policy that negatively affected union constituencies. affected negatively policy incomes that austerity operatingintroduce havingof under constraint the to andlegislation on policies wereconstantly inallperiods governments Coalition atleast pragmatically. account, intoit 2004: 4-5). which was duetodivided interests andinterest among conflicts (Ramet groups 1997; Mrak etalt. making decision in political stalemate a often was there time, same the At coalitions. entering party wing extreme right emerging andlateran communists reformed One of the most respected authorities, a prominent sociology professorVeljko Rus criticized Prime Minister See e.g. Andrej Poznic, Silva Ceh ‘Unicujuci pritisk loze lastnikov’ Pre-existing corporatist legacies of Slovenia, based on nationalism, unity and communal Christianity made The Slovenian National Party gathered 13.3% of seats in parliament after the 1992 election. At the time, the Only in the 1992-1994 period, thegovernment was reconstituted three times and it altogether bound 7 political 117 Such a constellation could alsoignore not the voice of labor, and it was compelled to take . Consensus based decision making was even more necessary since initially the initially since necessary more even was making decision based Consensus . discourse against Yugoslav immigrants, especially refugees from Bosnia.Since it was Delo 121 In early 1992 the between standpoints thefinance and minister February 2 1991,Dr Joze Mencinger ‘Vlada je zato, da opravlja grdo delo’ 97 Delo September 1 1990 p.18 & Delo February 2 1991, Silva Ceh, Danilo 119 Elite disagreements Elite 118 wereexcludedfrom Delo September8 1990 were 120 CEU eTD Collection late 1992 and from mid-1993late 1992 Finally, oftheZLSS.and co-founders dominated from the were ZLSS the disappearing Socialistbodies. The ZSSS’ influence was within strongest smallWorkersthe Party and the gradually Party of Slovenia.consciously a exerted varyinginfluence degreeof onvarious levels and of elites making decision These emerged as loosewith temporary andagreements, coalitions, supportingseemsleft It wing parties. union thatthe coalition partnerscommitments to‘leftwing’ parties, butfirstto lobby, only calculatively and then to experiment to SDP in inclusionunion in makingdecision (Fink-Hafner 1998:268). and politics’ consultative to it ‘incline not did which orientation liberal-democratic prevailing largest, LDSled coalition among the abroad with ZSSSwas big interest which the groups, and parties’ avoided withshowed, ‘inherited’ whilethe‘anti-communist’ distrusted consultations 1998) (1996, Fink-Hafner asthe researchof Rather agenda 2003a). (cf.‘corporatist’ Stanojevic strongly governments leftistwere not orsupportive ofunionism,less receptive even for a was announced, out-maneuvering thus interest unions and groups. other The coalitionbroad newelections for date the law which after the adopted parliament maneuver: the management as late crisis a classic 1992wasadopted in majority.on Privatization working The Law liberal LDS, with its leader Drnovsek serving as Minister, soughtconsensusPrime in a changing center- pragmatic The 1992. December of elections parliamentary second the after office took in elections December 1992. mid 1992,and aninterim, basedled consensus government by LDS until secondthe multiparty privatization, triggering a crisis in the governing coalition. This soon led to the fall of DEMOS in suchas matters economic clashedcrucial on government the advisersto international In such a situation, there was no need for the trade union to form strong loyalties and The interim governmentin of as composition 1992 wassimilar governmentthe which 98 CEU eTD Collection by 14% of respondents (Fink-Hafner 1994: 5-6). 12% of Slovenian MPs estimated trade unions as an influential interest group,while in 1994, unions were mentioned 122 needs. for branch toself-organizeunions territorially, municipal on regional level,or according to their also federations. now a nationally The branchunion allowed confederation of statute organized theZSSSwas statute, modified the to According council. union the into leaders level branch all ‘communist’ chairRavnik offerhis resignation,butthe ZSSSmodified alsoinclude its to statute the did only not dissatisfaction, internal further preempt To members. union territorial peak level for remainingorganization the members. union the strengthening in tendencies centripetal created chair the of authority strong the and practices allowed toleave the peak level organization. Second,new internal inclusive organizational branches or other union members that disagreed factionalism andtheabsenceofinternal 2.3.4. Neworganizationalpractices or were dissatisfiedand during changesin public opinion 1994a: 9, (Fink-Hafner1994b). with crises their entered governments coalition when times at highest positionwas influence This policy. social and were employment of areas policy in the dominant especially was making policy social over influence between spring 1993andspring an increase 1994indicated in influence. union perceived ZSSS A unionsinfluentiallongitudinal most interest wereamong groups. the MPs conducted survey of trade MPs of parliament influence. to seconddemocratic according the Tellingly, significant domain of social policy within the broad LDS led coalition, where the union was able to exert Surveys on Slovenian MPs showed significant influence of unions over policy making processes. In spring 1992 spring In processes. making policy over of unions influence significant showed MPs Slovenian on Surveys At its conference in April 1991, ZSSS reacted its exit conferenceto the At ZSSS reacted inApril of 1991, based and a fewbranch afterthe1990congress. dissentingFactionalism union First, ZSSSendedshortly within 99 122 CEU eTD Collection sectorwas to have both ‘competitive’ nationally driven export and internationallyof the interest The competitive sectors. and comparable (competititive) private and wages public the to the between public division sector.and 125 124 Author’s bargaining. collective for interview expertise with Branko the Medik, SKEI president,provided Maribor July ZSSS 23 2009the turn, In protests. for mobilize to capacities had but also economically militant, most the most the vulnerable remained metal sector.years, In male dominated transformation the large Throughout metal plants, ofconflict. free were union and cells and complementary the branch 123 joint of practices inclusiveorganizational highwages. The preserving jobs and relatively coalitions large with of managementthe firms export oriented toactagainstin thegovernment common interests among member unions reconcile to authorities central ZSSS for challenge and burden the lowered significantly profile oriented branches a representation of in labor industrial,economy.export the only Such the of in Slovenia. movement himself as a as well publiclong withas appearancesand Withnegotiations authorities. the hethis established strong and skilled politician, Semolic strengthened skillfully his constructive through press role conferences uncontested A a makers. organizerand indecision with capable the meetings appearances public and through authoritynew union chair elected in June 1991 consciously anddeveloped strengthened his authority within ZSSSpeak level mutual for were established benefit. Within inclusivethis organizational structure, the as the and branches the wellbetween competencies of balance new a unions, member its and union aslevel in the wider inparticipate discussion. topublic the were encouraged union Branches and of regional parts ZSSS also raised their voices lawagainst the onprivatization and in from of expertise. terms on active especially could peakorganization, the support count they while actions collective launch and organize to autonomy significant had They discussions. This was especially so since interest representation through general collective bargaining envisioned a dual line a envisioned bargaining collective general through representation interest so since especially was This Majda Stuc ‘Sindikat zavraca predlog o lastninjenju’ and good was (SKEI) branch workers’ metal the member, largest its and ZSSS between relationship The Since the largest unionsSince the public the hadleft sector union ZSSS,the could dominant claim As already branch mentioned, in ZSSS based organizations participated public 125 100 . The ZSSS could also count on strong internal strong on count also could ZSSS The . Delo August 27 1991 124 Organizationally, for boththe peak Organizationally, 123 CEU eTD Collection difference).See: Rose (1996). 126 in the privatization insider-democracy, 1992whichallowed butact adopted also amendmentto incorporation: a inclusion ingradual definition of social inpolicy, newinstitutions industrial of Escalation2003a; 2010,Ferfila also 2010). were tactics reach crucial dealbehindthe to ZSSS’ political arena camein form the of union recognition as representative in 1993 (Stanojevic2000, organizational its peakreached whilereform inmid-1991, in thesuccess escalation of tactics the contextual behind strategicelements Iconclude choices, union’s ZSSS’internalthat Moreover, ZSSS fared significantly better than the newer Slovenian unions. in1990s showed comparably high trust even ZSSS the among the a population as whole. inmid the asurvey conducted legitimacy representation, of In of terms industrial workforce. of groups low income the most vulnerable, especially the and represent effectively organize to organization representative largest and thedominant emerged as union making. The policy social and economic in ZSSS of role significant the formally institutionalized only 1994 April in Council Economic and Social tripartite the of creation The lines. consultative-corporatist authority ZSSS council, the level of peak reinforcing the organization. the within branch unions leaders of among element cohesive asamajor served actions collective joint andultimately statements, deliberations, common of these The relative successes conflict. internal major of signs without members union branch all including leadership collective legislation, labor privatization,deliberated within the general or were strikes wagepolicy, leadersthe memberunion of decisions, organizations. Important such union as stances on deliberation within union the conference and union the council served asa uniting glue among ZSSS fared the best in CEE with only barely less citizens not thrusting ZSSS then those thrusting (a 7% From the description in the previous two sections From in description the two oninternal the previous union reform and the By endof the ZSSS1993, the securedits ‘official’ recognitionthrough position on 101 126 CEU eTD Collection macroeconomic stability. Representing labor as both a social and economic category, the ZSSS the andeconomic category, a social asboth labor Representing stability. macroeconomic and economy Slovenian of competitiveness international the increase to pressures EU accession 1994-2003 2.4.1. ZSSSbehaviorbefore dependency in ZSSS behaviorin two periods, before and after the EU accession. at leastin ZSSS’the ideology inand union on reliance political Iwillcycles. inspect path- the Major changes in external the sinceenvironment 2004have however pushedtowardsradicalism, even changed, andcircumstances when itexternal pressures ashappenedin since 2004. Slovenia relied evenmore on social alliances and used publicpressure. There waslittle change inbehavior pacts. andinsimultaneously conflict social reach to engage prepared ZSSSwaspersistently the tactics, program or strategy, etalt.Sydow 2005,Schreyögg 1980).Indeed,after 1990,therewaslittle changein overall or inthe less eventual change in organizational practicesthe will occur (see e.g. Brittain & Freeman 1980, internal organization itslimits and trajectory ZSSS inthe pattern asa tactics 2.4. Escalation of the ZSSS. Confirmingand needed union protection. its wasin vulnerable skills of strata terms this insider Simultaneously, privatization. and to access escalation contracts favorable with generations privileged of organization arepresentative as predominantly itself union reestablished the inSlovenia, prevailed insider-led since privatization ahead. Second, tactics in critical the juncture period demanded little change in behaviorunion’s in periodthe escalation of success the that first I argue trajectory. union’s onthe union of the redefinition and tactics of escalation imprint the sticky section nextelaborates The led privatization. As a forcompensation unpredictability the vulnerability and partisan of theties, union The main challenges the ZSS was facing at the national tripartite level came from areset, practices more successful organizational the that predict studies Organizational 102 CEU eTD Collection pluralist principles. ESC nevertheless provided channels for combined pressure in the sense of possibilities for defining standpoints. ofpossibilities sense the in pressure combined for channels provided nevertheless ESC principles. pluralist parliament adapted the final document – withother possibilities fordirect lobbies shaping its ultimate content onlegislative procedureto subject thereafter. were Although agreements the since ESC involved terms, intensivelyreal in binding not unions inpreparation agreements and of only, legislation, body the consultative a was Council Social and Economic The (ESC). Council Social and Economic the body, tripartite established later the and Council, slightly in the post-socialist setting. Such was the case with the second chamberto the parliament –the State Namely, some institutions inherited from the corporatist self-management past remained in place ortransformed arrangement -afterthe disintegrationof self-management and its binding social compacts, upuntil EU accession. 127 channels consultative-corporatist with provisionsvarious (Kavcic 2004). harmonization lawandbargaining on collective aseparate legal demanded higher certainty, also policies negatively effecting its constituency,implementing in as it coordination was and the gradualism case with demanded union pensionthe reforms, of reforms. necessity the The ZSSS often stumbled oncurtailing social They consequentlyrights. were difficultand long.Accepting of minimum wageearners. The later bi-annual bargaining annual and social agreements over demanding minimum high wages (as high as 60% of average wages), lower taxation of incomes in vocal was ZSSS The security. social high preserving and policies income solidaristic on consequently focus was The ZSSS’ group. low wageearning middle aged members, the file ofits rankand interests core of the the andmarket protect labor the co-govern to tried Apart from general collective agreements for the public and the ‘competitive’ spheres, signed spheres, ‘competitive’ the publicand the for agreements collective from general Apart benefitintegration,from Slovenian to bargaining unionsahighlycentralized wereable structure. continuation of socialistthe corporatist legacy andlegislation from 1989, upuntil EU As a influence. union of instrument main the remained bargaining consultative Collective development, such as wagepolicy, education-training employment, and taxation policy. social and economic on policies and legislation over influence some exert to able was ZSSS the seats, Council State its and body tripartite the Through influential. more and louder voice Iuse the term ‘consultative corporatism’ as a special feature of Slovenianindustrial relations and as a‘transitory’ The strategy The ZSSS ininfluencingstrategy makers of decision useboth was tripartite and to 127 but also to use all other available means to make its own 103 CEU eTD Collection also also as part of PHAREthe program. See: ZSSS 1998,1999, 2002. 128 and representatives. union trustees training of and butengage as also influencing to a prerequisite in making. in ZSSS invested decision education stand behindtrustees, union to bea powerful organization there necessary that was recognizedas measures. For example, in 1998 large demonstrations were held against pension reform. laws and proposed in to opposition or attimes of disagreement, large protests organized, well level prepared peak union the Commonly, voice its dissatisfaction. rightof to expression as measures welfarean the insisted on negatively state such mobilization affecting during peak union increased itsperiodical mobilization pressurethrough rankof file.The and the ZSSS Rights Day. Human as on such manner, inclusive Inmore a in actions voicingin symbolic engaged and drives petition opposition to body had notbeen various asineffective, 1998. In 1996 or fashion,activist union the also organized measures influence legislation tripartite the through to attempts whenunion strikesgeneral wereorganized affecting welfare andof worker interests union waswell adapted tothe pluralist system.or warning Protests and social rights corporatist role various with formslobbying activity of and democraticthe pressure.Representation legislation. non-wagesocial intominimumand wage, benefitswereagreements alsodefinedput which then through good relationsthrough andshared member with competencies unions. The ZSSS alsoremained Specifically, both extensive and intensive trainings were organized in co-management and worker shareholding, worker and in co-management organized were trainings intensive and extensive both Specifically, Throughout the period, the ZSSS continued to investitsinto organization It capacities. theThroughout period, to ZSSScontinued the As during period the of critical juncture, the union itscomplemented consultative- 104 128 The peak level union authority was fortified CEU eTD Collection January January 23 2007; Miha Ravnik former ZSSS chair Nova Gorica, January 25 2007. among unionsthe in early 2007. Author’s interviewswith StefanSkledarformer vice-chairman of KNSS Ljubljana 129 alsocooperative. butcompetitive dominantthe union and the agenda for unionism. setter level Peak unions cementedremained the ZSSS also continuously attempted to build sustained solidarity among workers across opposing and by underscored wage inequalities.ideology, Inits rising protests public appeals, low of wageearners and its most the group vulnerable strategic mission kept protecting of (e.g.EU environments integration) and amore define precisefocus for union action. The ZSSS with an eyewell to as of improvingthe social-economic1990, stressingidentification with, andthe andprotection development of as welfarethe state, rightspractical of workers. Modifications implementationeconomy. in the program occurred regulation industrial forof butmaximizingrelations, also and employmentbattling the grey only as well foralso otherprofit argued sharing arrangements. TheZSSS sidethe on stood of thorough as to adaptshareholding, union the and assistedworker ZSSS the inprocess, privatization the participation them torank-and-file (Stanojevic 2007:353,Meardi 2006). In additionsupport for workerto changingthe for security job of weight the increase to and facilities, sport as such incentives, secondary in other investing to energy great devoted but level, company the on funds solidarity powerful ‘successful’ companies.oriented level export Plant members unions attracted by running unionism in form the of internal between cooperation andunions management especially in the Inter union cleavages completely ended after an agreement on distribution of trade union assets was reached was assets union of trade distribution on an agreement after ended completely cleavages union Inter Programmatic documents adopted at later congresses drew heavily on the program heavily ontheof program atlater drew congresses adopted Programmatic documents There are indications that ZSSS plant based unions continued to build on buildeconomic on to plant continued basedZSSS unions indications that There are 129 105 CEU eTD Collection cooperation with the state and employer organizations as a general commitment to economic to commitment general a as organizations and employer state the with cooperation in the criticaljunction bread successfullyperiod, issues andreconciling conflictdue to butter and wages overinvestment(Prasnikar employment included. &Svejnar1998), higher for opted workers firms dominated insider in the self-management, with break partial a In owners. external of than that greater same time atthe management was of significance significantWorkersbargaining overwagesinvestments also kept whileand/or power the in environment. newcapitalist gainedunderself-management rights the enjoying property extensive sample of 458 firms, out of which 303 or 66% were privatized internally. assessment, in 1990-5the period theshare of internally privatized enterprises was evenPrasnikar higher. hadan 131 protest. in the participated metal as ofZSSSsuch sectors other example for 2009, affectedworkers and asalobbying, awareness raising activity. thestrike inDuring thetextile company inJuly Mura 130 in way. this privatized was shareenterprises of great appeal:insiders. had Thispredominantly insider by a significant privatization late1990s,a the i.e.worker- long for term employees, of privatization conditions was beneficial government bargain the with historical the The main of result with contracts. open incomes but lower of the property rights and interests of their rank-and-file members, typically core employees with the other, more controversial and exclusivist representative function of ZSSS was the protection interrelation and mutual support. between councilandshop stewards chairs This indicates work (ZSSS: 1998). astrong in 1998,80%of councilwork by cadre was proposed union cells. Typically, was there a rotation a unionAccording of councils. management, to union the report, work establishment assisted the sectors. also but branches In 1998, 42% of enterprises were privatized internally (Stanojevic 2001:1). InPrasnikar& Svejnar’s (1998) During company level industrial conflicts, the ZSSS often organized protests as messages of solidarity with In the 1994-2003 period, the ZSSS its established fortifiedIn the1994-2003period, thus practices organizational In addition to the fight for bread and butter issues and the preservation of social rights, social of preservation the and issues butter and bread for fight the to addition In 130 Inaccordance industrial and its democracy with to commitment co- 106 131 Worker-shareholders could continue thus CEU eTD Collection sectors. The first intersectoral collective agreement determining pay adjustment method was pay adjustment determining agreement collective first The intersectoral sectors. whole for agreements collective of extension the endangering thus and further fall to tendency corporatistlegacies. In 2008 a significant decline in employer organizations was recorded, with a law on new a directives, EU in linewith Further, organizations. for employer Economy of Chamber the demandedfree bargaining, collective thus the requiring abolition membershipof compulsory in lowest of pay in tariff ECalso monitoring the classes.In 2003 acomprehensive report the where producing minimum the forby sectors wage exports, washigherlaw determined than the in acute especially was bargaining collective of crisis The requirements. with EU accession collective lose bargaining started groundafterto Law the onLabor Relations of 2002, inline Quasi-centralized level. sectoral the towards agreements collective of decentralization towards ashift was there of losingall, First ground. were bargaining collective legacies strengthening difficulties for ZSSS and unions in Slovenia, mostimportantly since the former corporatist bases loosing institutional and radicalization 2.4.2. EUintegration: to and then undermined this constellation and union’s the position. significant percentage of shares. As I will show in the next section, external factors first set limits union rank andfile alsoparticipated in privatization of process 1990s the obtainingthrough a middle aged from industrial lowerworkers income groups, typically with Many open contracts. and-file members of rank- inclusion Thecore the in privatization. of worker asanadvocate itself establishedZSSS also ZSSS, to whose interests intensively industry,oriented The workcouncilsbut the with also management. with cooperated the union was especially Plantgrowth. level union members of ZSSS,the especially in thesuccessful branches of export sensitive to, were The process of EU integration and its accompanying legislation additional created legislation andits accompanying integration The EU of process free collective bargaining and agreements was adopted in bargainingan 2006,puttingendand collective to agreementswasadopted 107 CEU eTD Collection 134 133 ma/esl/06/ef06519_en.pdf Slovenia’, the Improvement in of Living and Workingdialogue Conditions social for building ‘Capacity See sector. ofpublic 10% and services According to ZSSS, the proportion of its rank-and file was the following: about60% industry,30% in sector private 132 hired fixed with contracts. term increasingly have been employees Troublesome for the union was the inclusion especiallynew sinceof entrants, from 2000s the enterprises. within also but economy whole the in only not is present which cleavage is a This outsiders. versus insiders worker represents increasingly union is, the That incrisis. capitalism Slovenian economy harshly, it seems that the ZSSS faced the classic problem of trade unions of behavior? union in established changes provoked have externalities negative extent what to and whether itself is that poses Thequestion active. and politically visibility remained andsocial capacities Namely,invested in EU. itsthe ZSSS to the accession Slovenia’s before organizational practices with20% of ZSSS after about organization all workers. largest unionized second becoming the was created, unions (KSJSS) trade sector public of a confederation rival, industriesin oriented pressure export (Depalo on & Giordanopay 2011). pay public sector levels and,from 2007, arising gapbetween public sectors put andprivate increasing an Namely, unions. level peak for issues internal controversial most the became pay sector bargaining andCollective public Economic and Social bargaining atthe Council. in consultative set was wage minimum Earlier wage. minimum the calculating of method government alsointroduced the Law on Determination of Minimum wage, with a pre-established signed in 2006 without governmental participation. In samethe year, center the rightwing Author’s interview with Miha Ravnik, former ZSSS chair Nova contracts Gorica, January 25 2007.fixed-term with workers and contracts ended open and shares with workers between aconflict as e.g. Since only about 10% of its members were public employees, this cleaveage did not mirror itself within ZSSS. In the post-2004 periodIn the andpost-2004 global especially the during economic crisis hitwhich the As I have in shown previousthe sub-section, union the fortified its established successful Accessed onJanuary 24, 2011. , 2006 108 http://www.pedz.uni-mannheim.de/daten/edz- 134 It seems that this is a this seems that It 132 European Foundation for From From new2002, a 133 CEU eTD Collection 137 136 are rights human rights’. 135 strengthened. left The ideology wing was also underpinned by ideologya human rights union ideology trade of the way. socialist The insome itbehavior, radicalize but did established since. crucial issue has intensifiedinsider-outsider which the has problem the ever that plagued union The latter were limited now to labor intensive sectors and issues of arrears andissues of wage intensive sectors labor to limitednow were The latter in strikes replaced role of Slovenia. the protests Large capacities. concertational and mobilization demandincreases. aswell pay to as agreements, sectoral collective were mostly held againstemployers’ asin organizations, for2004 and signing2007, revising or introduction proposed the of flatinreform addition, warninggeneral 2005.In tax strikes the wereheldagainst protests andsuccessful large Particularly market. EU internal services inthe on directive the and directive time working the as such Commission, European the by proposed measures various negatively on reacted also The ZSSS stage. political the itself on reestablish and toincrease bargaining power, into its mobilization activity itsorder restarted scale grand infrom government included power 2004 until accession, that2008, aperiod ZSSS theEU the center-right hostile initially the During economists. boys’ ‘Chicago Slovenian and neoliberalism forin example,socialist 2006attacking increasinglymilitantdiscourse, leadership the used an government directly directly government and relied more heavily cycles. on political organizations,youth retired.lobbied of as organizations such ZSSSand From 2006, the the civilsociety other with establishalliances to sought ZSSSoccasionally the actions, Thisoccurred in2009, after acenter-left government came in power,but with success.no In 1994-2002 period, about 70%of were strikes launched because of orlate irregular payments of wages. The ZSSS used the Day of Human Rights forprotests and public manifestations usually with the motto ‘Social As a reaction to changes in the wider environment, the ZSSS did not changechanges theZSSS not its As a did to inthe widerenvironment, reaction The ZSSS has remained the most influential The ZSSShas society with most civil scale the remained grand organization 109 137 136 . In these In . 135 and CEU eTD Collection with councilswork and arguably management, fostering micro-corporatist economic unionism, strongly in Recall from cooperated unions subsection that, companies, 2010). these previous the have indeedlost ground since 2004and especially during the global economic crisis (Stanojevic strongholds union former other and firms export-oriented large in coalitions internal whether office. of out push government the to force helping an became active ZSSS the SD, the to submitting than Rather strained. became ZSSS the and SD the between liberalmarket toa Social the agenda, relations in2008butturned Democrats (SD) won elections policies of the center-right coalition leadby the Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS). In turn, after union. In periodthe of 2004-2006, the ZSSSthe became amajor opposition force against the the on influence increased partisan also competition hand, electoral other the On years. election surprisingly,not bargaining major potential: were signed social agreements and collective in agenda. 138 party. building coalition also underwenta gradual neoliberalism. change towards In2008the SD emerged lead asthe but in2005, SD to name its changed party The coalition. the led never but coalition center-left andin mostvulnerable.was commonly partof the agenda Theparty welfare state the protecting main post-communist party coalition, ZLSD,dominated the with itwhich shared a common allies, there was a general trend of weakening of pro-unionist elites. The ZSSS was closest tothe with both center-leftandpartiesfor center-right (e.g. 2006-2008period).the Interms of potential lines compromises into on pragmatist manageditact, mobilize enter and to entirely transparent, not was allies political on reliance and to links ZSSS’ the Although critical. highly remained In late 1990s SD condemned its communist roots, moved closer to liberalism and weakened its pro-unionist An issue which needs reconsideration and which the present analysis cannot assess is the needsreconsideration presentAn issueanalysiswhich cannot and which In its relations with political elites and parties, the ZSSS preserved its autonomy and autonomy its preserved ZSSS the parties, and elites political with relations its In 138 Election remainedan cycles increaseopportunity to theunion’s 110 CEU eTD Collection Dnevnik 2012. 140 139 job security survivaland concernedwith enterprise stancea predominant of unionism economic firms, inlevel ‘successful’ unions of plant behavior on cooperative myemphasis the underscores managerialism partoflabor subordination to technocratic This (Stanojevic the on finding2002). Stanojevicyearsbefore found EU, the accession to level asurprising including of rigidities, larger Few army.the constitute andoutsiders isdecreasing, insiders of number the that however, within economicworkforce andsense. unionism theirenterprises make is, strong The problem perspective, both unions’on behalf function of representational of privilegedthe the part also those employees but contracts, middle of,not only open with percentage agedemployees typically shrinking the with hasacceptance andinfluence insiders been arecommonly insider-outsider where problem, the significant shares in capableorganized interestgroup blockingof reforms and afearfulthus voice. the companies changed atall.hasof behaviorpattern militant not theunion’s largest The ZSSShasremained where general the shown, have I as However, weakening. was union they the in which context is a This work. From and including liberalization international of the exposition financialsector the competition. to this intoaccount2010). This takes argument thenegativeinwhich externalities unions operated, activities of interms union endit ‘exceptionalism’ indicated of the Slovenian that and turn this wasadecisive strike argued that alarmedeven Stanojevic observers. involvement workers thiscore crisisinternal of shook coalition industrial peace. Theglobal economic preserving andmanagement by submitting pressureandinternational to competitiveness alsothus and management. The episode of ‘Gorenje’ [Ali Zerdin] ‘Stanojevi any enterprise, If September19 2009 It seems that the main problem for the ZSSS as a general indicator of erosion of social of of erosion indicator asageneral ZSSS for the problem main seemsthe that It Gorenje ü : ý is the symbol of Slovenian success ofSlovenian symbol the is http://www.dnevnik.si/tiskane_izdaje/objektiv/1042300303 e je po þ ilo v Gorenju, je to znamenje, da je situacija v vsej državi dramati 111 139 workers’ strikeunion without . Accessed at January 24 January at .Accessed 140 (Stanojevic þ na.’ CEU eTD Collection 141 the general, In society. broader the file and rankand the to relation union’s the problematically questionsprompted efficiency the about insitutionalizedof union andbehavior,most crisis global economic the and form policies in EU-based of the shocks and externalities 2004,negative after in period.Intheperiod behavior the 1994-2003 especially union, the of analysis of the post-socialistpolitical organization. theZSSSestablisheditselfand opportunities, asamilitant The strong period has shown a great deal of join. organizational stickinessall young employees andmigrant alsomaintained workers, incentives strong secondary to in the ZSSS,whichtargeted the newstrategies of including recruiting duetoadaptivealso strategies, members. successwas Thisrelative asits half unionized workers union,all of about counting peak level theThe ZSSSremained dominant (Stanojevic afterwards have 2010b). occurred density in Slovenia fell astillto high 41%incomparably butmore 2007, substantial could drop union overall Whereas success. of Wea relative canthustalk European counterparts. East in more recently, are, crisis. which some of enterprises, of these prospects the on depended enterprises oriented viable export level capitalism. in The success strategies union plant of economy increasingly deregulated and the of crisis ageneral with together is growing, paradox insider-outsider the of expression asan of unionism crisis it the seems that case, Slovenian the lines.In along generational extent from union outsider population growing the a great excludedor whichruns the of workforce, to isolation the of is a greater there crisis, of economic severe in circumstances iscoin external that the of side other The councils. work with cooperation strong and rank-and-file, insider the for See especially the eiro report: ‘Trade union strategies to recruit new groups of workers’ May 17 2010 May 17 ofworkers’ groups new recruit to strategies union ‘Trade report: eiro the especially See 141 Building on its organizational resources, the political skills of its leaders and favorable and leaders its of skills political the resources, organizational its on Building evenYet, 2004,Slovenianafter greaterstrength unions showed and relevance thantheir 112 CEU eTD Collection has, this is not an impossible task. an impossible is not this has, fundamentally its positionreconsider in system.the resources significant Given the unionthe of the ZSSS is interwoven with the crisis of Slovenian capitalism where the union might needsuggests to that the ZSSS faces a crisis which is not acute be role playedfor unions. My by analysis agreater is to space trade also decreasingalso there but it is fundamental. Namely, the crisis a socialist union than it was in the past, but at the for less favorable same iseven scene party political the In of addition, society. the segments widerthe time since the role of political parties is I think that the ZSSS hasdevelop to new practices toattract members and establish a presence in small, but novel initiatives and practices. In order to be termed successful in thefuture, however, and ZSSSalsobase was shrinking, the social tried toreach society broader out tothe through butnotits actions, than ithad in period immediate the after 1989.Sensing thatits membership union its continued with bargaining established practice radicalizingof andconflict, ideology its 113 CEU eTD Collection the government and Milosevic’s policies. This made it suspect, and cemented alargedistance andcemented madeitsuspect, This Milosevic’s policies. government and the mobilizationinscaleengage againstworker capable grandself-empowering to willing not of or workers, and consequently alsonotin the eyes of the elites. More precisely,it showed that it was fragile remained itbecomecould on grounds: not acredible intermediary of organization file tounion demandsand contributed demobilization. The deal implied that the SSS’position industries, i.e. markets and jobs would belost, the deal secured for concessions populist rank and pact built on the premise that sanctions would hurt the (long-term)interests of all export oriented Whereassanctions. a the the governmentduringself-defeating the SSSstruck the UN deal with in actors 1992.Namely, late itsoccurred for fight vis-à-vis state will capacities autonomy to or lack the of union’s which indicated the moment, paradigmatic The its trajectory. influence state actors. with cost at the organization of intermediary buildingconflictopen risk upan of autonomous Ultimately up take the to waswhether nevertheless leadership union forissue the the reform, After apartial the SSS both directly ofbuildingand indirectly undermined the prospects upintermediary unionism. did not achieve in the authoritarian SSSduring 1990-1991, the domination of process elite the democratization sufficient indomination (late the period lateself-management 1987-1989).In spite ofsome within changes autonomyorganizational reform and establishment the of new unionist practices was authoritarian elite to enableandfile and sufficient autonomy from the elite. A crucialit element which prevented internal to freelycapacitiesmobilization, for innecessary both elements ingaining credibility the eyes of rank the specific its overcome union thisunable was to peaklevel Passivity Chapter 3. Serbia’s SSS: Fragile Autonomy, Isolation and This chapter turns case tothe of Serbiantrade the union I argue confederation SSS. that 114 organizational deficits or increase its or deficits CEU eTD Collection section I outline the specificities of the authoritarian-populist state building project of Milosevic, of project building state authoritarian-populist the of specificities the outline I section second the In level union. peak the of self-isolation conscious andthe context, deal,the the one crucial moment, SSS’s abandoned general strike of late 1992. Here I outline the dynamics of faced deprivation. of typically situations absolute worker self-organization worker of wasalackof traditions bypasspossible sincethere This was wereable unions. to elite actors inevitable. It is important was cleavage issue where gain an autonomy, to elite the with engageinstruggle a whether to to mention here that inand the principlesSerbian case ofof intermediaryshallow undermined chances the actors precisely, elite More for internal deliberation. credible necessary democratization, unionism lacked it autonomy areal notmake union the could since case.Namely, the choice, Serbian in the first place. If the union had a choice abreakthrough. internal problems prevented organizational it was of mobilization. acute However, of ongrounds reestablishitself to attempted SSSS 2003 when the government and the rank would necessary havebeen for establishment the of vis-à-visboth its authority and credibility the and file.mobilization when times Afterin critical especially autonomy SSS’s the curtailed thehad This isolation.) fall of Milosevic, there‘quiescent’ actor opting for statewas protection, and cementedonly its political subordination one and social moment a its trajectory as (thisfrom shaped state the to rely hadno but choice SSS concessions other on in the weakness, its internal Due to accordingly. trajectory union’s the shaped and cycle a vicious Thestarted state. increased the momentparadigmatic on dependence its further only subsequent from sentimentsof the level andworkers plant workplaceor level unions, which paradoxically This ischapter in structured followingthe The first way. section the outlines details of Thus, Burgess’ (2004) framework Thus,becrucial on Burgess’(2004) applied choiceunion tothe cannot , workers were fragmented even within plants, and the rank and file and rank the and plants, within even fragmented were workers 115 CEU eTD Collection negotiate and agreed to populist egalitarian wage and employment concessions withvery concessions andpopulistegalitarian wage employment and negotiate agreedto to SSS quickly the accepted Instead of action. incollective and organization mobilization invest to not andconfront government the to not Theunion decided thestate. with crucial deal a struck increase its autonomy and create a position independence the wider elite accepting and onmobilization up ofgiving political pattern The 3.1. arena, in late 1992 the militancy SSSand from combinealso show that 1993 aneworganizational developed:atendency practice to verbal I autonomy, for fight the of abandonment the of implications immediate the to attention drawing from apart Thus, in SSStrajectory. the elements “sticky” andthe implications immediate unionism and extremethe economic andpolitical Thelast, insecurities. fifth outlines the section intermediary towards members file and rank of commitment limited the to due also vulnerable The elite persisted. union was organizationally while exposuretoinfluence empowerment little Instead, organizational happenedin autonomous structures. of organizational self- terms mobilization the through level authority andpeak establish relevance to lost chance the byproducts: had ‘reform’. Thedefeatof reformers of partial defeat successes and organizational several the ison the section. inHereIconcentrate This third thetopic of the democratization 1990-1991. the fore during the union’s attempt tofight for autonomy and credibility during the short wave of cameto anissuewhich weaknesses, organizational internal union builtspecific on elite hostility Namely, quiescence. union in explaining sufficient not is elite authoritarian the of domination importantlymost how itundermined intermediary organizations and unions. Iargue thethat Instead of using the opportunity ininvestInstead of theopportunity mobilization actorsinusing to to state againstorder of of file,rank-and developmentof the a principled laboragenda, redefined and de facto subordination to the elite. the to subordination 116 CEU eTD Collection 142 remained mostly passive even itwhen engagementcamein to passing regulations toovercome acutely,its members Most territorial SSSand the capacities. union lacked organizational governmentbutalso ofmost powerful figure Serbia, of Milosevic! In May 1992, certain policies. to lobby for parliament Serbian of the as president aswell the executives Serbian the union presidency with used Unionminimum for all guaranteeing meetings wages employed. representatives as aswell policy industrial influencing strikes, threaten and officials governmental from went so far regions. Along with a rising intensity asindustrial of SSScontinuedconflicts, demand to responses to and branches demand different from activists union with communication regular more and newsletter resignationmake file,to rankcommunication closer tothe in theorganization through and theunion not only efforts some were cards.There membership receive sign upand to were members union all and of the from inousted be June1991.Nevertheless,membership union ceasedthe automatic, inunions to were active most reformers the level work of peak in moreorganization, the autonomous resulted and changes some brought had reform internal this Although file. and rank the of interests independent andareturn to union representation theunion slogansof the of autonomy under in the 1990-1991 within surprising several reforms wereaccomplished cameafter sincethese abandoning the principles unionism,of andlosing its moral instatus eyesthe of rankthe andfile. struggle for a sufficientits meant constituency. for negativepractical giving this also consequences In terms, upthe level of union autonomy: the SSS was also resigned to ‘temporarily’ Gradimir Ivanic, [head of SSSS documentationcenter] ‘Uzaludni zapisi’ unpublished diary. The sudden halt to the union’sthe andpoliticalThe suddenhalt relevancewassomewhat for autonomy drive to 117 142 On the other hand, SSS CEU eTD Collection November28 2006. 145 union. new a form to forced were they and connections’ and ‘ties to his due representative union ‘their’ remove to unable were mantili traze policajce’ traze mantili 144 143 level unions, plant of strikes conflicts, chaotic increasingly sanctions ‘would not last long’ that convincepublic general triedthe to minister while theprime However, of sanctions. the strike, with aim the of pushing thegovernmentto meet all necessary for theliftingrequirements organize ageneral threatened level to members,fileunion peak the member andrank unions both from fear and pressure dissatisfaction, Sensing stake. at also were jobs thus and high, devastatingindustry: forthisa to standstill; production came the chanceslosing marketswere of inproduction but general,driven The especiallyinexport sectors. effects of sanctionsthe were measures banned with international trade newYugoslaviathe and severely industrial damaged sanctions The socialiststates. former state in other as similar rates at shrunk hadalready wereeconomy an additionalin military in Yugoslav involvement conflicts andBosnia.Croatia By time, Serbian the that majorSerbian and rump- as areaction to of Yugoslavia Republic Federal againstthe sanctions shock to an already andrepresentatives. ‘their’ union workers between serious situation. Namely, the UN pointing to the “highly political” nature of the sanctions. the of nature political” “highly the to pointing by action of absence the justified chairman off. The the strike called eventually leadership launch After not. verbal 1992,theunion several strike threatsduring whether the strike or to doitsdespite promises so.At to same the time, theunion leadership remained undecided Author’s interview with Slobodanka Brankovic former ofhead SSS the office forlegal matters, Belgrade, See e.g. ‘Obecanje od 250miliona’ See e.g.Gordana Djukic ‘Radnici krse sindikalni protokol’ On May 301992, UNSecurity the comprehensive introduced Council economic Borba March 31 1992. In the case of one Belgrade clinic the majority of protesting workers 145 Borba the government did little to meet requirements to lift sanctions 5March 1992; ‘Strajk se nastavlja 118 144 Borba 27 March1992 143 or even reconciling conflicts even or reconciling Borba March 7-8 1992; ‘Beli CEU eTD Collection November28 2006. 147 Rad 146 to demand whatever it wants. union leadership last handtothe afree Bozovic wouldnot long,offered minister, newprime the late lastedevening.which the into thatsanctions While theunion representatives convincing Allnegotiate with government. high officialsthe during ranking negotiations, werepresent the industrialpreparations for Rather in than already action, start June1992theunion agreed to all employees. to security job offer to as aswell sanctions during level wages to government also putforwardidea populist the level of city a Belgrade union official wouldcall onthe who it but government the with negotiate to offer the accepted only not leadership SSS the precisely, More concessions. onwageandemployment adeal struck SSS the confronting government, the influence.)and exert of actand interests workingthe class the capacities to represent makers autonomous union’s the the decision by of and newstructures new practices; 2.provingcommunication to establishing have purposes: in crucial been serving of two 1.establishing authority and rank trust the andfile relevant actor in the political arena. (In other words: it was a situation where mobilization SSSasa the it, from establishing whilepossibly also andautonomy largerestablish distance a would also time, same atthe and elite, the on increase pressure to chance a unique means was byall through legal means. The SSS also abandoned its’ rights of setting tariffs’, while firms and firms while tariffs’, setting of rights its’ abandoned also SSS The means. legal through wasaccepted wageconcessions with guarantee employment populist this scale a grand way, whichaccording to of mainelements the previousagreementswereannulled.the collective In Author’s interview with Slobodanka Brankovic, former head of SSS the office forlegal matters, Belgrade, Bogdan Brkic ‘Pred kolapsom’ March1992. 6 However, the peak level union peaklevel the However, not didunion I do not claim that the strike would have guaranteed the lifting of sanctions. However, it Rad 147 September 18 1992; ‘Odgovornost vlade’ Ibid. See also ‘Vlada je popustila’ Thelaw byproposingplayed along government onwages, a 119 mobilize against Serbian state actors. Rather than Rather actors. state Serbian against 146 CEU eTD Collection November28 2006 150 149 148 a Serb of formation the The SSSsupported state. in disintegrated the for ethnic Serbs support war efforts and state building policies of Milosevic, acknowledging the legitimacy of Serbian allowsubsidies startto itto production. the metal industry, SSS allowed this branch to fight independently from SSS for concessions and of branch militant most the from pressure the ease to order In approval. for file and rank the and manner for example, (Arandarenko1997): survey questionnaires weresentto member unions lukewarm in a butstrike, afew toorganizea times 1993, the SSSeven started throughout 1992and In late became from commonplace. SSS the General strike threats of workers. parliament the that measuresandwould government the toremedy adopt existential the problems signs some at threats postpone these only to strike, stage ageneral to repeatedly threatened SSS comingmilitant most from its unionsindustrial branch of but from plants, also publicsector, the exceedof 1:3. aratio not could wages. Wage-differences minimum newly receive establishedfund unionsguaranteed 75%of apply a to couldalso to organized (Arandarenko1997) in a ‘bureaucratic way’ 1993, todeal from with inside SSSlaunched union, pressure the the astrike, which was sloppily industry production, itsin calledoff engagement representatives general the strike. for starting sufficient deal package metal After a subsidy with SSS. aseparate reached from union exitthe sectoral of itenergy could deals,stop nor metal separate in negotiating of Author’s interview with Slobodanka Brankovic former ofhead SSS the office forlegal matters, Belgrade, The metal branch unioncommittee did not evencommunicate on the issue with its subsidiary organizations. Z. Bosnic-Vujadinovic ‘Podeljeno clanstvo’ ‘Podeljeno Bosnic-Vujadinovic Z. More conservatively,inMore line the union leadership the with supported Serbian officials, Sanctions however, did not end in a ‘matter of months.’ Partly also to respond to pressure Rad 148 The peak level union did not challenge the autonomy the challenge not did union level peak The December28 1992. 120 150 , with minimal organizational input. organizational minimal with , 149 Only in Only CEU eTD Collection 2006. 154 Slobodanka Brankovic, ‘Sramota’ and jepukao’ ‘Kais Jovanovic Jelka MPs. right-wing and ofpopulists performance theatrical by a manouvered awareness onworker ‘hunger and anger’, referring to possibilitythe of generala strike. The threat was out- polanik). The union chairmanoutlined (narodni the importance representatives people’s the of address minimum to wages andparliament Serbian revision ofthe of President the tax ofthe system, invitation raisingthe used 153 ethnic Serbs in other republics of Yugoslavia. Vujasinovic was a Serb born in Croatia, and as such sympathized personally with general Serbian efforts to protect 152 151 organization of a non-employed, passive, socially vulnerable population,an not and organization become new wasto an role union’s the that soon recognized critics internal union sanctions, hyperinflation. Since the wason‘forced bulk workforce industrial leaves’the of dueto inflation for production levels levelswith pavedtheway dramatically deteriorating disaster. economic an constructing in regime Milosevic the of accomplice an became union the official, union former a of judgment of jointthe risks of skyrocketing inflation and plummeting production. In retrospective the fully leadership not was ofsuch macroeconomicimplications aware of the notably a deal,most appeared very passive during electoral the campaign. it latemajor preliminary the supported 1992,butparliamentary elections TheSSSalso results. of bring not could strategy the escalated, turn authoritarian and agenda nationalist the when reality, attempted tofind allies andinfluence faction apro-labor within ruling the SPS. right taking of 1991,thestrategy late from place unionleadershipthe wasvery itrational: involvementof Yugoslav militarythe in theconflict. In circumstances of a dramatic tothe turn uniontrade in Knin Croatia into the Serbian federation. Serbian the into Croatia Interview with Slobodanka Brankovic, former head of the SSS office for legal matters, Belgrade, November 28 November Belgrade, matters, legal for office SSS ofthe head former Brankovic, Slobodanka with Interview Most importantly,in pressing decision-making favorin of a laboragenda, March in 1992 unionthe leadership ‘Sindikat Krajine u sindikatu Srbije’ usindikatu Krajine ‘Sindikat ‘Zabrinutost i protest’ The deal with hadfor governmentthe union. major the consequences The union 151 Rad , and inlate1991it even accepted unions from of ‘Serbian territories’ June 29 1991. Rad March 6 1992 Rad 154 August 2 1991. The new temporary SSS chairman, Milorad Namely, as it very soon became clear, pegging wages to 152 The union was silent on the issue of war and the 121 153 However, in CEU eTD Collection 155 behind someleast of reasons at the determine wecan alternatives, the By autonomy.considering for fight a in action union alternative of possibilities indicate they However certainty. with of 1991? at least, attempt publicnegotiations televised decision makers, with asithad been in the spring Whynot, instead? awarningprotest strike or announceorganize awarning notor did union the militantunion members and the rankand file?Why strikego on whenjobs were atrisk?Why most the primarily threat the of audience the Was audience? internal an for only importance of tactical strikeathreat general Wasthe strength? what andwith demand unions could the What certainty. answer with wecannot which questions are there Yet, terms. organizational build to position upan autonomous elite,the challengingtowards since thetaskwas in too efficientway most the not Itseemsstrikeif ageneral was as not! was action collective disruptive similarly alternative, of – organization situation precarious the –dueto task been adifficult can this most radical moment, an occasion when the voice of labor should have mattered. Whereas it govern it. to increasing capacities or abandoning anyaspirations market, toavery labor loose contributed it Basically identity. militant its of foundations very the unemployment, of salience political very and sacrificed the The work of principles of dignity 1993-1994. union surrendered the non-employmentà-visin toan (cf. contributed 2004),butalso economic Baxandall collapse populist concession, the SSS in essence gave up to defend the distinctiveness of employment vis- class of working an active interests the representing ‘Odgovornost vlade’ bein arguedthat unionstechnical terms for trade organization a general of have wouldstrike These questions are speculative. Moreover, due to lack of data, they cannot be answered lack they dueto cannot of data, Moreover, speculative. are These questions The union failed to give a transparent response or offer a vision on its own role even at Rad September18 1992 122 155 . In such . In words,in other agreeing to CEU eTD Collection supportive clientelist network behindhimself. occurredwithin Changes leadershipthe of the bureaucratic afortification putting revolution’ Milosevic’s powerthrough of was inplacea ‘anti- or ‘happening of people’ alsothe the called officially mass mobilization, policies. The inmobilization for support newthe leader communist of Serbia andhis often extra-institutional 1989) (1987- on SSS populism authoritarian of Milosevic’s impact 2.2. The causes. and its self-management late behind forin autonomy.record of the fight abandoned nextsection thepoor SSS Inthe Ioutline rank and file towards the of commitment low unionism, Finally, a breakthrough. for andinsufficient were and theirsuccess limited with direct turn to the elite was also an importantpolitical arena.On internal otherinthe hand, attempts 1990-91 toreverse these endedtrends element influencing actively shapingpowerful interest or group the organization and autonomous and not reestablish didto itselfthus overcomeasboth organizational not itsinherited weaknesses Internal vulnerability organizational stemmed late from socialism, when union trade the could extent. some to separated be can component organizational internal the and influence elite moreThe assertively. tofight structures weak internal too and capacities limited organizational the negative effectsmanagement and the effects of the authoritarian turn in a militarized Serbia. Whereas I will show of the Milosevic-led long-term of in inlateself- autonomy due to effects ended resignation influence elite eliteautonomy and marginalization. As I arguein the following sections, the SSSstruggle for on trade unionism,low with union accept a resignation union to terms, corresponded such trade quiescence I also practical strike. In and the call gradually signoff concession agreement a union’sthe choice to argue that SSS had The last years of authoritarian socialism in Serbia were turbulent, exemplified in exemplified mass were turbulent, in socialism Serbia yearsThe last of authoritarian 123 CEU eTD Collection successful attack and coup against Stambolic, triggering the latter’s resignation. latter’s the triggering Stambolic, against coup and attack successful 1986 Milosevicwas barely knownto wider audiences (Vladisavljevic 2008:67-69), but in late1987 launchedhe a Communists, of League of the Milosevicfaction was supposed Serbian to the of remain in shadow president of the Stambolic1986 who from occupied and the Serbianof Belgrade, republican state office.organization Until putting friends and allies in leadership of positions. Although practices from 1984 washe the clientelistic leaderof Citythe level instituted communist ademocrat, as the used appearing while and bodies, level, federal of communist Yugoslav the at organs vacuum power leading the in consultations broad through of appointments practice former subordinated to his mentorIvan Stambolic. Starting his significant political career in 1982, Stambolic abandoned the 156 by measuresfederal Thedisagreement debt-servicing introduced government. Yugoslav the rising unemployment inflation, and interventions and economic never-ending austerity harsh Stambolic, Ivan politics, communist Serbian of man first the against of Yugoslavia andits constituent, increasinglyrepublican independent units. Milosevic’s coup democratization liberalization,and economic nationalisms rising and uncertainties future on the inmarketization democratization and wider environment. the the union of reform organizational the needs, and dynamics internal from springing than in Rather bargaining. earlycollective and mobilization through representation 1990 interest independent for capacities sufficient stemmed fromwhen have the did started, not a Serbian nor democratization union laboragendaprincipled theThus, employees. public or branches simple different of workers industrial fragmented territorially the need to copeearly engage level 1990 theunion atinterests peak all not did in the of closer bringing divergent with systemic 1988 and Between and self-empowerment. internal reform authenticorganizational andeffective changesyearsfor losttheirof ideology were andtwo duetothe reorganization own ‘anti-bureaucratism’ of principlesis,initiate of unionism. unions concretesteps werenotencouragedto That towards start unable internalredefine insecure reforms or the amarginal, to actor, unionism was viadomination popularmobilization, ‘anti-bureaucraticthe or revolution’, intermediary elite extra-institutional of conditions under importantly, Equally SSS. union level peak In 1986-1987, Milosevic was the second most important figure in Serbia but was supposed to remain Milosevic rose to power inMilosevic power late 1987in to seriesrose of anticipated a complex events: 124 156 occurred after a decade of CEU eTD Collection 1991, Rusinow 1995; Woodward 1995a; Woodward Magid 1995b,see e.g. Cohen 2001,Serbia Lampe in 2000: 357-64. politics’ of‘ethnic acceleration of the assessments contextualized appropriate For methods. new of legitimacy the and of changes speed the about was Milosevic and Stambolic betrayed the between difference major the Finally, Army. Yugoslav vast the reduce to radically whether and state federal of the out confederation a make or centralize to whether of issue main the on deadlock a entered relations Slovene-Serbian importantly, Most of future the affecting Yugoslavia, reforms a protracted status-quo,but the political independence of and republican elites furthereconomic on increased from the center. leaders there 1980 after republican among of Tito, death the of consensus with lack a Third, was all.’ them affected progressively that survival communal their for fears yet state, the transformedbut not system the endemic and tensionsregime the and conflicts ‘delegitimized’ had that among crisis its diversesocial and nationalitiespolitical into economic, collective mounting of decade existential Rusinow (1992: 27-9): ‘[T]he calculations and/or ineptitude of the post-Tito politicians […] superimposeda on Yugoslav government on federal livesthe of under social communitiesmeasures austerity with and politicaldecade a of institutions impact The is servicing. most debt aptly Yugoslav summarized and bymeasures austerity imposed to due mostly times, hard of economic effect destructive the is second The Serbia. from independence of province autonomous underdeveloped its In Kosovo during the 1980s ethnic Albanians andterritory. their electedits representativeson increasingly rallied forfull provinces autonomous had also that republic only the was Serbia Moreover, statehood’. ‘Serbian in ofunsolved issue also the raised numbers great in intellectuals lived ofYugoslavia, Serbs republics ethnic other Since groups. of ethno-national borders with overlap not did Yugoslavia increasingly provinces as well as operated republics as autarchic Yugoslav units when within the federala situation state. in However,appeared republicanstatehood and provincial Serbian borders and within formerquestion’ national ‘Serbian ofthe issue the is, That state. federal the within Serbs and of Serbia position specific ofthe issue which are necessary for an appropriate understanding of Serbian politics in late socialist Yugoslavia. The were firstin theis the 1980s whichcontributed to Milosevic’s rise to power. Here I draw attention to three crucial moments 157 crises Yugoslav Milosevic’s policies towards Serbian centralization fuelled the escalation ofboth the Serbian and and of Kosovo, provinceof about theirmethods and autonomous the The status rapidity. more but of changes desired the directions less about was Milosevic and Stambolic between Belgrade level city communist committee (Cohen 2001; Vladisavljevic 2008: 65)gradually to andlarge 1992).disproportionately its Serbian apparatus (Gow coercive derivatives (Dragovic2002, Soso Dimitrijevic 2001),andreliance ontheYugoslav military and a mass media (Vladisavljevic adoptionthe of 2008), a powerful populist-nationalist discourse the Serbian League of Communists was an effective use of a clientelistic patronage network andStanojevic crucial 2003),the ofMilosevic’scomponents and internal power withincoup rise to Given the limited space it is difficultyet important to summarize the specific situationSerbia and Yugoslavia Bringing an adapted clientelistic practice from 1984 when he was at the helm of the helmof whenhewas at the from clientelisticBringing1984 practice anadapted 157 . Rather than Milosevic being a mere conservative ‘neo-Stalinist’ (cf. ‘neo-Stalinist’ conservative mere a being Milosevic than Rather . 125 CEU eTD Collection Brankovic, former head of the SSS office for legal matters, Belgrade, November 28 2006 28 November Belgrade, matters, legal for office SSS ofthe head former Brankovic, 160 Uzaludni zapisi. institutions and social didnot triggerorganizations automatic changes Belgradeinoutside local themselves. workers orthe unionistwork to anddevotedness skills organizational than elite political the loyalty more about to union were for top is, offices Thatcriteria selection really matter. notdid level leaders andthepopularity often plant elected, othercandidates, leadershipunion of were newthe party to close cadre, ‘obedient’ explained, sessions in those present union official, appointed precisely usethe through of clientelistictried-out logic andvotingmachinery. As a secretary. members against of Presidium the Union of as Trade the againstCouncil union well as the loyalist, new Milenkovic informal Tomislav asatemporary chair. elite The pressure exerted bya andwas power, replaced rise to Milosevic’s resignafter soon to forced was Filipovic, many industrial in plants Belgrade. The chairman of peakthe level federation,union Novica loyalists affected first the top levelsplants of the union in butthe also industrial the city level aswell largest industrial managers of media, official the the of editors the unionas chief leaderships, basin organizations of the capital. and The happenedmatter fewininof months a republican also a level city and Belgrade communist replacement of union officialsand social organizations, in enterprises and institutions of strategic importance. Changes with new party inpresidency 1988 early replacewith loyal officialsimportantwas to cadre political most in the 159 career happened as a ofresult Stambolic’s support and anticipated loyalty. ‘personal control overmain levers of power’ (Vladisavljevic 2008: 65). Ironically, Milosevic’s fast political track 158 perfection My informant also mentioned that the logic was ‘people who think are dangerous’. Interview with Slobodanka E.g.‘Serbian Trade Union Council discusses work stoppages’ stressed and process, election cadre inthe reforms disregarded who Stambolic Ivan protégé, Milosevic was It However, changes in the highest echelons of the party and Serbian top political 159 158 160 At the city level union federation of Belgrade, in 1989 the new union leadership was , Milosevic’s first step after his election as the president of the Serbian state 126 Tanjug Belgrade March25 1988. See: Ivanic CEU eTD Collection coercive power allowed the new Serbian leader to swiftly reach out and receive direct popular andreceiveswiftly direct out reach leaderto new the Serbian allowed power coercive instrumental in fortifying Milosevic’s The authority.new proto-coalition of ideological and Srbije kao partije za demokratski socijalizam influence politics, solve problems the in society exitand the crisis’ Communist Alliance, the working class, working people and citizens step onto the political stage and decisively Its main 'anti-bureaucratic' message reads as follows: ‘Today it ismore important than everthat the members of the Milosevic to power, supported and legitimized rallies, protest actions and strikes forgoals defined by the new elite, Serbia, pitting them against one another. The 8 deemed responsible for the crisis, those who divided had the ‘People,’‘working people’ or of Yugoslaviaand 162 161 nationalism. Serbian as well as state an efficient reforms, economic democracy, socialism, of elements Yugoslavia. The ‘anti-bureaucratic pragmatically combined revolution’ and convincingly authority and reform general ‘anti-bureaucraticthe aim of of wastospeedupthe revolution’ process strengthening the of the Serbianand opponentsstate but not also underbureaucratic awave revolution’, andof protests populist charges non-loyalists directedagainst to the exert direct stronger control of Serbianthe officials influence of themachines’ Woodward 1995b:(cf. 91). Serbian within state and local ‘political local or of networks power’ into ‘patronage break the party. hadto Milosevic wider, The fortify Kosovo andVojvodina.to In order his powerover wholeterritory the Serbia buteven of hadleadership evenless effect on politicalthe leadership inthestill autonomous provinces of levelsvarious and top officials institutions. of political of Changesatthe Serbian the party state local strongmen autonomy,but is, informal also networks with of these informal That practices. were riddled decentralized. at Self-governments communalthe level, (county) and had enterprises significant self-governments, organizations andenterprises.late self-management,Serbia Under wasquite Inofficial discourse, the ‘anti-bureaucratic’ steps takenby the Serbiancommunists cells. wereor party directed enterprises against oflarge top thoseon rarely were Women Milosevic into broke autonomous launchingpatronage networks through the ‘anti- 162 On the other hand, direct support and On mobilization hand, other the support direct of masseswas the 161 were common, involving party bosses, managers of the main enterprises and enterprises main the of managers bosses, party involving common, were . Beograd: Komunist 1990 th plenum of Alliance of Communists of Serbia, which brought which of Serbia, Communists of Alliance of plenum 127 . In: Momir Brkic (ed.) Osnovna opredeljenja SK CEU eTD Collection autonomous provinces as well and as localrepublics for municipalities power economic (ibid.significant with 254).state decentralized a of system nontransparent complex, a 389-394).Self-management and its domination by economic managers and political bureaucrats was asynonym for eyesthe of workers, become ‘afaçade behind whichpower hungry men’ made political gains (Magid 1991: 253, mid-1980s, scholars observed workers’ frustration and apathy systemthe towards ofself-management,which had, in 165 was especially aimed against the ‘political bureaucracy’orpoliticians – office holders at various levels of the state. 164 163 self-management and the on-going fall livingof standards. increasingly they informal and from alienation showed signsof operation opaque deep the of ‘bureaucracy’ arebellion against to receptive wererelatively collarBlue workers crucial. leadership’s legitimacy communist itsand proof communistof identity, support was worker Forthe new workers. production bluecollar the i.e. ‘working people’, Serbian the constituency: Montenegro. butin also inandits provinces waslaunched Serbia notonly protests series large popular of were forced toresign, putting also an end substantivethe to autonomy Serbian provinces.of A means.‘soft’ Under directpressure of protestingthe massesmany local and provincial officials means of putting aggressivepressureon (potential) opponentsandforcing resignations through mass a his ralliescoalition as ‘happeningorchestrated powerful Milosevic and people’, or of the nationalist encouraged even it and allowed democracy nameof since in was the also popular officials.It while itchallenged and selectively threatened bothexisting political institutions and communist increasingly various by groups measuresausterity of affected federal the Yugoslav governments, territory from appeal Serbia. The‘anti-bureaucratic’ of support masses,gathered direct the support from andstrengthen masses groups to his and thus own position visions in and wholethe By mid the 1980s, many workers were deeply disillusioned with the institutions of the system. As early as the ‘Bureaucracy’ sometimes also symbolized non-production workers such as managers on plant the level,butit Initially: anti-Albanian. The ‘anti-bureaucratic’ revolution was directed at getting active support from from atgettinga specific support active directed revolution was The ‘anti-bureaucratic’ revolution’ of ‘anti-bureacratic slogans the the 1989,under June late Between 1988and 163 sentiments. 128 165 This being the case, the role of 164 since CEU eTD Collection looked towards democratic elections on the federal Yugoslav level since he counted on the relative plurality of plurality relative onthe counted he since level Yugoslav federal the on elections democratic towards looked class was unified behind him, showing at the same time aspirations towards Yugoslav politics. Milosevic initially 167 May 30 2007. that crowd the with mix to allowed not gatheredwere during the protest.Author’s interviewworkers with Milika JovanovicMoreover strike and plant levelproblems. union leader. Belgrade, calling production solve demands, to butter and guarantees bread state for formulating workers, demobilized and mobilized successfully both unionist The 166 personally. federal Yugoslav metal address chanted forparliament, bluecollar Milosevic to workers them organized by plant inunion the 1988.AtOctober this dramatic public rally infront of the ofBelgrademetal workers, become theandpublic rally strike leadershipto Serbian was tone. political ‘official’ demandsan them giving worker explained hisTVand appearedon colleague party apparatuses, coercive various with deal to had soon leader union level plant the Whereas Kosovo’. butter demandsmessage duringtheprotest.Namely,level plant the communist official spiced breadand the of voicedleast apolitical However, speakeralso at one butter. demandedand bread protesters workers withworkers of one tractor plant near Belgrade in front of the federal parliament. During this rally the political of publicprotest in the June 1988after was declared revolution’ of ‘anti-bureaucratic start the demandsfrom the previous year. Using worker dissatisfaction instrumentally,it was notaccidental that the suchof the as‘anti-bureaucratic’ workers revolution wanting the number final the yearspunctuated of socialism. as well as tothe size‘fight of wildstrikes that of wave builtwild-cat the on consciously revolution anti-bureaucratic since the cat strikes for doubled This became wasevenmore Cohen 1997:331). so, anissue(cf. intermediary organization union Celebrated by workers of a large industrial plant, Milosevic could convincingly claim that the Serbian working Serbian the that claim convincingly could Milosevic plant, industrial large ofa by workers Celebrated Unlike during the following rallies, the plant level union leader kept the protest under strict control of the union. Yet, theiconicYet, ‘spontaneous’ for symbol thepoliciesof support newworker of the The strikes of late1980sgrewincreasinglythe frequent. In1987,ayear before thestart 167 Unlike during the previous ‘modular’in protest June, itwas widely the celebrated 166 129 CEU eTD Collection communist leaders. Ivanic, ‘Uzaludni non-loyal against zapisi’ directed Ibid. rallies mass big the in participated who employees their food for and costs travel managers of "Jugolat", "Novkabel",and "Jugodent" loyalto the new leader actually made arrangements to cover significant minority (Stojiljkovic 1989:67,Arzensek 1984,Jovanov 1979). There is also evidence that enterprise This is in stark contrast to the developments prior to 1988, where party members participating in strikes were169 in 1989. covek okrenuo ledja’ cutao?’ pred pred skupstinom’ Borba the the 600 at 1989 in Gazimestan of rally great ofthe co-organizers as included were unions trade level plant Some Vojvodina. 168 November2006. 1988; Lj. Popovic & Z. Azdejkovic: ‘Solidarnost –sa sobom’ wage of form izmaku’ na the in ‘Strpljenje Vasic P. gains See e.g. material on increases. count also could - involvement union without or with – discourse official the requesting resignations from Milosevic’s political opponents. Newspaperarticles testify that strikes whichplant, accepted workers the at also voiced personnel’ political demands, ‘administrative the includingin a reduction ‘their’ for stance demands onand political to incomes and related economic grievances reforms,economic sometimes from protestBelgrade in demanding interventionof Yugoslavthe People’s Army in Kosovo.On these occasions, aside ethnic Serb votes. Woodward 1995b; authors interview with Dušan Mitrovi level organization, andithad disproportional During regional effects. the ‘anti-bureaucratic’ than in of case peak the variedthe andwasmore complicated inplants unions and organizations seemed to be the crucial novelty, explaining both the massive size and success of strikes. earlier members’ to participation communist party contrast Petkovicrising times, 1990).In bureaucratic not revolution’ boosted somuch themore numberbut sizethe ofstrikes (cf. ‘anti-attend1987, the massbringingto to marginal Compared rallies. workers co-organizers whodemanded changesin all Yugoslavia.of workers production and leader anauthoritative between communication" established "direct the showed thatMilosevic as unions instrumentally: used organizers of level rally,the plant unions Milosevic not unionand subsequently officials demobilized the who The gatheredworkers. rally boosted workers' mobilization. In 1989, 40 percent of strikers were communist party members, and in many plants most party members joined. The strike was followed by rallies in different towns in support of abolishing the autonomies of Kosovo and of Kosovo autonomies the of abolishing support in towns different in by rallies followed was strike The October8 1988; V. Dinic & P. Ilic ‘Rade i bez direktora’ th Borba anniversary of the Kosovo battle, which also symbolized support forMilosevic, and also at a massive The immediate effect of the ‘anti-bureaucratic’ rallies on the local, county-level union local,the on county-level rallies ‘anti-bureaucratic’ of the effect immediate The From then on, it was rather the Milosevic-led September 111989, Darko Gorsek ‘Rudari hoce uelektroprivredu’ Borba Borba December 26 1989. Compare with less successful protests e.g. V. Jovanovic ‘Ko je u stvari December 28 1989; A. Tatalovic ‘Ko to tamo strajkuje?’ tamo to ‘Ko A. Tatalovic 1989; 28 December 168 Thatis, unions expressed trade atbest support, appearing as Borba 130 October6, 1988, ‘Potka od sto rupa’ Borba Vecernje novosti November 25 1988 ‘Adresa za svakog krivca’ svakog za ‘Adresa 1988 25 November denouement ü former secretary of SSS, Belgrade, 27 Borba December 13 1989 ‘”Paketic” 1989 13 December (‘rasplet”) whichfurther Vecernje novosti December27 1989; ‘Prvi Borba November11 December 29 December 169 CEU eTD Collection 171 Munich] ‘Adresa za svakog krivca’ 170 its situation.especially newleaders anawkwardly into Namely, SSSas insecure the a peaklevel level and peakunion put the ideology ‘anti-bureaucratic’ the intermediary Moreover, unionism. and of andimportance increased.Such of a flow damagedthe masses the prospects events happened withoutunion involvement. that expressed no positive reference towards the official discourse of Serbian communists usually remained highly parochial. During the ‘happeningof people’,the local bread strikes andbutter reports for officials demands. worker explaining level administrative preparingonly lead Plant were discontent, ortoworkers. unions worker Simultaneously,networks. mostlevel plant unionslacked channel skills the and capacities to patronage of machines local political to tied also were leastbecause they not grievances, worker (Arandarenko1998). County level toaddress unions remained inappropriate organizationally unions remainedamong the elements weakest of ‘total the sociopolitical infrastructure’ decreased. managers andMilosevic’s policies.officials. Thatis, local and plant unions remained to loyal dependent on then on localfrom allies, were which coalitions’ ‘internal or networks patronage reinforced general In turn, thein Vojvodina and Belgrade thanin manyindustrial incenters central Serbia. autonomy oflocal officials and managers. Therethe is little doubt that there were more changes in these positions local elite more This a changespersonnel was inthe were appointed. substantive of side effectof usually from the new leadersweredismissedand some unionists union ‘bureaucratic’ discredited now revolution, top political elite See e.g. ‘Krusevac workers protest low incomes’ low protest workers ‘Krusevac e.g. See Vecernje novosti The importance of the SSS waned as direct communication and support between elite between the support and communication waned as direct of SSS the importance The of improve Local unions. the status not certainly did revolution The ‘anti-bureaucratic’ May 14 1989 Vecernje Novosti Radio Belgrade, November 25 1988. 25 November 131 171 Consequently, strikes and protests worker October7 1988 [translated to English, 170 These changes in changes These Bwire , CEU eTD Collection organizers to call off the protest. Author’s interview with Slobodanka Brankovic former head of the SSS office for office SSS ofthe head former legal Brankovic matters, Belgrade, November28 2006 Slobodanka with interview Author’s protest. the off call to organizers plant to the Yugoslav parliament, the new temporary union chair, Milenkovic, in disbelief, attempted to persuadeAccording the to one organizer, when union leaders decided not only to strike but to lead a march of workers from their173 9 1988 as quoted Milosavljevicin (2005). extra-institutional extra-institutional followed andpolicies, the‘official’discourse, enemies attackedtargeted of the ‘official’ discourse. with overlapped partially demands their if even autonomously, mobilized unions level plant when act to how unsure even was situation [of overcomingnewrevolution, leadership Milosevic’s temporarily elected supported union the ‘until rallies the obstacles in the of At anti-bureaucratic the start the revolution’! ‘anti-bureaucratic of elite’s supporter the way of reforms was] solved.’itescape by was able asan these charges only appearing active to ‘bureaucratic’ apparatus, developedin direction.‘working Rather,processes people.’ opposite the level union did not challengeelitei.e. very union demands.union were Thepeak sensitive to undermined stances autonomy, even Milosevic’sif fromstronger, thenmore notwere opaque pointties a unionist of view.Newpatron-client right to speak on communist actively party, or renegotiating ties between connections, newelitethe and behalfunionists of the united the from a largerdistance of creating Instead andMilosevic. workers of masses the between Serbian even insert unionvis-à-vis critical or elite, the rolethe to moreand critically autonomously picked by Milosevic hand- leadership,andlevel new, Butthe peak union invite attack. a could party,crushing this since his closest collaborators,popular vanguard communist decision makers oradoptamore active inits role relation to the did not even and SSScouldideological the distance file.Under from not pressure, itself reestablished the try to play a more active and 172 was organization A telling episode occurred during strikethe and dramatic protestof Rakovica workers in October1988. Statement of Council of Trade Union Federation of Serbia, in ‘‘Mitinzi dok se stanje ne resi’ Quite paradoxically, since the SSS was open to charges of was tochargesof ‘discredited’ beingthe SSS open part the paradoxically,since Quite de facto very far from the reality of operation of plant level unions and its rank its and unions level plant of operation of reality the from far very 132 173 The SSS unconditionally supported 172 The SSS leadership The SSS Politika September CEU eTD Collection the achieved unityby of the 8 [represented forces progressive to a as help not experience of Serbia class working the and union trade Serbian the ‘which anattack as Serbia in interpreted was statement The federation. union trade Serbian by the counter-attack to the other [national] orientation’. The statement was published in the Serbiansupporting media the nationalist claimsand of ledworkers’, claiming to that Serbian the an uproar trade union was ‘losing and classthe orientation Yugoslav trade union federation in a public statement indirectly criticized the Serbian trade union leadership for 174 statement of peakthe level inunion published media: the official is the telling Quite internally. problems solve and parliament federal the of in front rallies perspective of politicalthe elite.the Consequently,toend SSScalled onworkers strike their Kosovo had lost real autonomy. rallies strike Organizing had thus lost aclearfrom point the sensethe had Milosevic’s installedthat been supporters their into positions and Vojvodina and in was over, revolution anti-bureaucratic the By then, activities. protest of suspension a callfor with ended strike The executives. thefederal towards leaders Serbian of stances critical with the inharmony government, faltering the Yugoslav a blow to strikewas Ineffectthe government. strike 1989, which inDecember theanti-inflation against was directed of program federal the industrial butagain against Thiswasa30minutegeneral warning enemies. Milosevic’s action, republicanother leaderships.federal union and trade ‘national’ the and with in over‘class’ deeplyinvolved SSSleadership quarrels the leaders, was Serbian leader. between Paralleling federal and Milosevic quarrels Yugoslav and republican odgovornost” October1 1988; RadomirGrujic ‘Radili da bi unistavali’ for working and lines ethnic separatistpure on political means. See oforganizing e.g. J. Jovanovic Albanians ‘Ipak,of Kosovo nacionalno union pa klasno’ trade alternative the charged union also legitimized military intervention in the province and coercive supervisionof the work process.strike of Albanian SSS miners strike in Kosovo had that supported the political leadership ousted by Milosevic. The level unionfederation, chose to follow the official policies of the new elite. The declarative to unions condemned came it When the statementspolitical relatedof Yugoslavia. to the Serbian state ofCommunists building League project,of the theSSS leadership,standpoint along official with the the to most influential,opposite was Belgrade beginning of 1989, the strike and the demands of Albanian miners in Kosovo were delegitimized in principle since it encouragement to nationalists, and especially to the aggressive Albanian nationalism and separatism.’ In the At the very start of the anti-bureaucratic revolution, in September 1988, a member of the Presidency the of Presidency of the amember 1988, September in revolution, anti-bureaucratic ofthe start very the At does not contest theworkers’ right to strike, andviews the government’s][federal wage freeze work and financial problemswithin the firmstheir andtostop coming federal to the parliament building.for trade The union solutions seek to workers the on called today union trade Serbian The th Congress of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Serbia], but as an 133 174 The SSS organized only TheSSSorganized grandscale only one Rad 16 March 1990. Rad September 30 1988. “Klasa trazi “Klasa 1988. 30 September CEU eTD Collection 1989. was then the new union leader of the county level ofRakovica. ‘Protest zbog plata’ strike came from unions of Rakovica. MilanNikolic, the organizerof strikes and union leader atplant level1988, in 175 attempt the reviews section next theelite. The of interference aggressive rather was the SSS the of reform organizational internal the to obstacle main The organization. submissive a of loyalty’ ‘organic and passivity organizational both reinforced levels plant and communal at also partly legalization advocate didof noritstrikes to contribute institutionalization. their as tradeunionsother in gatherinformation Yugoslavia continued to strikes, the on union not did peak level its rankunion to andfile members and union Although remainedintact. as SSS, well peak level union and memberunion organizations. Consequently, large the from distance the mutual of forthe empowerment andincludingstrikes strategies of organization matters, various organizational structures which morewould enable efficient flow information, of in expertise in developing invest to difficult was it milieu, extra-institutional dominated elite fragile, a In Union organizations still mirrored organizationthe of political alongauthorities territorial lines. and levels. between territorial plant, and peak practices structures functioning organizational of absence complete as the such be tackled, issues problematic most couldthe even nor started, be not could reforms Internal organization. worker representative interest an of redefinition passivity. Namely, andelite domination postponed indirectly internal,undermined authentic Serbian ‘denouement’ of 1988-1989 ‘sentenced’ SSSunioninternal politics to organizational seemingly independent outcome of ‘Serbian state-building’ on union Theyearspolitics. of the ‘Resenje skupstinom’nije pred Finally, the replacement of Finally,loyal of leaders replacement union new with the peaklevel cadre atthe and another, was there ‘loyalty’, of discourse the and elite the to subordination to addition In protests for higherwages outside the parliament building are ‘degrading’. and hikesthe price asunacceptable. However,the trade Serbian union leadership believes that Vecernje novosti December 29, 1989.The ‘spontaneous’ initiative forthe general 134 Vecernje novosti 175 December 21 December CEU eTD Collection problems were not overcome but were actually overcome butreinforced. werenot problems was a partial,butnot reform thorough within by SSS the which majorthe internal organizational outcome The union reform. trade of scope anddirection the developedregarding internal drama gain legitimacy.As a response toadaptation to institutional inchanges widerenvironment,the an designing these institutions. Yet, the SSS needed to adapt to external changes and reform itself to with voluntary not– and automatic -membership. The participateunion meaningfully not did in organizations representative interest into organizations socio-political from socialist themselves unions trade that transform necessitated of labor part the on in bargaining collective Participation actions. aslegitimate strikes introduced whilefederal constitution interests, the worker representfor and fight union the to empowered bargaining collective institutionalized Newly unions duetochangesinfederal insecure, inimportance. gained Yugoslavia legislation, trade roles, union of identities,reformulation necessitated democratization andaddition, In organizations. rights. property of Whereas theendedpurposes Itintroduced privatization socialistself-management. wellastransformation as role of self-managementprovided significantopportunities. Changes in federal the legislation in 1989 for all practical and work councils federal union bargaining strike trade Yugoslavia governing andcollectiveaction, legislation became for post-socialist framework anewinstitutional multi-party elections, liberal Democratization, external the of institutional anticipatedsetup the economy market and democracy. struggle theabandoned of context external the and causes Internal 2.3. window of opportunity emerged in 1990-1991. a when actor autonomous an as itself reestablish and isolation from out break to SSS the of Rather than dueinternal to need, the reform of the SSS occurred mostly due to changes in 135 CEU eTD Collection eventually elected without major opposition and there were no counter candidates proposed. G. Djukic, B. Djukic, G. proposed. candidates counter no were there and opposition major without elected eventually 178 177 A meaningful debate started months later, in late 1989. SSJ’ Veca reformu za osnove ‘Polazne (See early1989 in document reform the published 176 than leaders,forelected individual rather candidates. pre- listof for a voted Delegates beelected. to candidates for counter chance little was there Although discussions broughtinbroader issues ofcompetency and links tocommunist officials, alliance. communist the of members were all and Serbia of People Working the of Alliance through oldthe selection through process coordination system for cadrepolicy Socialistthe of all In words, electingother remained unchanged. officials members of newleadershipcame the for procedures whereas andeconomic reforms, political tothe related and activity organization changes inunion leadersinitiated ‘enlightened’ of leadership,where the procedure electing from The ‘reform’ ‘cabinet’ followed ‘top’. congress awell the established changes initiated and directed procedures internal formal of old application from the came of reforms Legitimacy heavily characteristic unionism. compromisedold organizational procedural with principles of was more a congress of continuity than radical well as issues internal Not surprisingly,on of union organization. ‘reform’ this congress of SSS change. To as start unionism, of principles with, and issues crucial on silent the were and scopeinconsistencies, and statements of reforms was contradictory contained for thecongress prepared internal Documents reform. to approach strategy, an anambivalent of and operational ‘new’ defined absence the unionism, principles of materials Mircev’sthis thorough of analysis congress of the frompressure external the was environment by calling aunion incongress January 1990. forautonomy (1990-1991) of thestruggle 2.3.1. Limited achievements Although some delegates raised criticism against the electoral procedure of the leadership, the new leaders were leaders new the leadership, ofthe procedure electoral the against criticism raised delegates some Although For asummary see DrDimitar Mircev ‘Stari sindikat u novoj odeci? Internal Debates within trade unions in Serbiaonunion reform appeared only after federal the level tradeunion One of the ways in which the Serbian peak trade union responded to changes and 136 178 Rad The novelty was, however, that however, was, novelty The May 29 1990 177 diagnosed a lack of clearly lack of a diagnosed Rad February 14 1989). 176 CEU eTD Collection partije za demokratski socijalizam. Beograd: komunist 1990: 177). utemeljena na socijalistickim demokratskimopredeljenja i praksa vrednostima’politicka ‘Nova in Momir communist: Brkic Serbian of the (ed.) program Osnovnathe with opredeljenja Compare justice. social SK and Srbije kao rule of law and political pluralism – in the political sphere, on mixed market economy, self-management, solidarity 179 county level union officialBelgrade June 4 2007. plant and county levelBelgrade official, 26 October2006 and Belgrade May 29 2007; Milomir Boskovic, Valjevo kongres sa zadatkom’; Stepanovic & V. Garcevic 'Radnicima nisu potrebni lideri' potrebni nisu 'Radnicima Garcevic &V. Stepanovic towards stance formulatedageneral The only union letter. the program to ‘official’ position The sections socialism’. ‘democratic introduction of andthe with mixedrights market towards the property on economic reforms economic for calling communists Serbian of program reform and discourse the followed self-organization. and andassociation worker of political freedom from stemming employees reformsworkers emergingissues union pluralism and and alternatives of the available organizational to of the adopted astance failed on Delegates totake interests. representworkers’ to aspiring an organization program practicalfrom concrete as union the no also answer Consequently was moment. there historical SSS followed original reflection on crucial issues and the main social and economic problems atthis specific the and concrete nooriginal, however Therewas state. andawelfare rights for social fighting to become andactive a responsive organization. organization. noveltyof suggested that the Theadoption aprogram union other was the that was modernize the to sufficiently knowledgeable Mitrovic,secretary, wasappointed, Dusan institution bargaining. task Forthe a new of of modernization through the union collective inmostempower the externalenvironment,notably the unioninterest forto representation is, That professionalization andreform neededmake was to union the compatible with changes theorganization. modernize to necessary cadre skilled sufficiently also Serbiabut of communists appointments followed not only the criteria of presumed loyalty to Milosevic and the The conceptionof democratic socialism was based on the ‘mixed’ idea of equality, liberties and rights of citizens, The adopted program of SSS declared itself to stand for the general aim of unionism: Rad January 19 1990; Author’s interviewswith Milan Nikolic former SSS strike organizer, 137 Borba 17 January 1990; ‘Z Bosnic-Vujadinovic ‘Na The program 179 CEU eTD Collection had happened since union delegates recognized ‘an urgent need to return the trust of rankand trustof the the return need to ‘an urgent recognized delegates hadhappened sinceunion organization. accountable democratic, operation in order to achieve its aims, nor any sort of control mechanisms so necessary for a describevisionlackednormative mechanism Itdid andaclear not the union and strategy. of separatist consciousness of the youth.’ (SSS 1990a). (SSS youth.’ of the consciousness separatist system and process of education inKosovo whichstimulates the formationof and expressionreturn for of nationalist conditions and emigrantsof necessary creation the for and pressure, of and under migration Kosovo all the from stopping othersin Montenegrins of all and first Serbs Kosovo, in who want counterrevolution of the to liveconsequences and causes andof the workremoval there.’ Further ‘ItSerbs Montenegrinsand engages from Kosovo.’ Thelatterpoint is especially inpolitical: ‘SSS activelyremoval participates the in forofswifter development the of weakKosovo, e.g. through more investments.parts The stated aimin was also theto ‘prevent migrationundeveloped and ‘stabilization regions’ ofthe on of situation the Kosovo’.in first The pointstressed theSSS support 180 Serbia on the reform of republic of socialist the ideology presidium of the policy, and statements, official the repeated of the political (SSS: 1990a). Finally system. documentthe echoed some anachronistic old official language while italso the union was to ensure that since agriculture modernizing restructuring and of way on a specific statement adeclarative also ‘agricultural was there Surprisingly management. level plant and development representatives political of election in the as gets a priority in measures; planningof the development theadoption ‘self-managingenterprises; acts’, aswell of overall development.’policy economic and system economic the of definition and development in the participate broadly,very defined were unions trade the without of tasks the self-management, of times with continuation sufficientIn aim. an such for fight to was union the how and constituency adjustment worker the for meant that for changesprivate and state ownershipin the emergingnew economy, without clear specification as towhat in the system: amixed and among rights property and preferred regime privatization social,of transformation trade unions were (still) to Most importantly, points 23. and 24 of the adopted program were highly political: on‘development of Yet, in it Yet, nominally seemed asif autonomy, of breakthrough terms organizational a major 138 180 The programmatic document was thus highly was thus document Theprogrammatic CEU eTD Collection practice there was no complete separation of managerial functions and worker representation. worker and functions of managerial separation complete wasno there practice earlier with In continuation actions. and deliberations union in part take actively could directors that practice anachronistic the reinforced decision The membership. from excluded were employers private only members; union 182 Vujadinovic Na kongres sa zadatkom’; kongres Na Vujadinovic 181 organization’. class become anauthentic ‘to file’ and union committees in the anticipation of inunion the anticipation committees an of upcoming unionist reorganization along the linesof and an provincial organizations. The adopted initialcongress only decision branch allowing plantlevel,local,level together city gathering federation, asa congress territorially organized inHowever, continuation its existing way of self-organization,of SSSredefined itself at the The new role of unionthe alsoanticipated organized unions lines. along sectoral (branch) bargaining, as instrumenta major increasing of efficiency inunion representing the rank file. and hadelections yetnot been announced. remained silent about its relations with Serbian communists, also since at that moment multiparty outline transformation. mechanism influencing didnot and union any political parties, of The programthe literallywas almost from taken new the program Serbian of communists under Whereas(SSRN). insisted union the onnon-partisanship, mentioned, asalready agreatdeal of social groups recognized the organization of from umbrella aswell the as social agreements agendaon the autonomy,somefrom issue delegatesput binding the union’s exit crucial the of in membership basis. organization fileon toconfirm avoluntary the were political parties. Since the union wasorganization to with criticalbecome distance to other organizations and institutionsa free of the state, as well as to and voluntary organization,union was to gain autonomy, return to represent thethe interests of the ‘workerrank base’ and build up an and On the other hand, according to congress decisions, directors (managers) of socialist enterprises could remain could enterprises ofsocialist (managers) directors decisions, congress to according hand, other the On G. Djukic, B.Stepanovic & V.Garcevic 'Radnicima nisu potrebni lideri' The most developed partof programthe with dealtunion in participation collective Rad January 19 1990. 139 181 The declared agenda of the reformed Borba 17 January 1990.; ‘ZBosnic- 182 Inestablishing CEU eTD Collection (ed.) Osnovna opredeljenja SK Srbije kao partije za demokratski socijalizam. Beograd: Komunist 1990: 179 183 aninternal complex organization. Under the of reform Mitrovic started around circle1990, the from early Right officials. elected empower and intermediary organization a strong establish a i.e. role activity. asubordinated organizational and no‘political’ ‘Union’ whichaccepted standpoints, ideological similar with unions for only cooperation its reserved SPS The union insistedorganization, butit onparty itdomination when came toworkerrepresentation. of force forclaimed left.the and It peaklevel support authoritative-decisive freeone autonomous rolebutkept the socialism’with of vanguard bureaucratic and ‘dogmatic main‘subjective’ the declaredabreak SPS The (SPS). Serbia of Party Socialist the communists, Serbian reformed structure. organizational in the change minimal and governance, in responsibility co- union loyalty, partisan advocated covertly it ‘conservative’: was chairman union the by led faction, other The autonomy. for union necessary leadership agendaauthentic and concrete interest representation, establishment of union organizational structure, the articulation of a reformist andmade it assertive redefinition moves towards of principlesthe independent of led by Onefaction, hostilewas union secretary factions. the increasingly informally two, created interpretations two The political arena. inthe its self-positioning as well as reorganization interpretations regardingdiametricallybut both powerful, peaklevel the internal opposed union’s two produced reform on conclusions general that the congress the after immediately almost SSS. the into branches industrial the industrial branches There and sectors. was nomechanismincorporating proposed for unions of ‘Nova politicka praksa i opredeljenja utemeljena na socijalistickim demokratskim vrednostima’ inMomir Brkic The reform faction understood mandatetheir professionally hardand worked thus to The SSS was also compelled to take a position towards the then dominant party of the however, out turned It program. the with line in itself transform to set thus was union The 140 183 CEU eTD Collection confederation among Croatian, Slovenian and Serbian plant level unions. level plant Serbian and Slovenian Croatian, among confederation a metal create to attempting initiatives alternative also were there level, onYugoslav ofmetal federation 186 185 zapisi any competitor. to advantage Union material great resistance thus to securing earlier assets, patrons great inherited led It to disbelief organization. umbrella and angeron corporatist part ofsocialist the as the elite. Ivanic, uzaludni 184 with SPS within thenewunion leadership. The resistedform pressureSSS thus to tiesopen and strong and assets. intocommunist new the party andits andpowerful significantproperty kept Milosevic-led SPS, of organization latter the inwith escaped the unification organizations’ SSS way the this umbrella of (SSRN)in organization recognized social springgroups 1990.This crucial was since theSSSmadedistance his leadership, amoveitself from andleft to the party executives Serbian as in metal, and started to compete for worker constituency. Reformists supported self-the supported Reformists constituency. compete worker for to started as inmetal, and developedfrom level 1990. ‘Independent’ plant unions also emerged insome militant branches, also branches industrial of unions organized alternatively and level plant between links change: internalfor reform and a‘sectoral’ organizational pressure increased democratization organization of professionals,level plant and unionsunions on branch levels. in self-energy present wasagreat there democratization, anticipated but times, economic andworker union self-organization branch on lines.and sectoral Underincreasingly difficult atconferences this started since time. Thereform power agenda it gained parallel with ran influence.various organization branchesgreater press the Thepractice of granting through union thecomplex bargaining for andreorganize union collective the prepare organization, basis, the agenda was also toempower the union, create a politically autonomous and democratic unionistthe agenda. In preparingaddition to conditions for recruitingmembership onavoluntary voiced for nosupport political partiesbut individual only for candidates whowerein line with Most importantly, plant unions in metal sectorwere especially active. Apart from relatively strong ties due to the ‘Reforma ili raspad’ well as party communist of the successor the both as emerged SPS republics, Yugoslav other most to contrast In 185 184 . Similarly, session of atthe SSSCouncilinthe 1990,theleadershipNovember Democratization and multiparty elections strengthened the reformist influence reformist the strengthened elections multiparty and Democratization Rad May 25 1991 141 186 Anticipated CEU eTD Collection Bernarda Jurline’ both in: Croatian union federation leadership became increasingly hostile ‘Isti principi, razliciti stavovi’; V. Miljevic: Prsti 188 187 alsoparties populated andYugoslav bySerbs. in republics ‘extremists’ other multipartism and expressednegativeagainstoppositional, judgments ‘nationalist’ political empowering line official the union organization. In with standpoints, chairman the denounced in moreinterestedrevolution’, developing elite hewasarguably submissive thanand tothe hadonly ruling cadreduring strong tothe ties as atested but party ‘anti-bureaucratic the the officialfollow to continued discourse presidium union the of members other some and chairman the of statements of Serbian communistschairman was using populist slogans of the communistand party. Even after the congress, the officialsoon later the the congress reform the Already during faction. ‘reformist’ the of andachievements agenda SPS. andnegotiations. of protest coverage the union-government strike toprovide weresuccessful inleaders live authorities even organizationally: TV pressing strike wasnot only insuccessful making the governmentallaccept union demands, butalso metal strikethe involving happened in April tensthousands.and of 1991, of textile workers The strike, largest the postponements, After several sectors. newly established of massive strikes of strike andincreasingly threats militant helpedand preparation labor, organization of coordination the referendumthe inon Serbian autonomy Croatia orin forces in independent organizing Knin. againstdemonstrated the sanctions employees against of ethnicity participatedin Serbian who of unjustfiringnumbers employees procedure in Serbian inCroatia. He great especially controversial earlier.than In autumn 1990, for example, Milenkovic publicly the warned against chairman’s involvementinactivity, SSS inter-Yugoslav became disputes more even Paralleling a fight between Croatian and Serbian state leaders, Tudjman and Milosevic, the SSS’ relations tothe relations SSS’ the Milosevic, and Tudjman leaders, state Serbian and Croatian between afight Paralleling Se e.g. Buducnost zavisi od pregovaracke sposobnosti RadJanuary 19 1990 The led faction,other by union chairman Milenkovic significantly undermined the Rad September14 1990. 142 The chairmanunion not 187 Due to the 188 CEU eTD Collection 190 189 for theprospects autonomy and undermined some of measure attaining chancesof reduced the faction of victory. reformist organizational couldthe reform a nor defeat The claim thorough elite the to subordination conservative anoutright neither was that andpurges internal conflicts of these outcome The in June. meeting extraordinary atthe wasreelected of one them not and of out office, voted were secretary faction the and with reformist the together one, but presidency the members of conservative with several along chairman, the unexpected: May wasthoroughly in session of crisis the spring. outcome The inlate council meetingsunion the of extraordinary principles.inunionist Theconflictoffactions two the 1991 and culminated ended with received in press.ReformistschargedMilenkovicof publicity union betrayingpassivity the and position of the SSS. publicthe through andarticlespress conferences in andinterviews the media the defined about It was only the cleavage between the branches, discouraged strikers andeven secretary openly sided with government’sthe demobilizing voice. industrial militant of strikes and obstructed times several the chairman the problematically, Most chairman which pro-Milosevic following rallies Belgrade the inMarch pro-democracy demonstrations 1991. faction support thepositions of SSS continueddeclaratively to of rulingthe It party. supported conservative the elections multi-party the After council. union the of conclusions the of betrayal statementas the interpreted reformists The 1990. in November-December electoral campaign forsubmissiveness SPSandMilosevic of chairman’sstatement wasthe during support Serbian federation. the into from Croatia ‘Serbian territories’ from unions supported formationthe union intrade of KninSerbs of unions, condemning SSS earlierthe trade Although ethnic’ ‘purely statements this contradicted ‘Sindikat Krajine u sindikatu Srbije’ usindikatu Krajine ‘Sindikat ‘Zabrinutost i protest’ Due to internal disagreements, the union gave up its plan to communicate regularly with communicate union its the planto gave up internal disagreements, Due to Rad June 29 1991. Rad August 2 1991 143 189 and in later 1991 even accepted 190 The final sign of sign final The CEU eTD Collection Serbian statehood andSerbian statehood protection outside Serbia.Serbs of in Serbianinvolvementin conflicts of issues those with dominating the theright, more to moved even competition electoral the 2002: 87-88).After the legalization right-wingof Radicala powerful in Serbian Party late1991, (Pantic states independent newly neighboring in Serbs ethnic protect to stance interventionist frommilitary SPO apopular took SPSpragmatically over party party, opposition the leading the meaning for that opportunity structures autonomous unionism Namely, contracted. Milosevic’s 2.3.2. The of unionmembers passivity external and these cemented approach authority actors. union undermined and vulnerability to ‘pragmatist’ the issues internal leadership, than rather union and cleavages, overcoming and fileintermediary to unionism. The second reason was organizational. Namely, under the new rank the of commitment low already an to added which deprivation increasing with hand in hand fight without causingitevenis in environment precarious ahostile, union somewhat puzzling thatits the abandoned a major stir. The authoritarian indeed From opportunity aninstructures. However, was Serbia. 1992, there turn authoritarian turn hadin the from contractions stemmed reason first The in SSS. the reforms radical of failure the a more profound effect:led to that in samereasons the essence were this, which for account explanations Two this so? it went itsfor organize, vis-à-vis uniquemobilize,Why fightautonomy elite. the was chance to and thus autonomously increasingly militant organized, of unions industrial branches. approach in the a pragmatist andaccommodating practices adopted organizational introduced and chairnewon some newly rank andfile. SSSaccepted relied aconservative the Under the member and unions to organization more responsive a change toward internal organizational From late 1991 Serbia embarked on an authoritarian right-wing turn and militarization turn right-wing From authoritarian 1991Serbia late an on embarked As itout,as was already turned in above, outlined pragmatic SSSgaveupits 1992 the 144 CEU eTD Collection did not radically lose rank and file and union members. union and file and rank lose radically not did not seekpunishnot to theMilosevic-led intermediary elite through an organization, buttypically did file and rank the importantly, more if not Equally, ‘conservatives.’ and ‘reformists’ between the rank and file also didnotpay attention to,let alone recognize the importance of, the cleavage The bulk of fragmented. remained these however strategic, and noticeable militancy was worker where plants and centers industrial were some file. There and rank of the unionism intermediary The limitedSSS felt pressure and energy itsstemming from principled commitment to became voluntary became demands and influence. nominal Although union membership high,remained andmembership file and rank account into take to had have would constituency worker the of interests the One of the crucial reasons of union quiescence was the low pressure from its rank and file. profound way:itfurther deprived of workers from a position engageinwhich to unionist action. for unions theauthoritarian inamore mattered politics But, turn organization. Serbian union atrade with in cooperation was interested that SPS or to analternative appear as could Serbian presidency forthe – decreased.Even was SSS, there worse nopolitical party which increased, –with exception of of the institutions whiletheimportance the further democratic military and the police the apparatus, of coercive the importance high Thealready defensive. further escalation of nationalist sentiments while the issues of social rights were placed on the 1992, with the exception of small unions of professionals, energy and a faction of metal joining ‘ joining of metal faction a and energy of professionals, unions of small exception the with 1992, 192 operationof the Serbian police units, as well as an increased toleration forvolunteer brigades. Serb population in Bosnia and Croatia, through mobilization the for Yugoslav army in itsterritory, increased 191 Croatia intensified 1991 inlate Bosniaand spread to in early 1992. There are no data available on union density inearly 1990s in Serbia. From high, ‘automatic’ density, by mid- By summer 1991, the Serbian political elite opted forperforming a greater ‘protectionist’ role onbehalf of ethnic The union, ifitlive was to up toits pretension of autonomously representing and shaping 192 , rank and file commitment to unionism & , rank lowto and commitment file (Seroka 1987). Pavlovic was 145 191 Consequently, there was a was there Consequently, Nezavisnost ’, SSS CEU eTD Collection long-term interests of workers. However, whereas newly established unions of collar of white unions established newly whereas However, of workers. interests long-term to the andharms of isolation Serbia international anticipated from the stemming catastrophe smo po eds.) &Rakovic Jovanovic (Jelka See: court. the from registration orderly an even received confederation new ‘ union organization, trade new a SSS, the of position lukewarm initially the to response a as hand, other the On branches. be outlined shortly,militancy wassome, there albeit amongweakened (remaining)industrial the showed little and knowledge toself-organize capacities andmobilize. 193 interests. worker against stood that elite political the against conflict voicesworker same andatthe time autonomous establish unionand movementa initiate an earning bread in the grey economy. That is,if there was ever a time, this was the moment to raise low1997) andwith of chances wereonforced-leaves (Arandarenko most workers wherecenters wasfororganization, bulk the very ofbluelow,in collar workforce especially largeindustrial in self- engagement actions or let alone protest of strikes, cost the perspective, an economic from addition, In party. the on costs inflicting in workers for channel efficient an be even could union punishment butunion wherethe about betrayingthe SPS, not issuethe the of wasthus received.not were guarantees and union, trade the of intermediation warwithout (Pantic support for SPSdid 2002).Worker not, however,occur activethe through buta solutionalso declared to the inter-republican commitment inYugoslavia to conflicts SPSas Milosevic-led party jobthe promisedwhich both noradicalchanges,safety marketand influence of nationalist a more rightwing contender. an the ‘exit’either succumbedto grey 1970)tothe of (Hirschman economy the zone took or The defeated reformist faction of SSS, who thereafter left it established ‘ established it left thereafter who of SSS, faction reformist defeated The þ eli. While the SSS leadership hesitated to attack attack asit mobilization, will elite to the open though hesitated leadership While SSS the In the 1990 parliamentary In the 1990 parliamentary elections, ofblue-collar he agreatshare supported workers Belgrade: UGS Nezavisnost. 2006 Nezavisnost’ 193 146 (Independence), warned against impending (Independence), against warned Nezavisnost For the unionfile, the For rankand However, ’ in November’ in 1991. The the rankfile and Tek CEU eTD Collection austerity measures, but they were the most exposed to unemployment. blue-collar Finally, to butthey most the exposed measures, austerity were external vulnerable not only to due economic shocks:inflation did to their deteriorate wages and most the they were workers, Asindustrial enterprises. self-managerial economy of segmented highly the throughout dispersed fragmented, they were position. Moreover, market anda weak semi-skilled the contrast, In economy. informal in the foothold a Skilled workers, if notincorporated into the worker councils of well-off enterprises, often gained were from coming peasantry the (‘polutani’). semi-skilledthe workers blue-collar workers (Janicijevic 1997) itself,even Serbian industrializationnot constituted classnever socialistworking during makingdecision 2000:245-308).Serbian (Allcock convincingly sociologists argued that the a synonym to the ordinary,‘honest people’. The latter in turn were notinterested in taking part in often was self-management in late identity A worker self-organization. worker of point reference mighthave everyday thatlifeorganizations mediated between and ‘high’politics a as positive intermediary with, Tostartunionism. therewaslegacy no ofindependent civil society inlate self-management which led totheirlimited investmentin activeor for support organizational capacities, and traditions of solidarity among the rank and file to raise their voice. http://www.fes.rs/pubs/2011/pdf/17.Vreme%20-%20Cekajuci%20kapitalizam.pdf 194 failure of workers to join ‘ the or SSS on pressure militant increasing of lack the both for reasons main The transformation. right property and economy the of improvement for fight and pacifism, to commitment interests, organizers recognizedunionist andjoined ‘ andactive blue layer workers thin collar join, of to a relatively wereeageronly professionals See also: Jovana Gligorijevic 'Rasuta klasa koja nikad nije ni nastala' It is important to sketch here the composition, identity, and situation of Serbian workers 194 . Namely, the most numerous, strike prone elements among the Serbian Nezavisnost’ en masse was that there was a lack of commitment, self- 147 Nezavisnost’ and its fight for long-term worker Vreme , June 9 2011. At: polutani had low social status CEU eTD Collection marginalized workers and Serbian the workers political elite. marginalized temporary victory of ‘grand-coalition’the (Zupanov 1983, 1989)between numerous mobilization worker during Serbian1989appearedasa the episodegreat symbolizing the policies and safety butnets, withvery budget.little Many large industrial plants of heavy industry (partly producing 196 and losing legitimacy especially from aworking class perspective.See Irwin e.g. (1987) 195 (‘bureaucrats’ managers and officials communist local against it directed however,was In practice, workers. blue-collar bulkamong of the ‘anti-bureaucratic’ happened:itfedrevolution future in unrealistic hopes and better justice social in Milosevic’s is which context It this wasreinforced. attitude state-dependent a organizations, Through proletarianad-hoc mobilizations noand investmentsin intermediary union governments, strikers wereable achieve to only 1995b).temporary, victories (Woodward Pyrrhic and circumstances of measuresinflation risingcontinuous of and austerity federal Yugoslav the in Although strikeswere (Zupanov1983,1987,Jovanov successful these 1979), rather actors. from state intervention even cells and party from communist protection forcall direct state actors.Usingideology thecommunist workers’ state, workersof couldthe and reach-out hopeforsupportfrom engagestrikes in andcallor political and wasto circumstances wild-cat inthose workers semi-skilled the for option available only and default the economy, informal the from also but making decision level enterprise from only not marginalized nominally interests, butcalling worker for to representing That support is, of being state. the against critically act and mobilize to willing not were members file and rank the importantly, Equally organization. union intermediary an ‘official’ as SSS towards militant reform new‘old’ unionorganizations. or significant Themost unions harbored distrust hadworkers poorknowledge abouttheira lack leading social to rights, of enthusiasmform to From 1990 Serbia and other Yugoslav republics had autonomy to create separate privatization programs, social programs, privatization separate create to autonomy had republics Yugoslav other and Serbia 1990 From crisis, for responsible phenomena a and astray going socialism Yugoslav for word main the was ‘Bureacratism’ 148 195 or ‘technocrats’) not loyal to Milosevic. The 196 Typically, mobilized workers received workers mobilized Typically, state actors which actors were state CEU eTD Collection pointed pointed out by Zupanov (1987). among groups of skilled and semi-skilled workers. The phenomenonof extreme egalitarianism was previously 1988; ‘Otkaz ili posao za sve’ all Serbian plants should go bankrupt! See e.g.jobs Svetislavlost their Spasojevic had who 'Daof workers li sviprotested demandinga group putevi either they that vodereturn to work, or u skupstinu?' differences: income and of unemployment salience political curious workers who had lost theirjobs found thisunacceptable and voicedfatalist a egalitarian principle indicating a 197 funds. other from secured were payments Later, the government of Serbia unilaterally and illegally issued itself a short-term credit from wasthe atemporary Yugoslav solution Central to Bank.rally against federal institutions and budgets through unilateral actions. Most notably, their guaranteed wages. Furthermore, the Serbian governments secured payments inan payments secured governments Serbian the Furthermore, wages. guaranteed their half a millionworkers who about Yet, remained onaccepted. was company wage minimum payrollsguaranteed and a 1990, whose inlate status was agreement not clearcollective did general not ofthe regularly signing the receive unpopular promoting a loss of support for Milosevic by industrial workers. The temporary solution was to send to was ( solution leaves’ ‘forced on temporary workers The workers. industrial by Milosevic for of support aloss promoting unpopular skilled. Further closing of large industrial plants and a rise in the number of unemployed would have been highly especially since increased political instability and uncertainty opened no new prospects of reemployment forthe popularitythe low of the SPS among blue collars. Unemployment remained a politically salient and explosiveelections issue, in Serbia, allowing democratic mass layoffs first the forMilosevic’s surrounding campaign socialists electoral the wasDuring out of the beredundant. question to since appeared thus who it could workers, damage forthe military) faced liquidity problems. The insolvent large industrial enterprises could survive only by not paying prestige, incomes1995a). In and (Woodward Serbia, excludingits provinces, economic the from social in falling affected status, among grey of economy,the most the terms were groups who hadnoadditional incomes especially earned bluecollar theworkers workers, semi-skilled employmentthe status of half a million industrial was workers called into the question. Industrial principlesthe of unionism.non-state-dependent undermined bankruptcy.intoreasoning Such should go economy whole the oreven enterprise the whole jobs or either keeptheir all should job that arguing losses, of theprospect unacceptable of Moreover,blueextreme wage-egalitarianism many workers. found collar among workers wagehikes.or wage arrears related to large jobserupted andalsowhenconflicts of a employees for numberof relation workers’ tradeunions central or to becameissue aburning loss only under thethreat of Milosevic peaked, rank andfile interest in unionismtrade remainedlow. In 1988-1991periodthe wage hikes as by-product of a their political Moreimportantly, rather forprotest. assupport In 1989-1990, asdocumented in newspaper articles, I found several instances of worker protests where a group of The economic situation was bleak: throughout the 1980s unemployment was rising,and 1980s unemployment the bleak: throughout The situation was economic There were instances which indicated the great popularity popularity ideology great the a ‘leveler’ of whichindicated instances There were prinudni odmor Borba March13 1992. Witihn plants, egalitarianism also spurred internal conflicts ), which kept them oncompany payrolls but without regular pay. After 149 everyone 197 to be laid off or if ‘their’ plant was to go bankrupt go to was plant ‘their’ if or off belaid to ad hoc manner.In 1990 there NIN June 26 CEU eTD Collection 199 later didsomewhat explained why protest: not workers kind seemed to take over the role of money.A union activistfrom a smelting plant near Belgrade in an increasingly insecure currency, and transactions butweakeningdue to (Mrksic 37), 1995: in growth economy' 'accelerated the grey only not diagnosed an in 1992,researchers 1991and accelerating butrapidly From 1980s, the bluecollars. thesemi-skilled especially trend affecting 198 plant level hot meals. (‘narodne kuhinje’) suddenlyincreased,butso did the importanceof non-wage benefits, such as way Davies 1962).Thenumber(cf. andsignificance ofinstitutionsmeals forprovidingfree in action engage anorganized incollective to merepreoccupied survival with deep poverty, too in they were people absolute deprivation: thanrelative rather closerto approaching asituation forced is, increasingon leavesblue-collar in1991-1992an workers numberof weregradually That blurred. increasingly became non-employment and employment between boundary the yet Additionally, in contrast to other CEE states, the political salience of unemployment was high, 1995a:204-205). 1995,Woodward exceededline, unemployment 15%(Posarac while however, poverty coefficients in of 1990 reached 19.5% population livingbelow the poverty while GNPwas 92% of previousthe yearsIn contrast (Mrksic 1995). states toother CEE recession was on par with transition other in economies: 1990 and 1991GDPfell 6.5 and8.1%, Svetlana Jelacic ‘Negde izmedju’ [Contemplations of Nebojsa Savic], ‘Beda istrajkovi:Nema Vise vremena’ the edge of criminality. haveways to find tosurvive their they smuggle, to market– turn the black and otheron activities ways to Yes,survive. they turn to sidewalks. Alarge number ofworkers is notworking they and constant manipulation, so don’tpeople dare to talk about their problems. They find their own Why are workers silent? In the forefront is always patriotism, the national question, there is a 198 Economic indicators and poverty coefficients indicated a frightening a indicated coefficients poverty and indicators Economic 199 NIN April 3,1992. 150 Rad 26 February 1993. CEU eTD Collection malim’ 204 203 202 official, Belgrade May 29 2007 of politics and power’ Author’s interview withMilan Nikoloc formerSSS strike organizer, plant and county level 201 [attempted] rebellion(Davies 1962: 6-7). In theSerbiancase, the issue of worker rebellion did not even appear. objectively deprived, whenfaced withsolid oppositionof people of wealth, status and power,gave guarantees to Yugoslavthe will militarybe in its smashedrole to preserve in federal the state (Gow 1992) As Davies warns ‘[t]he or‘rebellion’ stood no chance in a state with disproportionately large coercive machinery, especially afterMilosevic 200 limited, although existing, the exploit not did SSS the that was it why see also must we action, of disruptiveexplain action. To union passivity in for workers efficientorganizing collective distributionthrough of non-monetary subsistence packages. characteristically strikers demobilized and management unions Plantfactory transcend walls. in March 1992 form the worker pleasgroupsthat did isolated often proletarian took of not of byworkers strikes wild-cat direct quite tellingly, Instead, invest unionism. pressfor or collars to against actions actionmilitant of a social group. power andlikelyany scaredaway state coercive disproportionately alsoasaof happened display industrial appearanceof the The on of tanks workforce. in streets Belgradethe March 1991 recruitment severely affecting fortheYugoslav of reserves through army mobilization occurred, themselves or joined a new union. organized ifthey jobs lose their might feared they workers level activist, a plantunion to again. return to never – leaves forced on themselves find or jobs their lose to likely ‘political’. as strikes disruptive as well See Sverko D. & D. Vucinic ‘Dosta nam je svinjskih polutki’ Author’s interview with Nebojsa Savic formerplant level union leaderBelgrade, October26 2006 This was especially the case of journalists see also e.g. ‘Nesto drugo’ As expressed by one workerorganizer and activist the dictum was ‘Deal with the union, do not enter the sphere Even if it was attempted, in contrast to worker militancy such as in Poland or GDR, a militant worker movement Borba Thus it is now more understandable both why “ Plant level trade unions rarely appeared as organizers of disappointed workers, letalone workers, of leveldisappointed asorganizers unions rarely Plantappeared trade indicates, tomakeAs this from late 1991, worse, thesituation quote deprivation even of March 271992;Mira Trajkovic ‘Avangarda ili mucenici?’ the statefailed and the why limited wasalowthere andinterest of capacities blue- 200 203 The political elite discouraged worker self-organization as self-organization worker elite discouraged Thepolitical 201 The few worker activists who started activiststoorganize were The few who worker 151 Borba 26 March 1992; ‘Trazili mnogo – zadovoljni Nezavisnost’s 204 Rad Nin Special issue April 19 1991 April 3 1992; Meszmann (2009). ” non-violent symbolic non-violent ” 202 According CEU eTD Collection November28 2006. 205 reestablished within of inon principles SSS crucialdeliberations territorial the unionism, 1990 itwas because forproblematic SSS, Most networks. of patronage exploitation were the times. in earlier established territorially mostly unions organized theirreinforced elite vulnerability to andpartisan control networks, patronage such from benefits various on insisting In Milosevic. to loyal necessarily through exploitation of established strong ties to local political authorities, typically but not both assets their positionsfor union and effectivefight own federations found often way to an and and keeping decisiveinfluencewithin power, Leadersof union territorial SSS. these in status interests level ‘conservative’ their hadvested preserving autonomous councils union inter-county The county andlevel work. andefficient more autonomous toward step necessary legitimacy in the eyes of member unions and maintained its vulnerability externalto actors. authority and levelunion peak internal passivity which undermined Thisled to assertive steps. taking from them preventing leadership, SSS new the paralyzed conservatives the of also but of reformers defeat simultaneous members. The amongunion interests andsectoral-progressive ablebetween SSSleadership notconflictto overcome the conservative new was the ‘pragmatist’ vis-à-visThat is,autonomy organizational of internal reinforced SSS. elite the problems the the theSSS andcohesionwithin 2.3.3. Thelackofinternaltrust, tochangeorder the tides before frog the was boiled. impoverishing strategies of Symbolically politicalthe elites. act in union had the speaking, to act against demobilizing the andleast try to energy andatitsworker for own purposes Author’s interview with Slobodanka Brankovic, former head of SSS the office forlegal matters, Belgrade, The central issue of union inreform 1990-91 was its reorganization and empowerment as develop and militancy their union of reformersattempt union the to andThe defeat of 205 The gloomier the economic prospects of a county, the more likely more of the a county, prospects economic the Thegloomier 152 CEU eTD Collection or engage in collective action or take part in collective bargaining. incollective part or take action in collective engage or 207 secretary Belgrade November26 2006.; GradimirIvanic & Milomir Boskovic, Belgrade June 4 2007. 206 who even raised theirvoice, unions of industrial branches were theloudest in callingmilitant for control strikes.over worker When sanctions UNintroduced the against Yugoslavia, FR of those rank andfile.The chairman’s authority was thusweakened,hadinfluence and SSS little or from bureaucracy’ alienated a ‘union image of the recreating SSS, of authority the undermining unions. engagingin Thus,typically public-sector unions endeda separateaction, up these and unions branch industrial the of bargaining and action industrial to right the and organization self-accelerated dueto with militancy growing power the clashed towards organization rank andfile and authority memberover unions. the establishingcommunication with and direct for constructively state the against mobilization of sense the in both – autonomy union for fight intheir sectors union of energy this precisely 1990 on followcould logic. onlyasectoral-branch mobilization it issuesagenda,unionist forunionist was bread although butter that clear from and branch unions were not and autonomous industrial lines the union branches. sectors of However, to according statute, in a position to take rankfile and Workeractivism during strikes. andhad union over started revitalization through partly the initiative forsignificance due to the new legislationthe on collective bargaining andcreation new authority to mobilize the of a common commitment and who resisted changes that would harm their positions. happened via territorial leaders union among whom some hadlittle unionist qualifications or According to the new legislation, territorially organized county and city level unions were not entitled to organize The defeated leader of reformist defined it as ’Machiavellism’. Interview withDusan Mitrovic former SSS Instead, from from Instead, mid-1991 lukewarm the position and authority peaklevel the of On hand, other industrialthe branch unionsunions and publicsector in gained 153 207 The union reformists tried to harness 206 CEU eTD Collection go to the territorial county level organizations. Arandarenko aptly summarizes the compromise and stakes in 1992: the unionorganization in at the remain enterprisewould fees membership level, from 20% resources was ofthe 50% the share which to of according unionsa decision of adopted industrial later only SSS branches, while 30% would 211 210 209 in Knindza' 'Medvedic and clanstvu' branches a statuswithinhigher pleaseSSS did not anyone, and could notbeimplemented. changes. moderate more with replaced was logic branch a following influencelevel within the peak union organization and finances. Radicalchange organizational late 1991 was less fightthe principles about of and unionistthe agenda andwork, more about mid-1991,from to internal issueIn amongfactionsthe contrast reorganization. within SSS on of concessions restarting necessary production. to important Nezavisnost sector had leftunionslevel bypassedthe peak Tellingly, union altogether. thestrategically while crucial energy the SSSmilitantmost the that was Theoutcome actors. state with negotiate and action in collective altogetherengage sectoral to unions largerto itgave autonomy step: inert apragmatic and took leadership by early 1992, abouttheSSS federation. reorganization Finally, leadership the of unions, newhesitated the sectoral strong of a re-establishment the small with simultaneously itself reorganize and sectors militant section of metal workers joined trade uniontrade periodical of the SSS office for legal matters, Belgrade, November 28 2006. The metal unionSerbianRadical got also Party its ownas well pages asof Serbianwithin militarism the (Author’s interview with Slobodanka Brankovic former head 208 as of plantmadewere dualmembers both of territorial federationsand union ofbranches as well and sectors unions. of new was June 301992,there which provision a individualaccording to andfilerank members action. Inorder to please the appetites and interests of both sectoral and territorial unionconstituency, I.Basic principles, point 6 the Councilpara 2 of kosuljice’ ‘Svlacenje Vujadinovic B. SeeZ. Sectoral union leaders were not necessarily progressive. The new leader of metal was an open sympathizer of the sympathizer open an was of metal leader The new progressive. necessarily not were leaders union Sectoral 208 But this was not all. The defeat of the reformist faction did not end internal cleavages Instead of recognizingestablish achanceto its ownauthority utilizing theenergyof , while the still larger, remaining part dealt separately with the state and dealt received separately with state the part remaining larger, , whilethestill Rad 210 under thesubheading ‘Metalac’ from 1992. late See e.g. ‘Metalac’ no.2 'Korak blize However, the compromise However, the solution of unions ofindustrialgranting Rad November27, 1992. Rad March6, 1992. 154 209 According to the statute the to According 211 The CEU eTD Collection 214 30 and oil of sunflower wagons 20 wagons of sugar at affordableof flour, prices (Djordjevic wagons 2001:152-3).80 altogether occasions 6 in membership its to distributed example, was among the most transparent in documenting its activity in this period. Between1990 and 1993 it 213 212 24 as quoted by Arandarenko 1997: 139). functioning first of onall different levels of organizationterritorial andbased on networks’. See also (Rad, Jul 1994: self-management,of era whenthe from they wereinherited a major sovereignty componentfinancial their of preserve the to totaltrying were social-political councils union level infrastructure inter-county and … whichwas level county The interests. financial major about more were they but concepts, to due so much not was clash The them. between tensions ofpermanent source a it represented effect, In territorially. organized those nor branches, of solution compromise a by “combined” sectoral-territorial replaced was … principle, which did not please branches neither unions organized in industrial and public ofindustrial unions of strong aunion as of SSS idea ‘[T]he front. the to sent and Army Yugoslav the into mobilized were who workers for basis solidarity a on money and manyBosnia, and county plant level clothes, also in engaged food, unions cigarettes, collecting providing theirmembership benefits, with mostly food. activities, subsidizing and commercial starting by needs own their on concentrating increasingly SSS. of problems financial acute the to contributed later fees membership of membership feesonly them to Arandarenko This(cf. 1998). low internal indiscipline payments evade suchdistributiona proposed andinvited plantlevel unions topay their share of the in redistribution fees, union of industrial rules of unions branches bank often opened separate to accounts old of application the demand would unions level territorial while turn, In consumer-cooperatives. started sometimes and they engageineconomic activity, autonomy to fees higher levels to local of union organizations. Unions on county and plantlevels had the by A furtherwas presented complication prospects of economy.the bleak the lost memberits orsurrendered territoriallyalso greatdeal based branch unions. authority of to or peak level union resolveorganization could notinternal cleavagethe financialit issues, but over Sverko D. & D. Vucinic ‘Dosta nam je svinjskihpolutki’ The trade union inSubotica (acounty in Vojvodina,of 150.534 inhabitants according to 1991 census), for exist. to ceased or unions from independent became either businesses these Later As the economic crisis escalated, unions on lower levelsunions lower inimportance, As on gained economic crisis escalated, the membership submitting resisted unions level plant realities, economic difficult the With 214 155 Borba 26March 1992 213 During the wars in Croatia and 212 CEU eTD Collection 216 county level official, Belgrade 26 October2006 and Belgrade May 29 2007. Dusan 2006, 28 November Mitrovic former SSS secretary Belgrade, Belgrade November26 2006. matters, Milanlegal Nikolic former for SSS strikeoffice organizer, SSS plant and ofthe head former Brankovic, Slobodanka officials intensified from 1990, evenfrom then on there was a lack of contacts and trust. Author’s intervieworto the with coercive apparatus, or individual interests behind the unionist work. Althoughcommunication not within know unioneachother. There was a mutual suspicion among union representatives of murky personal ties to the elite 215 ( autonomy for fight to capacity internal the had it that and dynamics, structure andfragile organizational loose given the noconfidence, felt leadership As peaklevel the leadership. union a onto the far-reachingresult, union inflicting damages while theywerealsocapableof vulnerablepeaklevelunion benefits organizationally to the state actorsturn, could play internal this against and weakness offer andimmediate direct lax financialwith undermined the discipline,authority. particularly this SSS’operation and In and making bymistrust bodies mutual union the of were plaguedinternally suspicion the isolation of the organization, which counted on paternalist state protection and concessions. state on paternalist counted which theorganization, of isolation the increased fortifiedand choice file, union’s the and rank the to closer and come member unions level and peak between the decrease thedistance to attempting than Rather elite. political the internal strength,hadrelyfrom and it increasingly with to therefore cooperation and support on trade union. ‘real’ prove thatitwas a to inorder strikes threatened members, SSSpublicly the militantmost appease its in to order union a critical Appearing as elite. with the secure cooperation unions and both a pragmatistmember strategy,please conformist to and inlate 1992SSSadopted seen, actors.state againstmobilize countmore on workersupport than some wingMilosevic or right much politicians had, less to See e.g. ‘Ostro s Vladom’ did who people mostly representatives, union level county together brought 1990 January in congress reform The Finally, it is also not unimportant that, due to the authoritarian turn, thehighest duetotheunimportant authoritariandecision turn, itis that, Finally, not also Thus, SSS was able to gain in the short run from interaction with state actors. As we have 216 On the other hand it was extremely conformist, since, as explained above it lacked Rad August2, 1991 156 if it had sincerely wanted to), let alone 215 . Along . CEU eTD Collection used later as a derogatory term of SSS, as the ‘BUS union’. 219 November28 2006 218 217 it the increased between distance and therank andfile.Although choice impliedthe ahigh thus of actions SSS the opaque and Theambiguities andmilitant branchunions. rebellious localorganizationslinked to clientelistic through politicians and increasingly ties autonomous, membergathered both reinforcedterritorial organization. union SSSasaweakumbrella It identity unionist ifand, nothing else,internal legitimacy. Organizationally,such choice of preservation for the allowed lines) principled action along real than collective (rather threats strike of use The elite. the with compromise andnegotiate reach to readiness and militancy of threats combined union The action. of opportunities political limited and weaknesses internal times when existential survival stake. was at not unionwhere incentives were who members excluded those from secondary could be at those reservesoil flour,vegetable food and sugar – which thesurvivalguaranteed of and union organizations, Distribution ultimately SSS. the of of action. collective with disruptiveindependence onmanagement organization a strikeof push awayfromexperimenting union the action, arsenal militantactionof in ahostile environment. Not only did the newlaw on strikes and but moreas a critically,rational, risk-averse that [ for casesof catastrophe food there actor, were supplies of In the increasinglydependedonstate startingfrom UNsanctions,unions the period signsit retreated of internal from experimentingobstruction ofor developing the available In Serbian “Brasno, ulje, secer” from which the Serbian popular acronym ‘BUS’ (pronounced: bush) stemmed, Author’s interview with Slobodanka Brankovic, former head of SSS the office forlegal matters, Belgrade, Savic, of Nebojsa Contemplations izmedju’ ‘Negde Jelacic, Svetlana The decision of SSS testifies a greatto deal of pragmatism of an organization aware of its latest,From theSSSleadership andcapacities, and 1993 atthe lackedboth opportunities 218 Territorial and plant level member unions received important concessions important received unions member level plant and Territorial robne rezerve robne ] and fulfilled a purely distributional role. distributional a purely fulfilled and ] 157 219 – remained an important function of the union, the of function important an remained – Rad 26 February 1993 217 CEU eTD Collection 82) similarly low: only 16% of public and 11% private sectoremployees saidthey trusted unions. Slavujevic (1999: 80- citizens reported that they trusted and the majority, 55 percent distrusted them. Among employees trust was judgement on ‘old’ and ‘new’ unions from both rank-and-file and overall populationcontinued. In1994 only 14% of 220 negatively rather unions’ evaluated work possible worstthe grade.In1994,both union the rank andfile andtheoverall population SSSactivity gavethe 43%of surveyed bleakthose avery picture: showed legitimacy unions of the on Surveys popularity. negative and prestige low faced thus union the choice, the of aftermath immediate In the efforts. war ‘Milosevic’s’ to tied was union the circles, and pacifist image in and prestige of but thelong union the neoliberal in run.also In all criticalintellectual consequences hyperinflation of industrialand deteriorating production also harmed both the hadnegative in turn which pricethe negotiate of quiescence, acompromise at to consent dependence andelite vulnerability oforganizational cycle vicious 3.4. The post-socialism. in behavior created pattern a path-dependent of also SSS prerequisites choiceits self-reinforcing and survival of a certain type of unionism in resemblingconditions awareconomy. The dramatic organizational the run, short in the least at secured, also it state, the on union the of dependency macroeconomic stabilization started with union involvement. At the time, public legitimacy of legitimacy public time, At the involvement. union with started stabilization macroeconomic Peace Agreementwhich ended warson territory the formerof Yugoslavia endof atthe 1995, attractive:did the 1990s density fallbut nothalved throughout more After radically. the Dayton membership unions in trade incentives. kept This secondary other subsidiesand offeredfood Worker Bulletin February 1994, as cited in Arandarenko 1998: 139. In 1994, a predominantly negative There were immediate and persistent implications of this choice for the SSS. Theunion’sfor the SSS. of this choice implications andpersistent immediate There were 220 . On the other hand, close ties to state actors secured actors state to ties close hand, other . On the 158 CEU eTD Collection relied on concessions from the state. Such concessions however further weakened its credibility further weakened however Such concessions state. the from concessions on relied it whileits mobilization capacities, upexercising it risks weaknesses and repercussions of gave remain.powerful SSSfounditselfactors in The vicious circle: internal apath-dependent dueto didor other state on the dependence decreased, so the SSS of the internal legitimacy andstrength activists. union lower many among and file and rank the among both developed itself with only preoccupied Theimage organization of a ‘bureaucratic’ confederation altogether. the leave or autonomy, own their on more even insist either then would who members, union from dissent trigger did unionism militant to commitment principled of absence an and elite political establishingties direct andmobilizing with the rank deals andfile. Inturn,direct the with finally, againstelites inSuch and limited risk-takingactions eagerness, limited SSSSinterests peaklevel the acceptany eagerfrom political cominglevel. concessions was to union highest the dictating orcontrolling alliances with local elites. In order to compensate forits lack of authority,in or action collective finance, of issues all in organizations union member over authority decades of post-socialistunderstand behavior,its union trajectory marginaland its importance during the turbulent Serbia. The SSSS continued to have low mobilization capacities and with Jugoslav Risti 222 borba/arhiva/Mar98/2503/2503_15.HTM based of branch a confederation G. as unions. Djukic 'Poziv saradnjuna isolidarnost' Nasa BorbaMarch organization 25. 1998. http://www.yurope.com/nasa- the defined finally statute new The (CATUS). of Serbia Unions 221 later called SSSS, of SSS, (elite)the dependence andstate weakness internal of organizational crucial features two changed. circumstances faded passedandexternal choice astime away dramatic imprintbe Inthissense,the immediate the of union(Slavujevic1999). the improving seemed to Author’s interviewswith Vladimir Pecikoza, trade unionof a pharmaceutical plant, Zrenjanin, 24 April 2007 and SSS changed its name at its 11 There was, however, a more profound pattern moreTherebehind profound was,however,a pattern limited the union’s autonomy. The ü andDragan Ili 221 reinforced each other and created a vicious cycle. This pattern helps avicious andcreated other us each reinforced cycle.This pattern th congress in March 1998to SSSS –the Confederation of ü , trade union officials of an armament factory, Kragujevac, 5June 2007 159 Autonomous Trade 222 Asthe CEU eTD Collection 2006 and in 2008 Kosovo declared independence, further solidifying its separationfrom Serbia. crisis and social crisis (2008-2010) kicked in. The final disintegrationof federationthe with Montenegro occurred in mobilization. Then, again after aperiod of relative stability Serbianand independence (2004-2007), globaleconomic Milosevic (1997-2000). A ‘new’ transition period followed late from 2000 until 2003,spiced with mass 1996). Then a period of political crisis followed, with social turmoil and the NATO bombing, ending in the fall of 224 223 as an encompassing mobilization dependence. elite and vulnerability role internal its andovercome proactive opportunity.more upa totake attempted andonceeven chance hadthe where union the out stand episodes federation. Yugoslav new a In with experimentation thesepolitical a and sovereignty momentsthere crises, inthe territorial changes warand conflict, large protests, scalecivil occurring were periodically political from Apart SSSfollowed. had consolidation of attempts theturmoil, major and crisis chance to of periods after end. not community hardships Characteristically, changed and economic did political the of definition the while Serbia, in arena political the in turmoil of deal a great was changes toreconsider instructures opportunity political union strategies There and identities. public activities. Arguably,major changes in the system between 1993 and 2010brought situations when wereopportunity structures expanding, servingmobilizationfor aschances and in is answer straightforward The elite? political the vis-à-vis arena political the in autonomy gain weakness and to internal organizational circle overcome its breakleadership to vicious the reverse trends andbreakfrom out viciousthis is, cycle. That when how couldand the union concessions. on dependent diminishing. In end,the the union was paradoxically morevulnerableeven toelite influence and was elite the against threat acredible pose to ability SSSS the alsodecreased, union the in the eyes of the rank and file and union members. Since in this way the organizational power of After the end of Serbian involvement in the Yugoslav conflict, there was a half-hearted consolidation (1994- consolidation half-hearted a was there conflict, Yugoslav in the involvement of Serbian end the After Ithank Vera Scepanovicsuggesting for me tostrengthen the path dependent argument in this way. In both cases, the breaking point from behavioremerged of quiescentIn both defined pattern the cases, the breakingpoint to chance a was there is whether question the argument path-dependent the test To 223 160 224 In this period two CEU eTD Collection proposed cuttingboost industrial asaway to proposed production. largepublic sector thus Reforms the leadingmaterialize, price tounion not did controls respected, protests. Arandarenko& However, Stojiljkovic 2006, Slavujevic although 1999). wageagreementthe was legitimacy both of peaklevelthe itsandunion sectoral members1997, 2001, (Arandarenko 227 agreement. collective General a new wayfor the paved also Agreement The strikes. in engage not and demands wage tomoderate members branch 226 November28 2006 225 July 1995. The constructive role and voice of the union was especially visible in the tripartite industrialAgreement branches and gavea againboost internalto union reform 1997: 207). (Arandarenko of of of unions thesignificance increased and bargaining sectoral representation interest towards policy social and economic over making in decision influence direct of position conceived infashion. aKeynesiancorporatist not These brought into only a consultations SSS ad hoc in fact governor in consultations brought the peak union for as in trade well workinggroups as National Bank of Serbia in abreak-outearly 1995 provided chance SSS.The for the new Specifically, 1995, which presented an foropportunity theconsolidation of economy the and polity political elite. with the its relations shaping actively and capacities developingstart its or organizational of level capable a clearvision, displaying with union become union chanceSimultaneously, the had to andpeak amore politically active efficient linksestablish with members. file rankand the direct authority reinforce over union and Dimitrije Boarov ‘Between recession and fear of inflation’ fear and recession ‘Between Boarov Dimitrije As a concession to price control and stabilization, the union agreed to a wage restraint and to exert pressure on Author’s interview with Slobodanka Brankovic, former head of SSS the office forlegal matters, Belgrade, committees on wages, taxes and pensions (in Serbian: ‘plate, porezi, penzije’ or the ‘3P’) The first opportunity for SSSoccurredafter Milosevic signed the inDayton Agreement 226 the appointment of a Keynesian, Dragoslav Avramovic, as the governor of the of governor the as Avramovic, Dragoslav aKeynesian, of appointment the These developments providedboost for asignificant public recognition and 161 AIM July 6 1995 227 The bank governor then governor bank The 225 . A move . . CEU eTD Collection November28 2006. 228 its leadership union internal the risk-aversion reforms, reinforced and pragmatist organizational using chancetoally the with anda powerful,popular actor, socially alsogo to painful through firstto publicly criticizeAvramovic, thegovernor. chairman wasthe union the in apotential However,whenrecognized efforts. political threat Milosevic tripartite substantive and supportive its Avramovic reformerSSSleadershipof the and were very andchairman his bank.following Initially, suit Milosevic with inhis newly self-defined role as a ‘peacebuilder’ national the of governor the with relationship SSS’s was test critical The strategy. autonomous claims and more programmatic behavior than This Milosevic. authentic signal union determined knot: in criticalcut Gordian the Political helpedto ties 207-8). (Arandarenko 1997: agreement general collective the in defined requirements minimal the fulfill to unable were that conditions, poor situationsin enterprises (Stojiljkovic 1999:22-23).Finally, increasing from notably therewas pressure below, from again subsidies state for mobilizing workers and management between a alliances from new stemming plants SSS chairman,The peaklevel facedalso challenge the union tocopewith micro-corporatist of strikes sheltered reconciliation. and representation interest of development the to Banovic,contribute to also and union, waitedcoordinatedefinelostsuch orto achancea way,SSS either industrial a itself to as dominantly for stanceits orcommunicate a vision and policies its towards industrialpublic branch or members. In signal frominraised fact hisvoice theSSSdidofficially thestrike.against define not However, aclear administration, respondedwith Thestrikes. level peak whileunion silent, remained its chairman judicial also health but especiallyand in workers, education, surprisingly, the public sector Not sector. public the from sovereignty, tariff as such privileges, some away taking demanded also Author’s interview with Slobodanka Brankovi Slobodanka with interview Author’s ü , former head of the SSS office for legal matters, Belgrade, matters, legal for office SSS of the head former , 162 228 Instead of CEU eTD Collection http://www.aimpress.ch/dyn/pubs/archive/data/200005/00505-006-pubs-pod.htm June June 1997.; http://www.vreme.com/arhiva_html/vb10/7.html http://www.socialistaction.org/news/199905/bombing.html http://www.b92.net/info/vesti/index.php?yyyy=2000&mm=05&dd=01&nav_id=6519&version=print Smederevu: Banovi in attack 2003. summer newneoliberal elite, the but democratic opportunity to internally,and autonomousappeared appearthe political sceneasan with on and active actor the SSSS and otherunions, whereas it was also used as a blackmailing tool of the new javnosti elite against the union. imovine’ nase podelu na prava nema ‘Niko See e.g. used. was violence even sometimes property, union SSSS to take away the property it used, claiming that it had no ownership rights overit. In attemptsisolation, but incorporatedto takea leader ofover a minor union federationinto the government. Moreover, itthreatened the 230 November28 2011. povodom 1.maja http://www.nuns.org.yu/dosije/02/22.jsp u ratu’ Srbije karta ‘Socijalna Thousands JoblessYugoslavia In Due To Nato Strikes, Tanjug, Belgrade,April 22 Banovic against NATO aggression at Banovi Tomislav cvece’ ‘Vestacko Marinkovic Darko e.g. See elite. the ruling for support social organized or public in silent remained either representatives SSSS faction, proved to be a vehement leadership union the ally of ‘aggressors’, the Milosevicagainst ‘resistance’ led elite state-led of the (Cf Arandarenkoorganization in and strikes, 2002 NATO the 172). after Aside from a small critical support to the Milosevic-led elite. During the political crisis and civil unrest, as well as before elections, during and 229 member authority over itselfarena and recreate inboth political the reassert peak union to for the point breakout another have provided weakness Elite allies. political legitimate lacked Antonic SSSS years (Pavlovic 2007)and & in first poor was thus Milosevic its democracy became pariah while wererudimentary. andbalances The quality of checks parties, newpost- the members DOS not of the parties which were years 2000political In after few the ‘dark’ past. surprisingly,neoliberal.political dominant the Not elites SSSSasanorganization labeled of the politicalline life. dominant The newlygoverning, within the DOScoalition anti-Milosevic was marginsMilosevic 2000,theof revolution’ newto the pushed of elite governing October SSSS 1990sinto late during the amodernized ‘transmission belt’. conservativism. policiesChanges in in trends in state SSSdecisions,were mirrored it turning The new neoliberal elite did not offerany substantive role to the SSSS as still the largest union to break out from open declared chairman Its period. conservative most inits was leadership SSSS the 1990s late the During June 11 2002. The issue of redistribution of SSSS union assets emerged as a major dividing betweenline The second chance to reverse trends, empower boththe peaklevel reverse trends, empower organization The second to chance Vlada Milanovi B92 ü sigurno sigurno dolazi, zaostale ne znamo’ May 2000 Maj 1 2000. ü ‘Prvomajsko osves ‘Prvomajsko Vreme vanredno izdanje. May 15 1999 15 May izdanje. vanredno http://isole.ecn.org/coord.rsu/doc/altri99/990507se.htm ;‘Poziv na prekid totalnog štrajka’ February 15 2000; Proslave iporuke ü ; see also chairman old-fashioned support for the official media ivanje: Zasto Zasto ivanje: 163 ü , predsednik Saveza sindikata Srbije, sindikata Saveza predsednik , ; M. Petrovic ‘Centralna proslava prvog maja u ü uti radni uti http://www.sedmica.co.yu/026105.htm 229 þ ka klasa’ ka ; See also letter of Tomislav AIM Socialist Action , May 5 2000 Naša Borba ; ‘Hundreds Of 230 After the ‘anti- After the May 1999 Accessed Glas , 14-15. ; . CEU eTD Collection 236 strajkovamogu I li socijalniprotesti da ugroze tranziciju’ Sindikat Danas October31 2003 Jovanovic ‘Popularniji od politickih stranaka’ Sindikat danas October3 2003; Okrugli sto: Kakav je stvarni ucinak 235 234 septembru ce se dici “kuka Imotika”’ “kuka dici ce se septembru union. the of consent orsocial without toemployment,related inclusion work, couldbe adopted full policies and no legislation that was demand main the Initially, towns. Serbian major all in privatization against launchedlarge hostile againstthe 2003,SSSS mobilize protests In elite. June crucial and glue SSSS itsthe to engageunifying in member unions to collective action and threatthe of takingits property from affiliatedaway SSSS and union federations provided the ‘Milosevic’s union’, a ofneoliberalseries privatization, measures, andfalling production, and 233 employment and strategy forindustrial development, tripartism, stop to price increase, fight against criminal etc. 232 231 Support for worker-led privatization and union involvementin it was very timid andunclear. save jobs.was noaproof tocreate advicemadepublic program of or as commitmentor government. Asidefrom neoliberal blind in criticism raising faith against privatization, there the operation with the SSSS.in long-term co- interest anapparent showed opposition parties center but some pro-labor after, Nevertheless, theprotests. SSSS did not presentAlthough it interestwas other andwell publicized, did social participategroups in not anthese alternative schemelasted afew days,all giving spaceto in public services,publicunions and companies industry. to the The the protests resignation membersunion government. of the demanding activists, also and involving 2003,theSSSSlaunched 30,000 In October toresign.government new nearly protests unions. Mirjana Jevtovic ‘Radnici su ubacili u kasu ove drzave najvise’ Sindikat Danas 30 April May 2 2003; Jasmina Colak ‘Privatizacija dugomna stapu’ Sinidkat Danas August 29 2003; Svetozar Rakovic, Jelka Tanja Kovacevic ‘U septembru ce se dici “kuka imotika”’ “kuka dici ce se septembru ‘U Kovacevic Tanja Ivana Kljajic, Jasmina Colak ‘Sindikalci na ulici’ for program privatization, to corrections bargaining, collective encompassing included demands Other Led by Milenko Smiljanic (2002-2007). His successorwas Ljubisav Orbovic. 231 234 Arguably, in addition to the hostile attitude of the new elite towards what was termed The demonstrations were successful, since not only did the governmentfall soon 232 In addition, SSSS announced that it would collect signatures to push the Sindikat Danas Sindikat danas August 29 2003. 164 Sindikat Danas October 31 2003; Tanja Kovacevic ‘U Kovacevic Tanja 2003; 31 October August 29 2003. 236 235 233 CEU eTD Collection ‘Dijalog bez precizno odredjenih sagovornika’ odredjenih precizno bez ‘Dijalog Vicentijevic ‘U Subnoru moj stan’ Sindikat Danas February 14-15 2004, see also Svetozar Rakovic,Jovanovic Jelka 240 advice. SSSS also used its capacities to help territorially organized unions to keep property, along with supplying legal 239 http://www.sindikat.org.yu/arhiva_saopstenja.php?IDsaopstenja=106 238 žestinu' 237 based unions. problems plant with pointing with at memberfederations union was revoked, Theorder soon thus longer procedure. members who hadnot paid up. However, sanctions were not possible to introduce without a unionno serviceschairmanbe announced discipline that would providedto ordered and withconfronted 90%union membersabout paying not or only partially paying dues,the and financial finallyintroduce as and Namely, discipline. to an opportunity publicthe sector, of peakthe level authority union territorial over affiliated unions and unionsindustrial branches of certain date certain union midfindof 2006tried to acompromise paymentthe ordered and of dues onlyfrom a for allies. The SSSS thus overcame its political isolation before the elections of late 2003 with 2003with before oflate elections un the isolation political its for overcame SSSSthus The allies. search engagein a to more possible options and larger opportunity capital.was the novelty The of interests the of emergence the and fragmentation elite of newcircumstances the to adapting announced his retirement. and resigned chairman the reelection, his after shortly crisis, organizational the solve to Unable chairmanthe forlack information financialof on operations and selling union property. launched astrike. professionals who Territorially organized union members allegedly rented out immovables forcommercial purposes. Branko M. Ladjevic ‘Smiljanic izbacen iz Sindikata’ izbacen ‘Smiljanic M.Ladjevic ‘Nadzorni S.Rakovic “Predsednik trenira strogocu’ Sindikat Danas February 14-15 2004; M. Ladjevi Glas javnosti, The relative success of member union mobilization also offered the opportunity fortify The relativeofmember mobilization offeredalso to opportunity success the union The peak level union strategy nevertheless changed somewhat fromin least somewhat 2003, at changed nevertheless The union strategy peak level odbor Saveza samostalnih sindikata Srbije Zakljucak’ Srbije sindikata samostalnih Saveza odbor 238 . The tipping pointwas issuethe ofunpaidmonths wagesfor for some SSSS May 18, 2005 237 The conclusions of the Supervisory Committee of the peak 239 Sinidkat Danas Sinidkat This problem was combined with This with an was combined accusation problem against Glas javnosti 165 June 28 2005 April 30 May 3 2004. Somewhat paradoxically, Belgrade, November14. 2006. Accessed November28 2011 ü 'Uz prasetinu i 240 CEU eTD Collection 245 pay’. reported that employers are not in a position to fulfill legal obligations… Employees retain the right to severance 244 Jevtovic & Bojan Toncic ‘Od borbe protiv Milosevica do novog fronta’ novog do Milosevica protiv borbe ‘Od Toncic Bojan & Jevtovic partnerima’ zapolitickim potrazi ’U Stojiljkovic Zoran parties. democratic social (smaller) and NGOs both to ties transparent establishing union main the as 2000 after emerged 243 Jevtovic & Bojan ‘Od Toncic borbe protiv Milosevica do novog fronta’ Sindikat Danas August 1 2003 242 241 parties. toseveral center-right support official among unions in creating political and social alliances. social and political creating in unions among relations system. relations SSSS’s increasingly weakrule rolelaw undermined andan wasalso ‘wild’industrial dueto of highly limited. capacities were union and state both making. However, indecision participate to SSSS enabled in2004 power to came that government center-right friendly union generally party. any political with agreements madeno(open) SSSS the preserved since inclusion intoa government working on many social negotiations, group policy.contrast, In such important fruit of understanding betweenunions for cooperation and and Agency Privatization. the most The SSSS participation institutionalized unions arole for inthe an Agreementon privatization through process in the SES was related wasestablished,which bymid Socio-Economicunion Council (SES) 2004,aweaktripartite to its voice prime ministerin Kostunica (2004-2007)weresymbolic. wasrecognized SSSS asarepresentative legislation all!lawyer at paid had capacities: yearuntil; only lawyerandsincethat 2004 SSSS hashadone nopermamnently inunionslevel defining social plant happened inface All programs. the this shrinkingof capacities in helpingmember in unions analysis of andthe contracts sellout advising basedplant Especially important were amendments made to the LC in 2005. Asindicated in the internal union evaluation forreport the 2006 congress, ‘The National Agency Employmentfor The smaller, earlierpacifist, confederationNezavisnost, whichenjoyed the support of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung Zoran Stojiljkovic ’U potrazi za politickim partnerima’ Sindikat Danas May 30 2003 Nezavisnost ;Mirjana Ivana Kljajic ‘Podrska partiji koja prihvati Socijalno-ekonomski ugovor’ Sindikat Danas November28 2003 Concession agreements with the traditionalist but labor friendly coalition government of government coalition friendly labor but traditionalist the with agreements Concession 244 The task for the SSSS remained to monitor privatization with limited with privatization monitor to remained SSSS the for task The 166 241 At the time, the SSSS was not the agenda setter agenda the was not SSSS the the time, At Sindikat Danas Sindikat 242 Still, independence be Still, wasbelievedto Sindikat Danas May 30 2003Nezavisnost ; Mirjana August 1 2003 243 Further, a 245 and CEU eTD Collection 247 helped have might that voice non-violent a channel or coordinate control, to nor protests, worker and political isolation SSSS wasunable stop to or influence meaningfully radicalizationthe of issue be. the lettingbefore protest verbal with onlya weak SSSS The reacted the agreement. honor not could claimed 2008hit,when oflate thegovernment wage rise.it global However, the crisis economic of principles defining but provisions, general and formal of full agreement collective a general predominantly neoliberal Democratic Party (DS). As a political barter with DS, the unionKosovo. signed 'Informacija' zajedni ‘Informacija‘ http://www.sindikat.org.yu/arhiva_saopstenja.php?IDsaopstenja=113SSSS ; ‘Kosovo i Metohija procesu privatizacije’ June 42004;SSSS Jevtovic ‘Socijalni dijalog uzuslovljeno poverenje’ June Sindikat danas 4 2004>> IvanRadak ‘Sindikati aktivni u http://www.sindikat.org.yu/arhiva_saopstenja.php?IDsaopstenja=100Smiljani Milenka Prof. SSSS Predsednika i Koštunice October1. 2006. ;SSSS ‘Informacija o tokusadržaju i razgovora Predsednika Vlade Republike Srbije,Dr. Vojislava constitution, forvote thenew file to theand incalling government onthe rank supported SSSS exchange, the subsidies. and agreements collective general for need the on statements official formulate and complaints, communicate relations, industrial in problems (insolvable) on awareness raise only wherecould union leadership the with government the SSSS the of consultations May Jevtovic3 2004Mirjana ‘Socijalnidijalog uzuslovljeno poverenje’ 249 248 proceed with privatization ‘Bez dogovora o na dogovora ‘Bez privatization with proceed involvement (!).‘Savet bez stava o izmenama PIO’ meaningfulness of SEC and again called attention tothe dangerof social unrest and strikes without union 246 crisis major a into theSES leadany brought andfactin age didas onchangesinnot to retirement the agreement ‘Izvestaj o radu SSSS izmedju 12. i 13. Kongresa’ in SSSS See Svetozar Rakovic, Jelka Jovanovic ‘Dijalog bez precizno odredjenih sagovornika’ odredjenih precizno bez ‘Dijalog Jovanovic Jelka Rakovic, Svetozar See in which the union did not participate meaningfully, and which it wanted originally to boycott its silence Instead of coming up with aconstructive proposal, SSSS chairman Smiljanic even called into question the þ ka briga’ Beograd,October 12 2006 www.sindikat.org.yu/arhiva_saopstenja.php?IDsaopstenja=101; SSSS Concerning protests and industrial action, due to both its weak organizational itscapacities weakorganizational both to andindustrial due action, Concerning protests 249 In the lead up to the elections of 2008, the SSSS sided more openly with the www.sindikat.org.yu/arhiva_saopstenja.php?IDsaopstenja=120 248 in addition to issuing joint calls to the international community on the status of status the on community international the to calls joint issuing to addition in 246 . Other concessions were reached outside the SES,but were limiteddirect to þ inu privatizacije inu B92 167 June 29 2005. SEC was also unable to agree on ways to 13. Kongres: Dokumenti Beta November30 2007. Accessed November28 2011 ü a, Belgrade, October 4 2006 4 October Belgrade, a, ;‘Referendum29. oktobra 28. i 1. Sindikat Danas SSSS Belgrade, June 2006 Sindikat Danas June 4 2004;Mirjana April 30 247 B92 In CEU eTD Collection wax nostalgic about what might havemight what been. about wax nostalgic leastto at or hope, its members of some allow still past of the legacies promising, positive not organization. forAlthough more SSSS socially today are and prospects powerful the respected fora developing amissedchance acknowledge 1980s,also in late the andcapacities union assets the detrimental external circumstances to union development. Some of them, taking into thataccount followed. In evaluating theduring the critical period, juncture achoice whichalso shaped the union’s trajectory in periodthe union’s trajectory, former organizational self-empowermentabandon its theSSStofor pushed strugglethe and autonomy present SSSS activists pointandundermine actsto Elite itspotential domination strengths. and for themissed opportunities out but particularly influence elite when makesuse internal a union’s of weaknesses organizational negotiating separately and sometimes against interests the levelof plant unions. capitalists, largest domestic entrepreneurial tothe ties closer established leadership SSSS the 2000s.Finally,the againhalvedduring largestdensity remained union organization, the large as wellaspublicbarely public companies, Although unchallenged.unions ran SSSS increased protests worker radical andincreasingly between unions Jugoremedija lobbying to receive production subsidies. Author’s interviews at the two most militant plant level unionsof workerfrom radicals 2001, responding to challenges of privatization not oractively workers take part in forming radicalized and local partisanonly coalitions bureaucracy’ decreased,‘union but thebetween unionist distance workerof large identity anddiagnosis form 2001 in itselfThe was of protest. not consideredforms as effective by the new wave 251 radnika Metal Seka’ ‘Akcija koja jeslutila na nesrecu Itragediju’ Sindikat Danas November28 2003. V. Todorovic ‘Sesti dangladju 2003. Zoran Radovanovic ‘U nevreme prinudna glad zaposlenih’ Sindikat Danas August 1 200; ZoranRadovanovic 250 stop agrowing of hunger trend strikes. Privrednik’ February 23 2010 at read_article.php?articleId=1549 See also Zajednicko saopstenje za javnost SSSS i clanova poslovnog kluba bureaucracy’. ‘union 252 self-interested as SSSS to reference of critical preservation and level of plant identification The latterwas indicated also in the sense that workers increasingly looked upalternative identities, as well as Zoran Radovanovic ‘Protesti radnika izraz agonije privrede kojoj se kraj ne nazire’ Sindikat Danas. August 29 ‘Miskovic hoce da kupi i “RK” Beograd’ The case of the SSS indicates the pervasive effects of hostile elites on unionism, on active hostile elites of effects pervasive the indicates of SSS the The case Zrenjanin and Sindikat Danas Namenska www.sindikat.rs/saopstenja.htm February 14-15 2004 Kragujevac in the spring of 2007 indicate the very loose connection and connection loose very the indicate of 2007 spring the in Kragujevac ASI September 11 2006. At: inicijativa.org/tiki/tiki- 250 Rather, the distance and the communication gap communication the and distance the Rather, 168 Accessed November28 2011. 251 . The autonomy of unions in unions of autonomy The . 252 CEU eTD Collection hostilities from the Solidarity union cemented as the electoral prospects of post-communist the electoral asthe prospects cemented union from Solidarity the hostilities anti-communist importantly, More union. level peak the of capacities and unity organizational fragile the work overburdened and parliamentary campaign of electoral the political process in the was minor The that participation evil SdRP. party, the successor mainof, the communist cost of establishing and close electoral to, ties forming apolitical coalition under dominance the public recognition. foughtitsmaterial interests for successfully position, in andgained file, of rather the and rank OPZZ consolidated that the1991-1993period of reforms economic andgovernments unpopular based Solidarity the itwas under paradoxically, Somewhat party. reformed communist liberal political the a formal electoral with isolationin1991through wing of alliance the its overcame OPZZ the left. way, In this secular from the allies neededpolitical union the but numerous constraints pushedit to the margins of political life. To break out from isolation, developing of political andlobbying, action newpractices the collective TheOPZZstarted arena. dominate to back rose gradually Solidarity as greater even became challenge the and intensified crisisits of theinitiators marketand democracy, participantandsystem change among the to dramatic During system (1988-1990). change period, this although OPZZ the was an active competitiveNotsurprisingly, environment. little union recorded the successin phase first the of inanincreasingly influence, butthese occurred exert methods novel to and usingown trajectory its shaping transparently and actively was union the establishment, its Since path. developmental Chapter 4.Poland’s OPZZ: TheNeedtoGoPolitical However, these successes these However, in for relevancefrom struggle union’s the atthe 1991 happened In this chapter I describe and analyze the OPZZ’s strategic choices impacting its own 169 CEU eTD Collection internal capacities of the peak level organization. The OPZZ’s lack of opportunities, capacities lack of level The OPZZ’s organization. of peak the internal capacities influence,fragile limiteddecreasing union spacefor unity, maneuvering, and limited strategic cycleof reinforcedavicious butinstead constraints, andpolitical weaknesses organizational fundamental more the of resolution an ultimate leadable to not to were choices these terms, seek short-term to union the forced effectively which constraints political external and weaknesses organizational by wereaffected choices strategic OPZZ’s thatthe show I chapter Inthis interests? itsact againstin betrayed union’s 1993-1994whenthey Second,allies not whydid the the union in place inthefirst 1991. coalition close) political a(very question iswhy OPZZestablished the explain. highlight made,first union thatpuzzling andseek the Iwill importance which to The labor. for concessions minor only achieving agenda, neoliberal dominating its and club parliamentary SLD’s political allies orunion by surprise. The inOPZZ faced a loyalty dilemma: itfavor had to take a stance either in favor of its of its constituents.its political ally, in actual the turn policy when victoriouspriorities SLD emerged caught the Eventually, new counted the not leadership had possibility in on the OPZZ a neoliberal of turn agendaof the the OPZZ subordinated in stabilizationfurther andrestructuringcuts whichentailed As welfare andpublic expenditures. itselfagenda: insteadto of fulfilling theelectoral promises, the government moved to macroeconomic immediately after the elections the liberal wingwithin the SLD radically changed the original its success, whilecelebrating However, labor. still interests of the protect welfare and major risk for the a presented Left coalition ofwhichtheOPZZwaspartalso formal the peaked. Finally,partisan union. The SLD coalition won the elections promising to maintain social In this trajectory full of twists and turns, there were two strategic choices of decisive political strategies in order to remain a relevant organization. I argue that in real 170 CEU eTD Collection difficult to justify inpublic. justify to difficult concessions, andlaunched minor actions. symbolicprotest This an was awkward strategy and formal and limited only gaining subordination parliamentary accepted OPZZ the allies, political plagued by internal divisions. Thus, instead of a militant and powerful its againstresponse action limited which adoption similarof on part action of OPZZ.the Finally, union the was collective militant started and discourse anti-communist its intensified Solidarity arch-rival, its Moreover, was ofits members difficult. mobilization sideswas risky, the political changing Namely,forfactors. the space OPZZ strategic for the maneouvering limited:was further external and internal both by ways several in constrained was choice strategic second This punish ally. not its political leadership did OPZZ a critical the time, reappeared at vulnerability reactredefinequicklyprepared to its andtoAs its political relation ally. thisoriginal to aneoliberal ill union caughtthe adopted secondmoment government,shaping the This agenda. full when party dominant forceswungthe ally,then backwith afew yearslater partisan the pendulum the backfired: eventually choice the Indeed, longer-run. the in damage inflicting and vulnerabilities reinforcingcarried of organizational option, butrisk available efficient the in In short ahostilethe partisan environment. term, the alliance wasbeneficial, theonly and marginalization against weak inunion organizationally andnecessary strugglecrucial of the the partisanthe alliance of 1990-1991 waspossible only fall the after communism,butof it was socialist period. steady but not complete erosion of union influence, capacities and social legitimacy in the post- for a way the paved its allies of promises electoral betrayed the against act to willingness and/or In my argument Idescribe the OPZZ’s strategic choice as aloop with two elements: first, 171 CEU eTD Collection representation vis-à-vis the elite and deliver to its (potential) constituency. It haditprove its eliteto that vis-à-vis (potential)the It and deliverrepresentation constituency. to interest establishithad efficient The to 1994a). facedamajor OPZZ challenge: thus 1994, Adamski 1993)aswellamong ofsocial scholars democratic persuasions (Gortat Bobinska in (Kolarska public the of the eyes and‘populist’ manipulative leadersits appeared conspiracy with elite.the Thus, otherwise the principled demands bread-and-butter of OPZZ and OPZZ’s suspected many motion, in set was change system of mechanism the before Poland, law of post-martial hardships economic and apathy social of encompassing context the In union. new tothe hostile wereextremely advisors and activists Unsurprisingly, Solidarity (PZPR). party authority challenge communist the did ultimate of not that the of Solidarity functions only on predecessorunions’ assetsbut takingup also some continuity with societal those againstSolidarity: OPZZ not asareplacementunion, the buildingwas designed orchestrated extent a large to was OPZZ, the of birth the including normalization, of process whole produced OPZZ,the butdid not end political andimprisonments trials of Solidarity activists. The unpopular, of‘Polishprocess normalization’ top-down (Kolankiewicz also1987), which (cf. Ekiert The State banningof elite the after and‘against’ society communist the Solidarity ‘compromise’ with the Against Society). builton a asaunion image societal negative its overcome Thehad to OPZZ the ‘bureaucratization’, lifting of martial Serbian peak level unions could becharged with lawpassivity, from ‘alienation’ rankthe andfile or in 1982 was followed and While Slovenian the counterparts. its (post-)Yugoslav for than fargreater –were law Poland by an of post-martial context andthegeneral political capacities organizational its organization - given relevant a as emerge to union the for challenges the activism, authentic and initiatives based resources of the union. Recall from Chapter 1 that although the OPZZ was also built on plant- My explanation highlights the decisive importance of weak organizational structures the of andMy decisive importance highlights structures weak organizational explanation 172 CEU eTD Collection ‘depoliticization’ peakof the butunion,not of level its members. However, more although 1997 elections, alongof with resignation a strong chairinled a gradual,1996, to costly but agents of Polish ‘normalization’ of economic and political stabilization. The defeat of SLD in the to inargue thatOPZZ hostage the remained I effect union’s for the trajectory. strategic choices at looks final and1993-early of implications immediate the long-term these section 1994. The late in union of choice the I term loyalty partisan a constrained what second choice, the strategic and started, hostilities from a re-legalized Solidarity resurfaced. reforms economic marketizing as political arena the into more even pushed was moreover leadership The union andtherank-and-file. member organizations authority leadershipamong be able deliver itsto on itspromises increase and public visibility,butalso strengthen to already made strained for leadership union not assets the a necessary presence only political to features of the OPZZ, the organizational place.in Namely, necessary first the were why allies political demonstrates the loose ties of the peak section describes how OPZZthe foughtfor relevance inits own fromright latethe 1980s and level union to its loyalty activity facedbythe andin partisan OPZZ 1990-1991and second 1993-1994.The autonomous members, and and gain useits assetsinternal structures assertively public recognition.organizational to its loose consolidate had to also OPZZ the arena, in political the actor a powerful become issues,social and simultaneously increase voluntary to its base.membership Moreover, to practical terms, the OPZZ needed to find and more union.has assuchwas anauthenticsocial significant trade capable In roots, and a formula to fight effectively for bread and butter and The third section thefactors discusses contextual informing(Burgess 2004) andshaping political of strategic choices two outlining the and by contextualizing begins This chapter 173 CEU eTD Collection 254 253 tended tofavor stronger cooperation etal.(Machol-Zajda 1993:16). vice-chairs party,a strong some ties to strong no and independence political significant wanted type of cooperation,how toposition on vis-à-vis party. WhereasMiodowiczthemselves the onexact leadership amongconsensus wasno union the there However, leadership. liberal more with mainthe communist successor party PZPR – of dominated SdRP,now the by a younger, elections of union1991, the leadershipmade the strategic choice of establishing a formal alliance parties. affiliated Solidarity with possible were alliances no since allies in order to exert influence and fightmarginalization. underinstituted based Solidarity the OPZZ governments, searchfor found necessary to political reforms economic of using unpopularity the and system, multi-party the and democratization OPZZ inespecially 1990-1991 This the energy absorbed lawpressure. of it political intensified through during themartial OPZZthe into the defensive. Solidarity’s fordemand return the of property the taken away from andneoliberal ideology Walicki 1991)and(Szacki 1995, power pushed Solidarity’s1988, rise to anti-communist the change, system of implications political anti-communist The environment. choices political costly OPZZ’s 4. The 1. forlarger the OPZZ, thesamefundamental organizational problems union. plaguethe hostilities from have space ended recently and the for strategichasbeen Solidarity maneouvering within Solidarity. system would swiftly disappearfrom the political scene. This assessment had also brought to calculative splitsSolidarity-based parties and intellectuals. It seemed at the time that parties and actors of the former communist 255 See introducting speech of Miodowicz at the 2 the at of Miodowicz speech Seeintroducting Author’s interview with Alfred Miodowicz,former OPZZ chair Krakow December1 2007. See ‘Wstep’ In OPZZ (1990). At the time, there was a great anti-communist euphoria among the majority of After the Round Table negotiations of 1989, the OPZZ faced a rather hostile OPZZfaced aratherthe negotiations of After1989, RoundTable the 253 . Responding to opportunity . Responding stemming opportunity from structures to nd congress OPZZ June 1990 in OPZZ (1990). 174 254 Yet, few options were available 255 Before the parliamentary the Before CEU eTD Collection enterprises, and as social as policy well of specific branches industry.problems of nextweeks overissues the negotiations during detailedstrategies of of policy,economic OPZZ. the for prominently in media asavictory reported the was an that outcome with government, negotiate the to invitations leaders received andbranch in of parliament. front the large protest and stageda budget ZNP,criticized the union teachers’ OPZZ,the the belonging to federation largest Alreadyin branch in support. early 1992, the public action andsignificantly gained Thebecame unionconcertation quite demonstrated inlaunching efficient. capacities collective Emerytow' Rzeczpospolita 256 Solidarity unionend trade to hostilities with OPZZ. right-wing parties, movements and organizations. Moreover, Walesa explicitly and calledcenter, on the left-socialist, all including Poland, new the of sake the for jointly work would forces called for the opening of anew in chapter Polishin history which a ‘thick line’ of all constructive and be with reckoned to force legitimate afully OPZZ the was that Walesa underlined visit, then Lech Walesa PresidentPolish pay promised to a visit Duringto OPZZthe headquarters. his simultaneously presidential alsosince (‘Belweder’), the residence targeted demonstration the elections entering their with intotogether occurred isolation a political political from emergence union’s the mobilization, alliance with the SdRP, and the relative success of the coalition at the 1991 Pawel Tomczyk ‘Ustalono, Ze Be,Da, Rozmowy’ 258 daily 'OPZZ Gotowe Do Negocjacji'February 20 1992 257 conflicts of the past and thus also to inter-union hostilities. In response, Spychalska symbolically gave her own 259 'ZNP Orzuca Projekt Prowizorium Budzetowego' Prowizorium Projekt Orzuca 'ZNP Concrete agreements occurred especially in the sphere of social policy related to the most vulnerable population a major in page cover the occupied Spychalska Ewa with Olszewski minister of prime meeting the example, For The OPZZ’s public rally ended with Walesa’s promise to pay a visit to the OPZZ and his call to put an end to the Thus, although at the time the OPZZ was increasingly successful in rank-and-file successful increasingly was OPZZ the time the at although Thus, . By 1991, late OPZZintensifiedthe public its presenceandits lobbying activities Rzeczpospolita 24 January 1992. Other federations and groups also staged their protests See e.g. Zacisnie,Te Pie,Sci Zacisnie,Te e.g. See protests their staged also groups and federations Other 1992. January 24 January 17 1992 'Gornicy Pikieteja, Sejm' 256 Rzeczpospolita The protests achieved their goal and the OPZZ chair Rzeczpospolita 175 259 28 Febuary 1992 2 January 1992; Pikieta ZNP przed Sejmem przed ZNP Pikieta 1992; 2 January Rzeczpospolita 257 The meeting paved the way for way the paved meeting The January 29 258 Further, CEU eTD Collection 263 Suchockiej w sprawie pogarszajacej sie Sytuacji Spoleczno-Politycznej Polski’ January 6 1993 social support schemes, social its industrial in support and treatmentpolicy of of terms disadvantageous state of some of abolishment reforms, for costs thesocial the government harshlycriticized Charter in The February 1993. adopted guarantees’ social on and welfare titleddocument ‘Charter the parliament. in the against vote a for budgetforaccept 1993,judging andit not state the as ‘monetarist,’ called OPZZ did presidium failure term addressthecomprehensively. with situation and strikes, strategy to dealing of andshort government’s rising criticizing the social discontent about Minister Suchockawarning of Solidarity in access to negotiations. List Przewodnicz commitment to deal with strikes and unions, howevershe criticized the unequal treatment of unions and privileges 262 261 May 2 1992 concrete proposals. Mariusz Janicki i Marcin Meller 'Siodmy garnitur' (Interview with Ewa Spychalska), of Solidarity treatment by the government. preferential the The against OPZZ leader resentment her also criticizedexpressed and the Olszewski prejudices, political cabinet forfacing was OPZZ itsfailure the that to implementstated 260 Prezidenta' unionist badge to Walesa, with the words ‘From my heart, Mr President'! See: Pawel Tomczyk "Gruba Kreska opinions and achieved its aims and builton expert coordinated organized, industry. strikewascarefully strike The inthe copper July and August1992,the OPZZ played a rolecrucial inthe organization of a successful 35-day using thestrategy onmorelobbying of underpinned fronts, collectiveby action.concerted In MPs, tovote againstits proposed budgets and eventually against the governmentitself. SLD MPs and unionist pushedthe in respects these government of record Olszewski the poor mission of the OPZZ was to provide people with work, main the that stated Spychalska, chair,Ewa union leaders. The its asmedia with and major dailies well as to prevent social anomie. The with increasing visibility including public in publishedstatements of union, andthe interviews Stanowisko PrezydiumRady OPZZ w sprawie projektu budzetu Panstwa NaRok 1993,January 28 1993 For a similar expert criticism see Hausner 1994. In the letter, Spychalska greeted the government’s interest and interest government’s the greeted Spychalska letter, the In 1994. Hausner see criticism expert similar a For Spychalska interview In an interview, Spychalska evaluated the Olszewski government as a continuation with neoliberal politics. She During the next Solidarity based government of Hanna Suchocka, OPZZcontinued the Hannaof Suchocka, based government During nextSolidarity the ininThe successful collective 1992(Gortat hand hand actions 1994b:121)went OPZZ’s Rzeczpospolita 22&23 February 1992 261 . In January 1993, Spychalska sent an open letter to then tothen an Spychalska letter . In PrimeJanuary open sent 1993, 263 The OPZZ’s outlined its principles and program in a 176 cej OPZZ Ewy Spychalskiej do Premier Hanny doPremier Spychalskiej OPZZ Ewy cej 260 Polityka 262 The CEU eTD Collection continue supporting SLD's the election OPZZ program,‘hesitate butthat MPs willnot vote to itwould that itsstressed chair Moreover, (SLD).’ Alliance Leftby Democratic headed the if even government, future any join not will ‘they that announced leaders union the conference a press at September on elections, 291993, the after inthe Sejm.61 delegates Immediately from mid-1991, OPZZ the gained a parliamentary significant presence from itautumn 1993: had force already largest SLD as coalition second the broad the forces.within Running communist parties, civil associations andunions against traditionalist and the right center wing, anti- left-wing of consisting left, secular based non-Solidarity the of coalition a grand SLD, the unions joining. smaller and 80 Solidarity radical more with policies, economic and social active for fight its negotiations intensified. negotiations 266 Rzeczpospolita 265 1992; Mariusz Pawlowski 'Kto chce prywatizacji' of winter 1993. ‘OPZZ-Rzad’ 264 Charter. the negotiations, since they would alsobe an lobbyopportunity to for social outlinedprovisions in privatization,voicedaccepted leadershipstance butwholeheartedly anuneasy towards proposal for company required that privatization consentthe labor. of The unionorganized and further demanded astop to deterioration of real 1993:66-67). (Machol-Zajda wages benefits, active social includepolicies to housing and support defined insurance health benefits, owned enterprises The document higher (SOE). called for minimum wages andunemployment 1993. Solidarity joined the initiative. Piotr Adamowicz, Pawel Reszka 'Czy koniec separacji' ‘Koledzy, Chodzcie Z Nami’ The teachers’ union (ZNP) was very active againin organizing strikes ‘Spor trwa, zwolnien niebe,dzie’ In principle, OPZZ accepted the Pact but insisted on detailed negotiations and postponed signing it until the end A culmination in the successful breakthrough, so in breakthrough, itsuccess of electoral A seemed,wasthe successful the culmination Later, the OPZZ hesitantly responded to the government’s ‘Pact on State enterprises’, a enterprises’, State on ‘Pact government’s the to responded OPZZhesitantly the Later, 264 24 February 1993. 266 By spring employees 1993,when had sector public launchedmajor strikes, 265 Rzeczpospolita . The OPZZ succeededin partially establishing aunionist platform in Rzeczpospolita June 26 1992; OPZZ o projekcie Paktu' April 9 1993. Curiously,someeven regional and plant unions of Rzeczpospolita 177 August 6 1992. Rzeczpospolita Rzeczpospolita August 4 April 27 CEU eTD Collection http://russia2go.us/friends/news/omri/1994/02/940210.html ‘Polish government prepares wage controls’, RFE/RL, No. 28, 10 February 1994 Inc. 272 271 270 28 1993. 269 Novemebr22 1993 268 267 policies. social and economic al 1993). At this time the union alsoformulated an optimistic document on the implementation of political tosocial andwelfareguarantees alliesinadopting related legislation (Machol-Zajda et Spychalska that the announced also itsunion wouldconcentrate activity withand work its an against SLD governmentif its legislative proposals run counter to unions’the interests.’ many of their electoral promises. electoral many of their implementation againsttheof arguments supporting their data economic presented government the Policy, of Social Minister the with meeting first the Already at aliberalagenda. adopted and ally, and dominant party within SLD, the SdRP turned away from its left-wing electoral promises alternative income control mechanism control income alternative (‘ wage tax employees public sector forto postpone against promised government’s wageincrease the the decision publicly protested chair OPZZ the November, inearly Already SLD. within coup stage aninternal to attempts also happened also decisions taking was on government the that social complained and cabinet his of members some and andMinister economic policy that not only contradicted electoral promises but had Louisa Vinton ‘Polish Sejm abolishes excess wages tax’ RFE/RL No. 242, 20 December Anna Sabbat-Swidlicka 1993; Louisa ‘Pawlak VintonMeets With Postcommunist Unions‘ Louisa Vinton ‘. . while OPZZ demands wage hikes’. November OPZZ. zkierownictwem Millera Leszka Socjalnej. Polityki i Pracy Ministra ZeSpotkania Komunikat Parlamentarnych, Wyborach Po Zawodowych Zwiizków Porozumienia Ogólnopolskiego Rady Stanowisko Louisa Vinton ‘Polish trade unions digest election results’ The OPZZ soon experienced a real shock and radical challenge since its main political popiwek without ’) as OPZZ had favored, but only to schedule a replacement of it with an consultations with the union. the with consultations 270 . In a similar vein, the OPZZ leadership met with the new Prime 268 269 The reaction of OPZZ leaders ranged from verbal protest to verbal protest from ranged OPZZleaders The of reaction 272 . The union capitulated to the aggressive reasoning of aggressivereasoning tothe capitulated . Theunion 178 RFE/RL RFE/RL 271 No. 213, 05 November1993 The government abolished the excess abolished the Thegovernment . No.188, 30 September1993 RFE/RL No. 224, 23November1993 267 CEU eTD Collection 276 275 1994 budget or failed to show up. Louisa Vinton ‘Polish coalition closes ranks on budget’. RFE/RL, Inc. No. 43, 274 3 March 273 be subsequently excluded from SLDthe parliamentary club (Lewis 1995: 112) Interests”. Workers’ for Defense of a the “Group created PPS and party minor alliedthe with Wisniewski pensions (Hausner 1996,Bartosz1996:41-44; also1999: 139). Pollert in reduction and services social dismantling required necessities economic that liberal allies the within the SLD. The reelected chair stated that it was not time to threaten the coalition (Lewis thecoalition threaten timenot to itwas that chairstated The reelected SLD. the within wing liberal prevailing the challenge to capacities own their discussed also delegates OPZZ mobilizedWisniewski union’swho the against ‘allies’ liberal within the SLD, SdRP.The the defeating as ‘radical’ the chair, wasreelected congressSpychalska at the solution. Tellingly, within the SLD coalition. The congressof inlate May OPZZ aboutbroughta compromise 1994 (Jagusiak 2004:188),theunion radicalizeits notdid action furtherits against erstwhile allies on May 19 andstreets callfor greater respect for laborinterests (Curry 2003: 44). situation: unionists voted for the monetarist budget in the Sejm only to protest againstit on the Industry. government by rejectingcampaignlaunched inApril tostraddle aprotest opposition 1994, OPZZ attempted and ‘political’ strikes, Walesa’sunionists also supported vetoon newthe bill. wagecontrol but also demanded the removal of the Minister for Louisa Vinton, ‘Polish government opposes strike blackmail’ Louisa Vinton, ‘Polish Sejm accepts Walesas veto’ RFE/RL, Inc.No. 67, 8 April 1994 government’s the against voted who member any expel to resolved club parliamentary SLD the 1994 March In Louisa Vinton ‘Dissent builds inPolish coalition’ In mid January 1994, afraction MPs from ledby of OPZZ vice-chairman union’s the Although participateall OPZZmemberthe in werecalledto unions an protest emergency 276 273 th Eventually majority great the of OPZZ MPsfound themselves in a schizophrenic 1994 in order to force the government and political allies to take theunion seriously take andforce alliesto political the government in to 1994 order In March, this group of budget voted ‘monetarist’the of only against InMarch,a dozen state group to this RFE/RL, 179 No.13, 20 January 1994 RFE/RL , Inc. No. 81, 28 April 1994 275 When When Solidarity 274 . The OPZZ . The CEU eTD Collection organizationsformalization sought of with localcooperation governments. They were openand formalized in politicalmaking, participation decision regional andterritorial local union dialogue and commercialization;social expenditures, reform pension and formallyimproved social of privatization inareas influence minor bargaining; collective and setting wage of regulation gainMPs minimum ableto was only such concessions, liftingas temporary of excess tax, wage OPZZ the SLD, of club parliamentary the Within run. long in the making decision inclusive in benefits in form the of a laborfriendly institution,tripartite while hoped toparticipate union the actors newmostbased state liberal-leftoffered anincorporation institutional importantly deal, only be replacedto with a new very similarinstrument, meaning only modifications.minor stabilization policies 2002:11).Evennominally it(Stone the ‘ opposed government. out,turned OPZZwas exertsubstantiveunable to influencelegislation against and policies of the liberal politicians and ministers at the government praised the ‘creative’ stance of the union. OPZZ would stand on its own at the next elections. High ranking guests of the congress, SdRP Jagusiak 2004: 174 280 279 278 277 the role of a protective umbrella Spychalskaorganizing protests, further declareddiplomatically OPZZplay the that would not for any government or party. radicalize activity. nor possibility on the 2001: 112-113), to Whereas protest of shewassilent ‘Sprowozdanie Rady OPZZ zdzialalnosci w kadencji 1994-1998, Warszawwa 29-31May 1998 as quoted from See e.g.Anna Sabbat-Swidlicka ‘Sejm roundup’RFE/RL Inc. No 186 September 29 1994 Louisa Vinton ‘Poland's OPZZ proclaims independence’ RFE/RL, Inc.No. 101, 30 Louisa May Vinton,‘Poland's OPZZ proclaims1994 independence’ RFE/RL,Inc.No. 101, 30 May 1994 The partisan loyalty choice provided some little positive incentives for the OPZZ. The OPZZ. the for incentives positive little some provided choice loyalty partisan The Such a conformist choice of loyalties was highly compromising forSuch ofloyaltiesAs washighly union.a conformistchoice the itcompromising 280 All workplaceabove the plant or level unions belonging OPZZ the to sought 279 The new ‘left’ wing government in essence continued with macroeconomic with continued in essence government wing ‘left’ new The 180 277 Delegates announced that the announced that Delegates popiwek ’ was abandoned 278 CEU eTD Collection where efficient interest representation necessitated activity in the political arena, also requiring also arena, in political the activity necessitated representation interest where efficient trap alliance andapartisan activity of political geneology 4.2. The loyalty wasinformed choice by factors (Burgess 2004)for union.unfavorable the partisan the that show I section third the In environment. political broader the from opportunities and newinsecurities as areaction to of union also and the fragilities internal organizational both builton was alliance partisan whilethe time, over increased and challenges great answer to moreunion’s encompassing struggle for relevance. The political involvement wasalogical the within occurred alliance partisan first the section, next in the show As I context. broader sectionsfollowing strategic the situate two two into choices of organizational partisanship and political arena but even issues. up unionist anditsprinciples earlierbread-and-butter over stance of non-politicization establishingin its barely wholehistory. union The emerged asasocially had forcegive whenitrecognized to direct links moreitself than had OPZZ in compromised 1993, late far statethat from period the wentso asto to a political 1996:41-44, (1996:43-44)pensions seealso1999: 139,Avdagic (Bartosz 2003).Bartosz Pollert partypromises and block evenaninability to dismantlingthe of social services andreductions in in theelectoral their to allies its in holding firstimpotence meant which stabilization, economic and political place? The OPZZ had capitulated that stated commentators Local society. broader in the also but to constituents its the among only demands of the liberals and were doomed to serve territorial (Jagusiakself-governments 2004:86). the agendaof levels of various on policies concrete on commissions’ ‘problem various in participate to eager Right from Right OPZZhad outset, the the structure avery vulnerable organizational specific, in makeWhy notonly astrategic OPZZ decision the did participation the active of However, these concessions could not prevent major loss of popularity of the OPZZ not 181 CEU eTD Collection time had to recognize the ultimate authority and legitimacy of communist decision makers. But makers. decision communist legitimacy of authority and recognizehad the ultimate time to at same but the file workers, of rank and interests material authentic represent the to established elite’s normalization butstrategy, assuch by was compromised conflicting two mandates:it was weakness as acurefor organizational 4.2.1. Politicalactivity ties, there were internal debates about the desired strength of these ties. SdRP. the party, communist former the of successor main the with a coalition form to and union, butter based governments by Solidarity introduced reforms economic the of unpopularity and the process democratization marginalization.itresist leadership The union usedpolitical opportunities stemming from the existence. its and OPZZ’slegitimacy even blowwere amajor to threatened These strength. developments in elite emerged and a newanti-communist relegalized union Solidarity was was thatthe trade very little recognition. brought change highest level political material in interests workers’ to represent leadership’sthe Theunion rank-and-file. attempt arena,the and center the itsbetween communication direct various obstructed which level, branch and sectoral initiatives and advocacy gapwasfilledautonomyleaders bysignificant atthe union of rank-and-file. Theand latter the of this agenda politicalthe fragmented therank-and-filebase arena: hugebetween union’s and gap peak the a during system weak in its on to stand own too madetheunion features that wereorganizational there However, politicalgreat savvy skillsand organizational the on of part leadership,the especially chair. the Whereas there was a consensus among the union leadership on the necessity of onthenecessity leadership partisan union of Whereas among the wasaconsensus there As I outlined in Chapter 1, the OPZZ came to being as an element of the communist help to allies political needed OPZZ the developments, negative extremely these fight To both redefine bread-and-both to in asanautonomous political itself arena the The outcome of of RoundTableagreementthe of The outcome early 1989 182 CEU eTD Collection branch unions and plant level unions operated as autonomous legal entities, and enjoyed broad enjoyed and entities, legal autonomous as operated unions level plant and unions branch national is,federations, all OPZZmemberunions, That the reasons. internal organizational a challenging butalso task for an opportunity theunion leadership. functions of the OPZZ as a trade union were not ruled out, they were alsodefined, not presenting politicalsupport while Mason did not turmoil 1987, political the 1987). Yet, (Kolankiewicz for OPZZwasthatthe union in wereinterested workers that issues prove and would economic challenge regime tothe had.Arguably, asSolidarity expectationthe makers’ support decision of decisions (Mason 1987: 491). Theunion legitimatewas aslongitpose as didnot a political social development of the country, while enjoying the right to express opinions on legal social,cooperateliving in andcultural conditionsacts and and to wages’ planning theeconomic and and inworking, interests the areaof workers of and ‘represent rights the and defendOPZZ wasto to the allocated and functions scope The lastresort. as ameasureof strike useof pistol the the including file, and rank its of interests material the defend to fight its in Solidarity from tactics information influenceand upsome overdecisions. TheOPZZ totake was even encouraged the Price Council,(Mason 1987). That is, the OPZZ gained seats at the Polish parliament’s Socioeconomic Council, and forfrom aunion regime membership Jaruzelski basethe whose was very andfragmented weak the Commission interestslabor, of the OPZZ received anunusually high political‘positive (Offe status’ 1981) for Economic material the of representatives autonomous but recognized As officially OPZZ,however. for the Reform, not only the challenge was judgment social negative Overcoming forces. social authentic against which façadeallowed of labor incorporation, it accessafter the outlawing of the Solidarity trade union, critics saw the establishmentwhich of OPZZ as a mere was toin essence a cunning act of authoritarian state action Activity in the political arena on the part of OPZZ executives was necessary also for 183 CEU eTD Collection 281 of interests representing the actor and critical asanefficient arena in political role the union’s a itassert steps with move the adopted a singleto whichwould three kill birds took stone: these unonleadership the meet this challenge, internally. To organization the consolidate and influence exert prove authenticity, its to challenge faced agreat OPZZ the strategies, and tactics efficient member of the Politburo. This political elite. was theprimewhy reason becamea Alfred Miodowicz union chairthe of the in milieu the seek participation andto arena in thepolitical involved become actively and in This actions externalpoliticalthe environment. pushed theleadershipevenmore to connections assertiveness, her/his on depended leader the of authority internal the importantly, were to be unsatisfied with The situations. leaderhadunion internal tomaintain good sinceif relations, a memberunion the ‘center,’in critical influence exert efficiently to itways and allies would external find to as well as unions, and could easily exit the amongmember find values interests to of common and chair the charisma capacities the and OPZZ. But equally if OPZZ’s competitive hostilenot its stance underground competitor. towards workplace unionbut atthe level. only cemented becomemember This OPZZ) of one trade a union pluralism (as exemplifiedin broad autonomy its memberof unions and the freedom not to is, leadership advocated theunion from That Solidarity. differentiating itself itsto approach of CRZZ. Thespecific furtherby ‘pluralist’OPZZ was structure reinforced organizational loose tothe itswould organizationalsince mean the predecessor, form discredited of that areturn OPZZ the for option be an not could structure branch predominantly loose, a of Centralization making leadership fragile. peaklevel from the of theauthority center, autonomy the Author’s interview with Alfred Miodowicz, former OPZZ chair, Krakow December 12007 define its from makers most hadsum itautonomy sufficient to decision up, while To the authority Furthermore, of vis-à-visOPZZ executives its memberunions depended on 281 184 CEU eTD Collection increase for state enterprise employees to offset higher prices (Chobot 1991: 350). To the 1991: 350). higher (Chobot prices offset to enterprise employees state for increase inwith but more fashion.reforms gradual InFebruary OPZZ 1988, the secured ageneral wage continue to decided nevertheless Messner Minister Prime then by led government Polish The support the concrete economic proposals. Instead, it came up with amendments. as a sign of democratization ininvolvementand societal making,economic decision but did not stipends, pensions and social benefits. social and pensions stipends, minimum set wages, of through population the parts most vulnerable the strategy protecting of lower produce not could real wages. The forformulated a support hesitantbutinsistedOPZZ alsogenerally thatchanges reform,the rank-and-file. union’s the of interests material the hurting and economy Polish the liberalizing faced difficulties during the discussion on the implementation on 2 on implementation the on discussion the during difficulties faced 284 w sprawie programu realizacji IIetapu reformy gospodarczej’ November23 1987 283 282 ( parliament Polish union, the OPZZ first bread-and-butter inAs andvoicethea declared political arena. sharpened theiraction gradually adopted a strategy to duringrights, thelate 1980s,upuntil fight RoundTablethe OPZZ Agreement,the executives via its directly elected representativesonly through assertive and increasingly bold action in the political arena. at the authority the member unionsfile vis-à-visandunion theof was possible and executives rank strengthening alonglegitimacy,with gaining and social that recognition realization leadership’s organized This labor. strategy used thebeneficial status political of unionthe and the See ‘Uchwala iStanowisko Rady OPZZ w sprawie polityki cenowo-dochodowej w roku 1988. January 13 1988 ‘Stanowisko Rady OPZZ W Sprawie IIetapu reformy’ 25June 1987; Also ‘Uchwala i Stanowisko Rady OPZZ E.g.in March1987, the OPZZ successfully lobbied for reductionof price (Chobotrises 1991:250) As the referendum on economic reforms eventually failed, industrial conflicts escalated. conflicts industrial failed, eventually reforms economic on referendum the As Indeed, while inits program unionthe focused onbread-and-butter and social issues and Sejm). It gained some, not insignificant concessions insignificant not some, gained It 283 284 In order to counteract price increases the union adopted a The OPZZ greeted referendum the December 1987 TheOPZZgreeted of 185 nd stage of economic reforms economic of stage 282 . Inlate1987,OPZZ CEU eTD Collection in XX Lat Ibid. 289 Ibid. 288 spolecznych; May 5 1988 in XXLat Ibid. 287 286 MY Wydawnictwo incomes, ‘a fight which even weakened the government by forcing the resignation of the of resignation the forcing by government the weakened even which fight ‘a incomes, Morawski observes from both rank andfile. society and the and recognition appreciation public force little received that the declared ‘relentless fight’communist government. to improve the workingledThe OPZZ’s avote initiative to of noconfidence,fall and an unexpected unprecedented a of conditions and September 1988, after the union’s chairman, also an MP, Miodowicz’s address inSeptember union’s the chairman, anMP,Miodowicz’s address also 1988,after in happened, This incompetence. with which againstthey charged government, steps the protests initiate decidedto OPZZ of Council the the discontent, reforms, aperiod when nostrikes were allowed. Amidst escalating the crisis and rising worker introduction of extraordinary of powers Councilthe Ministersof duringimplementation of the OPZZcriticized the thereafter, Soon sensitivity. lack ofsocial a with decision-makers butchargedfile demands the its and rank of bread-and-butter legitimized only OPZZ thus Solidarity. illegal still the to related or of action collective targeted OPZZ the way, this 1991: 350).In be usedforto political (Chobot made werenot ittimepurposes a pleathatstrikes same at the but strike, the leadership supported OPZZ The last resort. of weapons use strikes as 285 strike inBydgoszcz. threat astrike announce disbelief of the highest echelons of the party, the OPZZ used the more liberalized public space to ‘Wystepienie Alfreda Miodowicza – Przewodnicz Miodowicza Alfreda ‘Wystepienie Uchwala Komitetu Wykonawczego OPZZ, w sprawie przyczyn akcji protestacyjnych, July 7 1988 in XX Lat... See ‘Stanowisko Komitetu Wykonawczego OPZZ w sprawie przyczyn hike. awage niepokojów, sporów i konfliktów accomplishing in successful mostly were Strikers followed. strikes butter and bread More See e.g. Mieczys However, these attempts of the OPZZ to gain recognition and emerge as anautonomous as emerge and gain recognition OPZZ to ofthe attempts these However, ĝ á L. aw Rakowski (n.d.) 286 For firstthe time,affiliated an unionOPZZ showedthat itwouldindeed 285 . In April 1988, unions affiliated with affiliated. InApril with OPZZ organizedatransport 1988, unions Tajny referat Rakowskiego 186 cego OPZZ na posiedzeniu Sejmu PRL’ September 19 1988 19 PRL’ September Sejmu posiedzeniu OPZZna cego . Introductionby Krzysztof Wolicki. 288 and eventually to take political take to eventually and Sejm 287 The 289 . CEU eTD Collection November 1988. Predictably, OPZZchairman the talkedacted and from bread-and-a strictly its Solidarity the union andindicate obsolescence. trade given difficulteconomic situation. a message Such wasintended inflict to amajor blow against material interests of argumentsand inconvincing audienceno good union the broad trade that could defend the the rank and file betterskills histo with calculated OPZZchairman Walesa. The leader Solidarity still the underground then the OPZZ and opposition, already in September 1988.InNovember aTVduel 1988Miodowicz initiated itswith member unions didpolitical in the arena,observing the inevitable systemic changes, using increasingthe autonomy maneouverinto the the OPZZ movesgrand scalepolitical via evenfurther, at participation changes. initiation Probably or called among first (Morawski 1992: 309,seealso1994a: Gortat 150-151). for democratization living’‘pullthey but from to also threatened rugout’ the under political andeconomic reforms check becauseoften ‘irritating’ were ‘inline they needdeclining the to the with standard of and negotiations (Morawski ‘populist’1992: 308).Intellectuals ‘demagogic’, called union and demands withmanyunflattering, unionbut also unjustmembersevaluation to organizers and devoted the a little faction of (8.9%) blue evaluating collar workers union activity positively. was an This As late 1988, of working teams in industry great indifferenceshowed towardsunion activity with legitimacy. and in suspect made of workers political their eyes decreased the them the authorities outdated outdated (Morawski Although 1992: 309). union gainedthe concessions, 308) TheOPZZ’s attemptto pattern itself on actionsthe of Solidarity 1980-1periodthe of was changeMessner on‘co-operating’ (Morawski cabinet’could opinions negative not 1992: unions. The between WalesaTV duel place OPZZ’schairman Miodowiczand the took in reaction limited success,the Acknowledging of OPZZleadership the was toradicalize its 187 any cooperation with CEU eTD Collection idea of idea of existing union autonomy, unions where in Poland from levelsplant federal up to –branch pluralism whichbe union workplace according and defendedthe one therecouldat each only to limited union advocated OPZZ talks, the the and after before, during Both wages. indexation of agreements butdid not sign agreementthe of economicthe subtable, which called for an 80% positions. The leadershipto economic reform proposals, the OPZZ sensed marginalizationtherefore already during the negotiations. interests. discussedeconomic strategies improvement. health and protection environmental subtable on how discussing social toincluding problems, housing; solutionsas to restructuring of mining; copeputting with on insisted its representatives sub-table, reform economic atthe negotiations During force. newthe challengescosts of actors. union reformstrade and to opposition government, the of theirrepresentatives the of involvement the with on workers unionreformsnegotiations andtrade economic, RoundTablenegotiations, within political on and thus leaders Solidarity andadvisers need on the of was reached starta compromise.An to agreement contraryand government the between interaction of intensification the to contributed duel the at to labor 293 292 291 December2 1988 both inXX lat ibid. Miodowicza zL. Walesa, zgloszonychdo Radia/Telewizji i Prasy centralnej w dniach 30.11.- 1.12.1988 R.; 290 Solidarity’. ‘necessity of and the democratization changes, grand scale for called who Walesa to badly lost he However, labor. organized for beneficial as principle for union unionist andalso argued union one with per workplace pluralism perspective, butter See especially ‘Stenogram z posiedzenia Komitetu Wykonawczego OPZZ’ April5 1989 , Ibid Przemówienie Alfreda Miodowicza Na Zamknieciu Obrad „Okraglego Stolu” 5 April 1989 ‘Przemówienie Alfreda Miodowicza nainauguracji obrad „Okraglego Stolu” February 6 1989 A. Telewizyjnego spotkania dotyczacych wypowiedzi PZPR otresci KC Propagandy Wydzialu Informacja The OPZZ participated at the Round Table negotiations (RT) as an independent social 292 293 Due to its ‘conservative’ stance on strict protection of workers’ interests and vetoes interests of protection workers’ strict stance on its ‘conservative’ Dueto Since itleavecould not and underminethe talks, the union signed onlysome 188 291 The union interpreted the proposal of the of proposal the interpreted union The 290 The victory Walesa of Thevictory CEU eTD Collection political situation than the OPZZ. But this was not all. Solidarity moreinclearly advantageous put Such chambersa constellation the parliament. the of out to be crucial for Polish democratization. Polish for crucial be to out turned had This seats. its’ for elections free accompanying and Senate of the introduction onthe insisted Solidarity democratization, while elections to the Senate were running onpartisan lines. In the given historical moment, informalthrough happened government the Solidarity, with OPZZand the unions, level trade peak registered nationally only of interaction two the the on, fiasco. From then acomplete experienced thus and communists, ruling the to tied associations and parties of coalition a wide within ran OPZZ the elections, the At elite. Solidarity the to victory a sweeping brought house first in the seats 295 294 (1988-1990) further 4.2.2 Aweakorganizationweakens organizations. based levels could be andestablished autonomously could various belong to peak level seats. guaranteed have would unions representatives trade where type, aneocorporatist chamber of institute manya second to idea came agreement original was the since to asasurprise observers, thisreports, Asit butdemocratization, tradeunion’s (1992) Gebethner was detrimental status. to and changes system Polish of certainty and irreversibility the guaranteeing in crucial the creation of the second Chamber tothe Polish Parliament, the Senate. The new institution was unionstrade lost in status. political However, the Uchwala Rady OPZZ w sprawie pluralizmu zwiazkowego’ 6September1988, Ibid 295 As it is well recorded elsewhere, the elections of June 1989 to the Senate and a part of The main loser of Roundthe Table agreementwas OPZZthe butgenerally peak level 294 Senate ad hoc was set up primarily to institute checks and balances, as a necessary step towards step a as necessary balances, and checks institute to primarily set up was bargaining and influence or through influence representatives bargainingand elected directly in or One of the main outcomes of the Round Table agreement was 189 CEU eTD Collection 1980s. change with the branches in inmembership halfof affiliated the second OPZZ during union the indicates 1 no. Table service. communal and transport, and railway health, metallurgy, work, followed by agriculture,mining, metal, construction,industry, light chemicalindustry, social (ZNP), branches inof education the were federations memberlargest voice.decisive The up about two thirds membership.influential of OPZZ’s Theseunions most werethe and gavethe (GUS 1989).Among thenational federationslevel of branch unions, thefourteen largestmade 6 817100membersaltogether about 138various andgathered federations and unions union members.Asorganization level organized peak in a loosely 1988the hadorganization, OPZZ its individual numberofregistered in and 1988 the termsthe of union peak OPZZ wasat establishment, overall were50%density about (Mason1987).As rates itturned out, in 1987- for the ‘new’ unions started mostly from zero. In 1987, only few years after OPZZ’s after fallingRecall membership. radically that endthe martial of ranklaw, andfile recruitment increased, a OPZZexperienced the As system change unions. thecertainty Solidarity-led of were and freein establish workers Solidarity cells to OPZZ parallel union to, competition with Table negotiations, and eventually from relegalization the of Solidarity May 1989 meantthat organizational and political union.consequences to the negative had developments These union. the of privileges political earlier ended government based theelection of a Solidarity while reappearedhostility, its of relegalization and Solidarity The changes had negative organizational implications for OPZZ unions. The Round The OPZZunions. for implications organizational The changeshadnegative From spring 1989 OPZZwasinthe very a and awkwarddifficult due situation to 190 CEU eTD Collection 1989 (inthousands) Services of Communal of TUs Federation - Polsce Fed. ZZ. Prac. Gospodarki Komunalnej i Terenowej w Railways Polish of of TUs Federation Panstwowych Kolei Polskich ZZ Prac. Fed. Self-Help” “Peasent cooperatives Chopska" Plant level union federationof workers in Fed. Zakl. Org. Z. Prac. Spoldzi. "Samopomoc Service Health in ofUnion Federation Zdrowia Ochrony ZZ Prac Fed TUs Steelworker’s of Federation – ZZ w Polsce Hutniczych Fed. workers Fed. ZZ Spolem w PRL – Federation of TUs of social Cooperatives Fed. Spoldzielczych ZZ – Federation of TUs in Independent Self-Governing TUsChemical in Ind. of Federation Chemicznego NSZZ Przemislu Fed. Independent Self-Governing TUsLight in Industry of Federation Lekkiego Premislu NSZZ Fed. of Construction TUs Governing Self- Independent Budownictwa NSZZ Prac. Fed. Metalowcy –Metal Plant level Union Federation Fed. Zakl. Org. Metalowej i Elektrokoszynowej – TUFederation Miners – ZZ Gornikow Federacja Agricultural Workers of Federation Union – ZZP Rolnictwa Federacja Union Teachers’ ZNP –Polish and rather slowly attracted duringandbulk attracted year between ratherslowly 5 of the existence their dropped 1988-1989 Name offederation belonging to OPZZ/Year Table 1.Membership changeinthelargest union federations belongingto OPZZ1984- The table indicates that rank-and-file members which the OPZZ federations had federations painfully which OPZZ the members rank-and-file The that indicates table Own calculations based on GUS 1989 191 3. 8. 6. 358.3 238.5 282.7 369.3 250.7 315.5 193.5 186.7 565.2 442.7 585.3 596 442.7 1984 1989 1985 1988 1987 112 175.2 125 159.3 202.7 200.7 231.8 130 165.4 226.4 226.3 180 170 224.6 215.5 226.7 246.9 165 216.1 260.7 258.3 170.2 160 220.5 215.1 229.6 120 277.8 220 247.5 303.2 296.7 411.7 411 430.9 449.5 499.7 120 135.8 210 236.8 241 239.9 247.9 362 505.6 133 129.8 249 249.6 324 215.8 560 360.6 185 352 100 maximum level maximum drop 1989to % change of change % -18.4 -33.4 -35.6 -59.7 -13.6 -25.9 -17.6 -5.3 -8.4 -4.7 -5.2 -4.4 0 0 CEU eTD Collection Collossus with a feet of clay – all sorts of unions. sorts all – of clay feet a with Collossus 297 (Morawski 1991: 306-7). under the average (ca. 18%), but evenlower was theshare of high-skilled engineers and technicians (13.0%) slightly overrepresented in theunion (20.2%). In turn,the share also ofwere unskilled and skilled blue collarenterprises in workers was working workers collar white but members, union ‘official’ were managers surveyed unions attracted disproportionately higher-upthe groups in the industrial enterprise: in 1988, late 32.8 percentofaffiliated OPZZ lower. even was workers collar ofblue share relative The 19.1%. at mere estimated was industry unions in industry. InDecember 1988, only months before the relegalization of Solidarity, unionization rate in 296 unions weremembersof OPZZ.the PZPR-led system (Morawski 1992: 307). Partly1996). explains this why OPZZ the union membersmore werealsolikelysupport to the PZPRparty (Mason Kolankiewiczdue tothe 1987, Gardawski ‘directive’ persuasions1987, but unionist of because not union the joined who members on extent a significant to relied also typically exceeding20% less barely of and workforce, majority than the the attracted membership, a decrease to about 5 million. years of the startlevels membership braches,these in union approximately declined 1984-1985, the registered to of OPZZ’s operation. mining lostunion members), 59.7% of itsand metal In (35.6%) metallurgy (33.4%), (18.4%). By late from previouswas the the years drop dramatic especiallyin industry chemical the branch(the 1989, OPZZ lostbranches were those which experienced a major decline. Compared to the maximummore membership than a public construction transport, and (the more feminized) lightindustry,male industrial dominated quarter of its of exception With the inmembership. nodrop to little experienced andsocial work, sector health such as education, feminized more of sectors Especially the branch the union public sector. to the original level - in a matter of a year, or less. The OPZZ’s branches remained strong in the autonomy autonomy vis-à-vis peaklevel the led This awkwardsituations,organization. to for example, Recall that at the time of its formation the OPZZ was a rather loose roof organizationof all unions in Poland - a In his surveys, in the late 1980s Morawski estimated a similar rate of workers belonging to the OPZZ member Unions organized on various levels, plant, territorial or branch based federations of federations based branch or territorial plant, levels, various on organized Unions In industry, even originally, OPZZ the member unions had alimited membership base 297 Union member organizations had statutory and legal 192 296 . They CEU eTD Collection February February 22 1991 299 direction. democrats like … could gather only marginal factions in the union andcould not change unions’the political gradually marginalized. Most importantly, Wladyslaw? Frasyniuk was pushed to leave the union, whilewithin later, Solidarity, social- which wing recognized qualities social-democratic The in the OPZZ’sSolidarnosc. work, Tygodnik at argued Congress II for ofthe inter-union – reports cooperation, see especially work) but union’s the it was Krzaklwski’s ‘formula of success’ (acombinationof anti-communist sentiments and commitment to professionalize 298 did not allowinternational But cooperation not thisand support. major was the issue problem. offinances The to the OPZZ means capacities increase of could through isolation barely union’s of OPZZ.The the thus to invest intofortified international the tiesand toestablish confederations union European blocked other construction of own authoritysidelined union one conception. the per workplace vis-à-vis Solidarity of and was ideas after the drafted latter unions of early 1991. The lawtrade on its influence on the to capacities leftno theOPZZhad Court, Constitutional the at and proceedings union work. union gather professionals of with OPZZ on principles the to compete alsobut started and Walesa than discourse anti-communist the on more even relied Krzaklewski Marian chairman newly elected February 1991, Solidarity’s from an stance. Tellingly, adopted aggressive social-democraticthe wing.Solidarity intention hadthus no cooperate with to OPZZ,the but marginalized Solidarity within faction anti-communist A victorious question. into came using, which it The in was investment OPZZ,or the capacities. itsresources own of organizational by exacerbated OPZZ factthe that hadmember low statutory authority over unions. levelwhich vice belonged plant the versa or union exited, 2004:86).Thesituation was (Jagusiak to federation territorial or branch national the but member, a remained union level plant a when Author’s Interview With Alfred Miodowicz, December 1 2007; see also 'Nie do nas pretensja' do nas 'Nie see also 1 2007; December Miodowicz, Alfred With Interview Author’s Author’s interview with Andrzej Matla, Gdansk December 72007. ForSolidarity’s dominant stance, and 298 In practical terms, the Solidarity union inflicted damage on the prospects of OPZZ: it OPZZ’s on implications major had hostility Solidarity’s worse, things make To Throughout 1990-91 the OPZZ leadership’s energy concentrated ofitson defense 1990-91 OPZZleadership’senergy the assets concentrated Throughout 193 299 Rzeczpospolita CEU eTD Collection 301 most successful politicians within SLD. 300 Miodowicz’s words, ‘key the safe’ the disappeared. to In wasfrozen. finances OPZZ’s to the access the Later, avery stance. adopted defensive OPZZ member vis-à-vis The unions. its increasedauthority also have could these activities Precisely level organization. peak the visibility of public or capacities activities, organizational the into invest and calculatively resources those use to unwise probably and illegitimate became whichattack, involved includingvarious also agencies state the of the constitutional ittribunal, at time Solidarity of the the However assets. significant hadlevel union peak members. The Solidarity Solidarity elite alreadyduringthe Round negotiationsTable system inmonopoly and a influencing making. decision Sensing from great hostility the with democratization, reforms economic and political relatedopportunity structures toit. forpoint OPZZ managers. appeared only The break-out unions, union-member and cooperative member its also but OPZZ on only not pressure negative the increased levels regional and and disintegration PZPRof the inJanuary 1990 and a powervacuum stemmingit from local on crisis in related the 1989, September based government Solidarity of election Namely,stage. the OPZZ the was pushed to wall the along with communistthe elite precisely grandthe at political problems onlyintensified the union’s need tobepresentin politicalthe arena.However, atfirst, to rethink clear,butalsoidentity.transformation was and reshape the union’s Theorganizational its of direction the until least at from PZPR, itself distance astrategy to OPZZ adopted in 1989 November Therefore, beingelected. candidate coalition with fiasco, one only complete a wideOPZZ parties coalition to ran communists.tied ruling endedthe of The experimentina See e.g‘Stenogram zposiedzenia Komitetu Wykonawczego OPZZ October20 1988’ in XXLat Ibid. Ibid. A person indicated who could have told me more on this was Waclaw Martyniuk who became one of the The organizational hadproblems aparallel in losing apreferential inposition the political 194 300 301 , at the June, atthe elections the 1989 CEU eTD Collection 1990 Walesa’s lack of unionist commitment was also mentioned. JanForowicz 'Spor o taktyke' privileges. Therefore it severely attacked Balcerowicz,dubbed Polish the government as right wing capitalist,but 304 23 1989 1989 9 303 October Millera. Leszka KCz polecenia i Sekretarzom Zastepcom BP, czlonkom wyslana 1989 302 union to activity. legislation related Bielecki the OPZZ leadership negotiated OPZZon activity.social policies, and basedSolidarity expandeddevelopments for parties. Both political the structures opportunity came up with amendmentsparty system also underwent abooming development, also visible in the suddento fragmentation of socialinhigh its elections Afterpresidential April Polish theof 1990, the announcement costs. ititsincreasingly‘protective umbrella’ reforms,to the governmentandunpopularwas due over a While adopted based governments. January Solidarity Solidarity union 1990 under the partisanship resulting and 4.2.3. Politicalopportunities outspoken critics of the Balcerowicz’s plan Balcerowicz’s of the critics outspoken and protests strikes over negotiations Although prioritized union’s declared strategy industrial2004: 101). the policy (Jagusiak in involvement state thelackof active and ofcriticized rights file social and rank and interests leadership inclusion union demanded in decision making in respective spheres material affecting responsible organization committed to social-economic development of the country, the union topreparations forandstarted actions.initself engaged Portraying protest asa socially shock therapy. As the voice of a coalition of managers and plant level unions, the OPZZ The OPZZ saw the dangers of unemployment and criticized strategies to provide future employers with employers future toprovide strategies criticized and ofunemployment dangers the saw OPZZ The November zkryzysu’ kraju wwychodzeniu OPZZ roli w sprawie OPZZ Wykonawczego Komitetu ‘Deklaracja ‘Notatka wydzialu Sekretariatu Komisji Robotniczej KC PZPR Dotyczaca Posiedzenia Rady OPZZ w dniu 5 X From From spring 1990,during the more unstableof governments Mazowiecki andfrom 1991 in started therapy’ ‘shock neolieral harsh Balcerowicz’s the of The implementation 302 303 Simultaneously, starting from May 1 1990, the OPZZ throughout 1990, throughout OPZZ the was mostamong the 304 195 and organized protests against the effects of the Rzeczpospolita 2&3 June CEU eTD Collection policies. The congress was thoroughly and publicattention. raised was thoroughly policies.prepared congress The therapy redefine thedramatic and level,and itself onprogrammatic reactto shock the changes 306 January 25 1990 305 however, run, short the In time. possible shortest the in elections free and democratization rightsfor and worker interests. representtheirhighlightedfurther The for support program fight to up itself set OPZZ force a democratic As traditions. socialist left-wing following union, union was defined as abread militant andbutter, (‘rewindykaczijny’) butnotopportunistic rolethe and interests the of rights of(Machol-Zajdadefending al.workers et 65) 1993: program challengethe accepted supporting of grand scale simultaneouslyreforms, but up took purpose. that in serving management advocated theprinciple preservation of enterprisesof andjobs andunion cooperation with for them. acozy atmosphere create to not but governments of stabilization unions aim towards should that an opinion expressed Healso enterprises. politics into protectagainst raisedvoiceprotest principle the his to of economicunionism andto bringing managers during 1990,Miodowicz extra-institutional exert ‘nomenklatura’ against pressure began to when Thus cells Solidarity ofworkers. interests harm material the which conflict could measures. spearheaded a declaration of 300 largeindustrial enterprises criticizing neoliberal economic retrospective interview Miodowicz stressed that the union was not interested in destabilizing in interested not was union the that stressed Miodowicz interview retrospective 308 organization 307 Miodowicz, former OPZZ chairKrakow December1 2007. governments but finding ways forconstructive cooperation by means.all Author’s interview with Alfred Jan Forowicz 'Stare urazy' [Interview With Alfred Miodowicz] Alfred With [Interview urazy' 'Stare Forowicz Jan w OPZZ, zrzeszonych zwiazkowych organizacji zakladowych 300 najwiekszych przedstawicieli Oswiadczenie II Kongres OPZZ.Materialy. Instytut Wydawniczy Zwiazkich Zawodowych. Warsaw 1990. p.5) several publications were published and distributed among the delegates outlining the shape of the union The OPZZ summoned its 2 its summoned OPZZ The At this time, the OPZZ indicated a pro-corporatist position, in order to depoliticize 305 nd congress in June 1990, in order to evaluatein ownactivity, to order 1990, inJune congress 196 Rzeczpospolita , June 1 1990. Even in a 306 any The union leader The union 307 ministries and Theadopted 308 . The . CEU eTD Collection treatment among state owned enterprises See e.g. 'Panstwo i budzet to nie ajencja' to nie ibudzet 'Panstwo e.g. See enterprises owned state among treatment 312 Rezolucje, Oswiadczenia. 311 (spending) in public education,science and culture. 310 309 with the Bielecki government and workedleadershipnegotiated economic and industrial inpolicies especially anon-conflictual mannerprofessional closely with the Minister of Social Policy, state. citizensfrom the protect to initiate legislation relevant tounion constituencies; therightto conductstrikes; as wellas to of of a union rights infavor guarantee itself as a newconstitution relations. TheOPZZ declared toinfluence conditions andunion of industrial rights work democratic establishment the fashionadvocated and in a corporatist with government the social pacts signing of necessity the housingsolve issueof the itwas argued,to market, was mostalsoof The stressed. retired workers issue establishurgent labor afunctioning to of pensions andwelfare importance The net. asocial adequate safety simultaneously guaranteed that policies market labor andactive unemployment, counteracting operation, plant involvementadvocating state in policies enabling arise in production andfostering productivity, social anditpolicies, forwould economic fight active declaredthat OPZZ The reforms. of economic the effects from negative the interests of worker thedefense to was paid attention tax-based income policy and unilaterally introduced wage controls (the wagecontrols introduced income policy and unilaterally tax-based pluralism of ownership forms and against privatization as a valuein itself. self-management, worker processes, economic of regulation in the involvement state active social marketeconomy, andhadavision governance on union of labormarket.the Itdemanded Other, more concrete economic and social policies were more carefully considered – such as for a differentiated foras – such considered carefully more were policies social and economic concrete more Other, All In ‘Deklaracja Programowa OPZZ’ In In addition, the following issues were stressed: reform ofBank healthWorld care, ofthe environmental report earlier an with protection, recommendations high with investmentline in In practical terms, the OPZZ was not able to exert influence against the adoption of the of adoption the influence exert against able to not was OPZZ the In practical terms, Warsaw June 1-3 1990; Materialy. Warsaw 1990 311 II Kongres OPZZ. Deklaracja Programowa, Uchwaly, Stanowiska, 197 309 . The OPZZ supported construction of Rzeczpospolita popiwek) 310 The union stressed union The February 21 1991 312 the union CEU eTD Collection minimum wages than what the OPZZ recommended. See e.g. See OPZZ recommended. the what than wages minimum setting, and its influence onto employment, since Solidarity oftencame up with demands forsomewhat higher 317 1995: 7. Standing 21; 1995: Whitehead See Vaughan Slovenia. including wages, average to compared increased and benefits, social from disconnected were wages the minimum for Poland wage only in 1991-3 of minimum Between governance. market importance labor the and unions trade of role significant both in Europe Eastern all in exception 316 totalthe income of his family’.(1995: 70) of 50% constitutes salary or wage high that assuming and wage-earner single a with family low-income average an in of persons number the account into taking items, basic these cover should wage minimum The transport. public 315 313 in Michal mobilized occasionally The workers OPZZ Boni. protests 314 employment andemployment 1995:73-75). wages(Hagemejer Minimum wages thus had a profound influence on enterprise level collective bargaining over forlevelmarket in thepeak and labor stabilizinga majorunions, the role andits principles. bargaining thus (the Bilateral secured a bargaining role Ministry Labor) of with government the morepressure from made open benefit unions. levels,to social government whattrade the governmentthe and unions. trade Minimum wage setting disconnectedminimum from was between bargaining bilateral collective to subject wage was minimum law, with the accordance and leastin From securingwork solidarity,labor 1990, amonglate low wage-earners. higher at of dignity the fortifying poor, working the of phenomenon the preventing of instrument effective unemploymentand ashrinking contributed to labor market, theminimum bewage wasto an forservices asingle person (Hagemejer 1995:70). surveys of the Central household from statistical budget after data quarterly family wage,whichwasrecalculated Statisticalthe adoption of the law on minimum wages. The union’s new conceptOffice of minimum wage was the on the constituency. core its affecting policies negatively concrete basis of costs of a basket of basic items and It is important to note that (political) competitionwith Solidarity constrained somewhat ‘rational’ minimum wage The result was that minimum wages could rose compared to average wages until mid 1993. Poland was thus an and care health clothing, utilities, basic rent, food, include services and items basic ‘These outlines Hagemejer As See e.g. "Przecz z Rzadem" ' Rzadem" z "Przecz e.g. See See E,G, 'OPZZ Przeciw Ustawi o Rewalorizacji Emerytur' Rzeczpospolita February 16&17 1991 198 317 315 Rzeczpospolita These modest successes were possible only possible were successes modest These Although itexerted pressure against high 314 The OPZZ exerted influence onto influence exerted OPZZ The 13 Nov 1991 313 , andraised voiceagainst 316 CEU eTD Collection initiated by the SdRP, supporting the campaign of candidate, butSdRP ‘independent’ the by theof initiated campaign SdRP,supporting the left, secular the of coalition electoral loose based non-Solidarity the of coalition preliminary 1990andstrengthened between OPZZ 1991.The first asacrucial emerged in partner a union long before. Jacek Kuron came, whoendedhisactivity Mazowiecki’s government, within Solidarity the in Policy Social of Minister the democrat, asocial only representatives, political Solidarity’s Of (PPS). Party Socialist Polish minor the as well as SdRP, inheritor ‘communist’ the especially parties, political with ties of renegotiation a witnessed congress The andrights. interests protecting persuasions movementssocial at of worker and aiming similar parties political no choice but to seek political alliances. The union was increasingly open cooperateto with other political allies. political 318 allies. political attract and isolation withcope to instrument morelittle a temporary than it out, turned The RPLwas,as Pracy). establishedits ownpolitical in party 1990,the Working People’s Movement– RLP (RuchLudzy OPZZ the hostilities, with these cope into and political arena the break to of democratization indirectly directly or process from OPZZ.Usingthe springlate emergingalso the 1990 targeted parties political neoliberal or traditionalist more and based Solidarity competing of discourse anti-communist in the radicalization the Moreover, negatively. OPZZ the affected arena political parliaments. contract the with helpof the pro-unionist political allies sympathizers, findor which were possible to during Grzegorz Ilka: (interview with) Ewa Spychalka in The ties between the OPZZ and the SdRP within the SLD coalition theSLD gradually SdRP within The tiesbetweentheOPZZand coalition As Miodowicz stated in 2 the hisAs Miodowicz stated address at Yet, after the disintegration of the PZPR in January 1990, a power vacuum left in the 318 Tosecuresurvivalinfluence, OPZZneeded the and exert Przeglad Wydarzen Zwiazkowych 199 nd congress in congress June 1990,the peak hadunion no 11 no (123) November2004 CEU eTD Collection of the electoral coalition. part became organizations local other as well as Bezrobotnych) Obrony (Komitet Unemployed of the Protection the barely was in theSejm MPs theOPZZ of activity parliamentary the grew, left alliance wing the cooperation with the secular leftleader of the construction branch union,political Ewa Spychalska, an advocate of more formal and tighter ally, was elected as chair. Although the popularityCatholic Church or of neoliberalism. of byvarious dominated parties stemmingfrom Solidarity, the ideology of representing the as MPs in front of OPZZ remained an isolated pariah in the first democratic cadence of the Sejm, SLD delegated 60 MPs to the Sejm and became the second largest party. However, SLD, as well vote, the of popular the 12% almost With list. SLD the MPson became since adozen unionists delegated largest the number, athird of (Curryall candidates 2003, Ziemer 1997:60). 0á 319 the OPZZ’s RLP. communists, ‘Proletariat,’ the reemerged social democratic Polish Socialist Party former the (PPS) wing of more conservative the were joined SLD the that and parties political the also parties joined. The SLD eventually consisted of33 organizations. In SdRP,amongaddition to andpolitical other organizations OPZZaswell the Weeks after, Demokraticznej - SLD). electoral coalition of the non-Solidarity left: the Coalition of the Democratic Left (Sojusz Lewicy formal more but broad, a similarly another, initiated SdRP the elections, free first parliamentary continue to 2002).Inearly announcementof the July 1991,after the cooperation the (Machos allies degree ofthecoalition convinced achievingmodest success. The resultin race,thus a the Cimoszewicz presidential endedfourth of memberDecember 1990. atthe Cimoszewicz elections Among civil society organizations, the Socialist Association of the Polish Youth (Zwi odzie Ī Two months after the elections, Miodowicz resigned and a former vice president, the vicepresident, andaformer resigned months Miodowicz elections, the after Two The parliamentary elections of October 1991 brought significant success to the OPZZ, y Polskiej - ZSMP), the Women’s Democratic Union (Demokratyczna Unia Kobiet) and the Committee for 319 After the SdRP, the OPZZ was the most important organization and organization important most was the OPZZ the SdRP, After the 200 ą zek Socjalistycznej CEU eTD Collection Ilka: (interview with) Ewa Spychalka ibid. 322 and refused to cooperate in any way with the ‘bastard of martial law’. fiasco. Solidarity union adopted also a pro-Catholic traditionalist and anti-communistideology president andformer Solidarity leader Walesa’s in ending hostilities inter-union ended in a Polish then the of attempt mediation the Namely, failed. Solidarity with agreements find cooperation lobby inand labor a supra-partisan corporatist fashion only repeatedattemptafter to Spychalska theOPZZ and upthe agendaof creatinggave inter-union amore encompassing adaptedalsotothe new process. and political skills well democratic extraordinary organizational required leadership OPZZ thatthe noted be must it chair, newunion the of creditTo the attention conflictingto views,butsecuring also organizational an unity vis-vis external actors. lucidnot only fashion, allowing,but actively encouraging internal and devotingdebates special organization. This was instark contrast toMiodowicz’sgoverned principles, who in the union a 321 320 critics. and convince managequarrels internal lackedto overcome and she but commitment also deal conflicts, with and within avoided conflicts havenot only organization. the not She did professional to qualities qualities tooverview the risks of political barters of her predecessor. She was a ‘terrible speaker’ cooperation benefitedsides. both clearly However, Spychalska lacked skillsorganizational and the a time when SLDat within the political allies to formal ties more establish to She accepted public appeal andthe OPZZ from in gained actions protest underrecognition herleadership. union’s the sherefreshed climate hostile political inleader: choice a asa be agood seemed to club. SLD’sparliamentary into the integrated were since they visible Author’s interview with Alfred Miodowicz, former OPZZ chair Krakow December 1 2007. See also Grzegorz See e.g. an article summarizing a survey of CBOS ‘Kosciol traci,Rozmow' OPZZ zyskuje’'Zapowiedz : 322 Rzeczpospolita As a consequence, the influence of political allies grew even within the within even grew allies political of influence the consequence, Asa June 5 1992 201 Rzeczpospolita 320 The new chair initially June 5 1992 321 CEU eTD Collection 323 the since risky, especially but possible was sides political Changing allies. political its of moves up neoliberal more the take against stance a radical to member rank-and-file the and unions from pressure little experienced OPZZ the loose leadership internal structures, addition, dueto In in power. parties the with deals informal on relied but policies economic and social on were toohigh and toodifficultto accomplish for union leadership. the parliament. Yet, asin a presence with OPZZ, tothe allies political I alternative available were time there first willfor the show and, in this representational was system electoral section,Polish the possible: was alliances political changing the risks associated with partisan defection its allies? moves of the against stance gave up in short time the issue of electoral promises of SLD. Why did the union not take a firmer theOPZZ its even demands attack, of its tothe In allies. liberal andcapitulate achieved gains an in authentic union the eyes yet widersociety; unionof the chosetorisk the thehardly in alliance with andit 1991-1993period, inSLD successfully especially the was recognized as allies. elite its political against influence mid-1994) 1993- (late of loyalty thechoice shaping 4.3 Factors is task of implied.section.the This it next damagesthe the aware of was it when choice loyalty partisan the to succumbed OPZZ the why explain to need I relevance. for struggle its in necessary was left secular post-socialist the with alliance its that also but See e.g.Anna Sabbat-Swidlicka ‘Sejm roundup’RFE/RL Inc. No 186 September 29 1994 Until 1993, trade unions new role was notfully institutionalized. The OPZZ concentrated Moreover, arena. political in the rationally act to autonomous sufficiently was OPZZ The By May 1994 it was clear that the OPZZ was unable or unwilling to exert substantive organization, active politically be a to only to not needed OPZZ the why now is clear It 323 As we have seen in the first section, the OPZZ fought 202 CEU eTD Collection (Kramer 1995:100). scheme of privatization, workers will have large ownership stake and greater say in post privatization restructuring. 324 changing and not completely clear. The economic hardships of the transformation period labor was of representatives and/or of unions and role herestatus the even level. But enterprise provisions alsoallowed other regulation on social rights and collective bargaining. privatization,itslaborincorporationbut tied attemptmilitancy. to default The Pactwasan at was an effective Enterprises 1993 of State Pact on and The privatization. industrialrestructuring during relations answer fragile unions. cooperation among mobilizationa Therewasalsoof regulation necessitated or to smooth action industrial whereas thus divided, often was labor voiceof voicethe workplace level. Here, increasingly formationunion and highlyoperation. Thishadled to the competitive union at pluralism chaotic legislation1991 the unions trade wasliberalgoverning minimal settingand pluralist, criteria for relations bargaining stipulatedhand, August from from May overminimum 1990.Ontheother wages, as as wellcollective into inclusion union trade was exception only asThe inclusion. a corporatist tosuggested quell laborwould that have Polish during transformation place the guaranteed formal-institutionalized unionsfor trade intrade unions wasensured the Round agreement, Table didnotreceive a level was barely regulated. In contrast toscholarly expectations and hopes after asignificant role allow aswiftreaction. let to alone reach stance, union a united to made more iteven difficult Organizational procedures problem was factionalism. Itwas present within the OPZZ with latent cleavages on several lines. acute most the Finally, inpower. coalition a liberal-agrarian of and that Solidarity activity of hostile extra-parliamentary the between squeezed be would allies potential minor its and OPZZ The pact was an inducement for privatization, with the clause that if workers participate in the preparation a preparation the in participate workers if that clause the with privatization, for inducement an was pact The For trade unions the only formally institutionalized base remained the workplace or base theworkplace remained formally institutionalized unions only the For trade In into making,inclusion terms by late union decision 1993 of trade national on role the 203 324 CEU eTD Collection strikes, sit-ins, road blockades, occupation of public buildings, long-term rotational strikes, and nationwide protests 327 fabrykach mysli seigo jutrze' only way to save the country although it conflicted oflabor, with site work the from councils andcouncils self-management.work but also Sonntag eliminated limited K.union strike'W development activitySuch (see treasury. of state control undergo and bankruptcy declare to had consumers energy big especially SOEs, many Thus, prices. energy high new, under operated 326 inclusion typically remained marginal (Morawski 1991). worker asabody securing councils of worker role the existed, it even if Thus, (Ibid). entities co-managing as effectively operated of these 10-25% but only place, in were councils workers’ 6000 than more state-socialism from economic conditions of state-owned enterprises limited the councils’ operation. At the start of the transformationother laws during martial law conflicted with it (non-cohesion of law). Austerity measures, orsimply the poor 325 forprospects cooperation were notgood. could gaininthe finding sense newof their place expense either atthe of councils,work while inclusion. worker actual than confusion more about brought 1989 in toadecentralizedeconomy enterprise driven implemented 1980s,the throughoutthe return partially was only of 1981 September lawonself-management Since the and representation. undermined the institutional capacities of workers’ councils as a channel for worker inclusion from late 1991 from before astrikebelaunched could apply not and did private sector(Ibid.). to the pluralism.less were Strikes restrictive than 1982Law,the it butmandated alengthy procedure logic followed formation of union the (Sewerynski andaction extreme union 1995).Trade inunionism LawonTradeUnionsthrough the asregulated andCollectiveBargaining May 1991 increasedlabor firmsliberalization private of partof with 1995).Theconfusion on (Weinstein of for code 1934 commercial with Polish inthe accordance for firms privatization, prepare managers, by powers and appointed broad often appointed were given to restructure Solidarity jobs, wagesand survival,in firm andmedium sizedespecially small newly SOEs. In turn, councilswork andoften aconflict unionsalso created between trade councils andwork over From the second half of 1991, other, non-institutionalized forms of protest intensified. Among these were hunger were these Among intensified. of protest forms non-institutionalized other, of1991, half second the From Change in externalthe environment provided a shock especially Polishfor industry. 1990 From enterprises AsJarosz & Kozak (1991:83-88) report, the law self-managementon was appliednot comprehensively,since After a massive and increasingly chaotic wave of industry-based strikes started industry-based strikes which waveof chaotic After increasingly amassiveand 327 , Solidarity based governments experimented with deals aiming at selective at aiming deals with experimented governments based Solidarity , Trybuna Ludu Gurr 1998).Gurr Solidarity itsand governments supported privatization as the September 18 1989 326 204 Ongoing commercialization against was directed Ongoing commercialization 325 It seems It as if unionstrade CEU eTD Collection Kramer 1995: 95) but the readiness of the rank and file to engage especially file action, incollective to readiness and butthe rank the of Kramer 1995:95) and were influenced by more radical organized union and worker organizations. worker and union organized radical by more influenced were and organized by the two leading, national level organizations. The more militant and violent forms of protests benefited internal unionaffairs influencing passivity in 4.3.2. Membership policies. social and economic over making in decision union trade the governmentwas tocontribute regulation to industrialof andrelations, secureformal inclusion of the and coalition partisan undermine the notto A reason clear choice. loyalty faced the Commission in February-March 1994. It was for historical formally reasons without set requirements 1999: (Sobotka at266). the time of its establishment mostly government, the to aschiefnegotiating partners OPZZ wereselected Solidarity and the when the OPZZbut it was not issuesandThe health &Meardipassedand 2010:375-376). pact wassigned safety (Gardawski in1993, by the funds social company inwage arrears, caseof protection for employee regulating paved way the parliament. and included oncollective agreements, newregulations italso of Mostly requestOPZZ, at the There was also commission in for wagesettlements was envisioned industry, conditional relief. as well as debt a political The main objective componentof the pact was incorporateto laborinto privatization. In addition, a tripartite in100). 1995: in enterprises(Kramer of transformation’ state ‘pact on process the micro-corporatist the Pact: a drafted labor, government the labor. Toaccommodate of unions asrepresentatives with trade incorporation multi-sector underSuchockawhichinitiatedacomprehensive,government deal next, the was however It Solidarity. with only signed which was apact miners, pact tothe As Olszewskiofferedthe arestructuring incorporation. union mid-1992, early government as By 1993theOPZZ The Pact on State Enterprises was the basis for the establishment of the Tripartite membership stabilized at about 4 million about& Kubik at stabilized(Ekiert 1999:105, 205 CEU eTD Collection representation of inrepresentation interests of of country, region this for whereindustry military the the producing southeast regions of increasedits country,the Solidarity gradually influence through clientelistic Silesian region the competition with the OPZZ member union was the fiercest. in the mining in while plants, metal large in typically in shipbuilding, areas, coastal in the education, strongest wellas health Solidarity metal someas transport, remained large companies. regional and sectoral remained Fewdifferences. sectors union strongholds: mining,shipbuilding, it alonglines inwas andfragmented, ideological majordivided also showing camps, two latter in the but sphere, public the and SOEs shrinking to limited only not was scene union trade is, That Polish the from companies. privately owned these basically absent unions were Trade SME). ( enterprises sized medium and small private fast-growing the were economy Polish action. collective toorganize posedanobstacle of transformation costs high social whilethe already interests, sectoral more protection of orthe particularist survival enterprise for fight the in unionism economic principled from stemming costs high both by plagued was branches union of part on union level peak the onto influence and involvement level, national OPZZatthe of thework with dissatisfaction adetectable was although there Furthermore, industry, was there also asignificantgap between plantlevel leadersunion and the rank andfile. unionism and limited expressing in interest identification and with peak level affairs.union In their rank and file in industry union members latter agriculture. The weremoreactive, members OPZZ while the and union were less prone to and as of industry, transport had butwellasin sector, inthe asolidfooting construction, public strike, following more thein industry, was criticallylogic low. Among sectors and branches, the OPZZof was weaker in brancheseconomic Judging from newspaper reports and electoral and electoral Judgingfrom newspaper reports insuccess of Solidarity the union the in ofthetransformationProbably of dramaticand restructuring the feature most the 206 CEU eTD Collection level member unions as level memberunions a gapbetween and rankfilethe ‘OPZZ andunion activists activists: workers. typically in higherpositions and thusreceivedsignificantly higherincomes than average the (Gardawski Not1996: 102). only were the OPZZmembers educated, on average better they were sharplyelement minimal Solidarity had contrasted membershipinwith which posts high ranking bulk of membersunion came from skilled workers with basic secondary or levels,education this neverthelessin surveys,in proportion Although from 16% shrank 22% the 1991 1994. to the proportion members of among groupsof managers the and foremen.Gardawski’sAccording to high a relatively had still In 1993-4OPZZ file. and rank and average workers to reach out seeking’ large peaklevel unions of OPZZthe and Solidarity. more ‘compromise- of two the cost arenaatthe in thepolitical footing their increased gradually 28: 72 theand gap became smaller in1994(31:69) indicating the higher of share female union members. 79. By 1994 the gap increased further to19: 81. Incontrast, the ratio by sexOPZZ in memberunions in 1991 was had still disproportionately significant fewerfemale than male union members.In 1991 the ratio was,in percent, 21: relative share of female members. According to Gardawski’s surveys, in the male dominated industries, Solidarity 329 public sector,especially educationin but also in transport and health OPZZ kept asignificant footing. 1991 Jagusiak 2004: 42-43) and businessmore and low wage earner friendly belongingunions to OPZZ. Inthe competitors – such as newly registered nationwide union federation of Kontra,Solidarity 80 (registered in1992 and 328 present. in unions enterpriseslarge medium several typically and state-owned trade were competing mining 2002).As competition remained an (Gadowska lawunions, of aliberal outcome on trade (Millardground 2010).In industry, most the unionized andmixedin of terms union presence and appear as a major problem, asin (Gorzelak 2009), Poznan all includingunions, Solidarity lost not did unemployment where and development with economic went marketization where regions industry substantially ended and workers needed political patrons to find solutions. In contrast, in An additional difference betweenmembership in industrial unions belonging to OPZZ and Solidarity was the Insome sectors of industry, as in metal and mining Solidarity was amajor actor, but it was facing militant The OPZZ’s constituency in industry suited well the purpose of but less butThe its inindustry of constituency suited OPZZ’s well to purpose the capacities 328 329 Moreover, increasingly vocal, reform-opposing andanti-systemic militantunions As Gardawski pointed out, the difference was visible also visible was difference the out, pointed AsGardawski 207 within the OPZZ plant OPZZ CEU eTD Collection different interpretationsee Ost 2005). major decline in the answerto the question ‘nobody does itwell’ from 50% in 1991 to 33% in 1994 (forvery a members’ recognition of their unions’ work rose from 31%in 1991 to 36% in 1992 and 1994,but there was also a enterprise. Solidarity members evaluated theirunion’s work as the most representative. Not only that Solidarity1993, in all years a mere 1% of Solidarity members indicated that OPZZ memberunion did samethe time, best Solidarity job at the members barely indicated recognition of OPZZ memberunions’ work: with the exception as the best,a ofrising trend 5% to 9% in 1994, while work the councilalso gradually gained in recognition. At the 330 in18% 1994. unions’the at work plant the level from in rose 20% in15% 1991 to fall1993 only backto to of Recognition job. representative best the did union level plant their or management the either that indicated respondents year15-20%of in each its extreme: at economicunionism indicated interests with approximately equal efficiency OPZZas the memberlevel plant unions. This OPZZ unions.According theseaffiliated to surveys,management wasrepresenting worker for the very incritically best?’ interests your enterprises workers’ ‘Whorepresents question the by best.their asmodest union Specifically, at in surveyed OPZZmembers 1991-1994 answered preferably butthan of that 1991-1994, they perceivingreported efficiency the of representation activities of union.the members Notonly work its in OPZZ did 1980smore late evaluate tradition militancy of 2004:89). (Jagusiak lacked the also inindustry unionism Solidarity’s, wereweakerthen structures based union While forplant strike mobilization. links werenecessary precisely where activists and members, This amajor 1996:103). more’ created between (Gardawski middle managementandearned gap often educated, in employed better workers], [and average activists were olderSolidarity than ‘their’ peak level union:in in1992 14% and 1994 12%judged interestSolidarity’s industrial of slightly file judged and rank lessfavorably performance only Solidarity the than more14%. Even fallfor own union 1992-3 only the backtodevastating OPZZ’s was that to 1991, only the OPZZ 13% evaluated function inrepresentative asoptimal, to16% rose which Curiously, a significant and rising share of OPZZ members evaluated Solidarity’s enterprise level representation level enterprise Solidarity’s evaluated ofOPZZmembers share rising and a significant Curiously, In industry, gapwas the alsovisible intheattitudes membersof OPZZ towards the 330 Rank andfile the evaluated peak level evenmore negatively.union’s work In 208 CEU eTD Collection 1994, 27% of 1994, 27% of in OPZZ’s the rank-and-file felt industry help’ ‘nothingin that coulddefending in surveyed: members and all both workers Solidarity compared to mostwere the disoriented trend astriking OPZZblue the that surveysunion’s indicated rank-and-file collar the strategy, majority the preferredstrikessurveyedof negotiations workers to (1996:111).In terms of duringstrikesfor, that theyears In 1991-1994 ‘expectationsof,support wasdeclining’. and 1994 his Based surveys, Gardawski concluded on importancewere higher. of unemployment risks and in issueincreasedas survival of gained tostrikeenterprise blue the workers costs to collar central unemploymentPoland, both was rising andreal wages weredeteriorating. The indirect socialism, thathadbeenin depressed regions state industrializedand during especially East In most loss the jobs 2009). (Gorzelak than the significantof livingmoreof standards was fall the Silesia, dominated mining in especially south, the In unemployment. rising with together booming, sometimes was marketization and privatization regions In some of transformation. the effects economic of in terms differences regional significant There were 1995). best(Weintein at unemploymentwas still rising, 20%,employment and reaching rates real wages were stagnating was indicated in a timid GDPgrowth inof 2.6% 1992 andincrease a in3.8% 1993. However, recover,years. startedto which by in Polish economy 1992, the From dropped two almost 12% respectively.rose suddenly Unemployment significantly,andbut employment the alsorate Polishinto economy afurtherwent deeprecession in fell1990 and1991:GDP 11.6% and7% strike was graduallydeclining. crisis general Kubikridden The to willingness 1999)workers’ interests optimally, was which from a drop already low 53%in 1992 (Gardawski 1996: 109). rank-and-file back their into60 and59%ofthemindicatedthatnoone represented apathy: fell representation national atthe level the years crucialas optimal. In 1994theOPZZ of 1993 and Finally, years after of austerity and mobilization in 1989-1993(Osa 1998, Ekiert& 209 CEU eTD Collection especially its higherbodies refused to work jointly with what they labeled the ‘bastard of levelmartial organization,law.’ as well as its union members were willing to cooperate more with Solidarity, but the latterefficient union, way of defending worker interests: the relative majority was in favoranswers. of Itthis. Inis generalimportant bothalso theto OPZZnote herepeak that there was a rising demand fora unitedeffective unionist way of defending worker interests frontin 1993,by as the1994 there was amajormostdrop to 20% and 17% in respective 331 rosy. necessarily run werenot independent or coalition partisan alternative an for prospects long-run SLD, the from defected later also the PPS (Polish Socialist Party) which defected from the SLD. However,had the union importantly,parliamentmostavailable OPZZ, tothe social-democraticbut pro-labor UP, the the in allies alternative were there left, the to turn voters and system electoral proportional fell Due tothe it independentlybut just short of inthe ran vote. the 5% of 1993 elections couldwhereby voters punish unresponsive fatal asproved parties, for Solidarity the union when instrument be outto aneffective seats turned forintroduced parliamentary a5%threshold that law totheelectoral The1993amendments smaller ones. the punished andslightly larger parties its own autonomy within the SLD, or even to switch sides. necessary know-how to recognize the rightOPZZ lacked the itseems However, that was there. Union – UP) UniaPracy the (Labor moment, or the politicalimportantly, Most parliaments. Polish the in skillscoalition or party left-wing only necessarythe not was SLD to increase system fromproportionalelectoral 4.3.3. Alternativealliesstemming to strike, toboth compared Solidarity members andnon-unionized workers. ready theleast were OPZZmembers the in1994, first time the For effectively. interests workers’ Whereas 30% and 31% of OPZZ rank and file members were either for negotiations and strikes as the most the as strikes and negotiations for either were members file and rank ofOPZZ 31% and 30% Whereas In Poland, the representational system of D’Hondt was adopted, which slightly favored slightly which adopted, was D’Hondt of system representational the Poland, In in the left late1993, tothe turn a significant electoral system and proportional Due tothe 210 331 CEU eTD Collection Vinton ‘Polish coalition talks drag on’ No. 197, 13 October 1993 October 13 197, No. on’ drag talks Louisa 1993; 11 coalition October ‘Polish 195, no. Vinton RFE/RL plan’ economic on agree parties coalition ‘Polish Vinton Louisa See the reduction of income disparities. The UP was critical especially in respect to privatization and restructuringsectors; policy a determined fight against unemployment; fight against on tax evasion, especially in the "gray sphere;"liberalism;" and cheapercredit forsmall"free-market over firms policy" and debt"industrial for relief for a largepreference ones;UP included and PSL "equal SLD, among treatment" agreement forthe statepreliminary and private 334 333 welfare network, to owncertain industries, social or tosomehow the support control the to market mechanism’ state the (Zubek for 1993:49). necessity the as issues-such policy on ‘dwell to insisted increasingly SLD alliance successor communist the 1991 from Starting status. ‘pariah’ a overcome to attempting defensive, onthe and small 332 changing sides. with threaten to even try not itdid obvious, became turn liberal the once while, preference, also its maneuveringand government the within left the of strength the increase to in order inclusion, UP on insisted space. However, thehave could OPZZ where the themoment This wasprecisely rights. social and OPZZprivatization did to not respect in especially react agenda, friendly labor a for a fight for ground swiftly broader secure nevertheless and it did not voicea sudden haltoverto disagreements after policy. privatization its UP came thepro-labor with negotiations contrast, PSL.In agrarian the majority was comfortable form a to SLDnecessary the partner for coalition the in parliament, the represented parties number of votes and seats, but it did notlargest the governmentwasuneasy.TheSLDreceived the to relation union’s coalition and the have the majority to form the government.time of the criticalAmong choice the of late 1993-early 1994 both the position of the OPZZ within withinthe SLD the union, the liberal andbased parties Solidarity. turn within the SLD’sSolidarity traditionalist ‘anti-communist’ the of a major defeat about brought alsoElections agenda was experienced had been overcome. status ‘pariah’ political the SdRPthat ally the political major andits as a shock. At the fortifying the position of SLD the to remain thedominant party behind theSLD-PSLgovernment Originally, UP was involved in negotiations over inclusion and mandate of the governing coalition. The coalition. governing the of mandate and inclusion over negotiations in involved UP was Originally, Louisa Vinton ‘Postcommunist parties forge coalition in Poland’. RFE/RL No. 198, 14 October 1993 Until 1993, leftist parties, both post-communist social democrats as well as smaller workerbased parties were The electoral success of SLD in the 1993 parliamentary elections was proof for the OPZZ 334 After the SLD-PSL coalition was formed, unionists were Afterinto SLD-PSLcoalition wasformed, unionists the trapped 332 Whereas the election results spurred great deal greatdeal of optimism spurred results election Whereas the 211 333 The UP inclusion would CEU eTD Collection 337 working class roots,but even distanced he himself from aworker constituency (Curry p59) 2002). Only one of the four top SLD leaders from SdRP the Ministerof Laborand Social Policy, Leszek Miller had 336 2004 335 educationliquidation onissuesmodernization suchas miningor pitsof and social forprograms and miners the between visible especially constituents, female and male with extent some to alsocorrelated which union industrial constituencies, between and public significant tension 4.3.4. Internalfactionalism SdRP of from agenda-setting an The OPZZsufferedaggressive greatly in politics. involvement of meet andchallenges risks the skills to lacked practical its leaders and influence and clinch deals. In practical terms, thepolitical exert know-howto sophisticated lackedthe leadership OPZZ’s thein placeunion since first the MPs were not professional politicians interested to mobilize against the government. Thus the union was caught between two fires. factthe outside that wasmore Solidarity the parliament, capable,willing andpolitically coalition without the involvement of SLD. The situation of the OPZZ was further complicated by see a couldmorewhereas its not preferable vis-à-vis coalition theunion governing partner, beneficial labor legislation in case unionistnot wouldvote e.g. for proposed state budget. blackmails theOPZZagainst Namely, MPs. chargedjunior their they of partners altering politically liberalskilled politiciansSdRP didnot respectmuch their union ally, and evenused parliament. in the fight of modes with unfamiliar were MPs disciplinarybrought measures bindingforwhole the of The parliamentary club unionists SLD. Grzegorz Ilka: (interview with) Ewa Spychalka in As the dominant party wihin SLD, the SdRP was run by a liberal youth politicians (see e.g. Grzymala-Busse Cf. Grzegorz Ilka: (interview with) Ewa Spychalka in Factionalism difficult was politics in high involved get to choice its from stemming situation OPZZ’s had been hadleadership,also plaguingWithin been union. the was OPZZ there a Przeglad Wydarzen Zwiazkowych 212 Przeglad Wydarzen Zwiazkowych 337 According to a local a local observer, to According 335 no 11 no (123) November2004 . The SdRPliberals. The no 11 (123)no November 336 CEU eTD Collection peak level organization into a difficult situation. difficult a into organization level peak social andrestructuring constrainedprograms public pay levels. sector cleavage hadputthe This branches statebudget, over sincestate-socialism, undersuch miningand sector as the public branchbased influence integrative across constituents. politicalthe in wereallies inpower, chair1993-1994 the wasnotable exertconstructive to and once However, facilitator. be asuccessful to Spychalska leader, newOPZZ the allowed that glue basedindependently. were governments againstSolidarity only atemporary uniting Criticisms largewere distance and powerful enough to themselves from in OPZZ andcritical times act further. Especiallymember loosened organizations federations, largest such the as education duringincreased early the 1990s, tiespeaklevelthe between and branch organization KramerAs 1995:96). difficulties stemming from transformation processes and austerities (cf. intensified OPZZ within drive disintegrative and fragmentation the change, system the members. its makingdecision within the OPZZ wason crucial matters difficult necessarily andnot binding for representing aunited fed organizational bloc. Finally,structures fationalism: complicated surprisingly, members.sectoral Not atthe autonomously.capable chair not Theunion findoften was to common amongstandpoints its SLD the joined ZNP the education, of union sectoral the OPZZ, the of constituency largest Spychalska in XX lat, especially onthe reasons of her resignation. 339 37) with ZNP leader andthe OPZZ leader SlawomirBroniarz Warsaw, February 20 2002. 338 paylevels. budget expenseof miners sector public atthe burdeningthestate For interesting self-assessment whichpartly directs at this point see Grzegorz Ilka’s interview with Ewa Oncleavages betweensectoral unions of miners and education2003 see e.g. Jagusiak’s interviews (2004:233- Since Poland moved decisively towards the liberal theliberal industrial movedSincesystem towards of during decisively relations Poland 213 Sejm , the OPZZ MPs within SLD were far from 339 The internal amongcleavage privileged 338 Moreover, the CEU eTD Collection furthercharges of illegitimacy,would which thusfind proof itthat isessentially a ‘communist’ organization. Such amove could not be taken as rational since at the time of anti-communist discourse the union would trigger 341 340 Presidiumthe made up was members,25 of thechair branchbased and adozen of deputies. The historical-political reasons such a undergodue to process union sincehad aflexible structure the peak level organization centralized,was not andcould not makingleave within the easily join,it. Decision butthey also could easily could organizations directly. In turn, there was a quite liberal membership policy within OPZZ: union federations and organization notOPZZ couldgatherrankmembersmember organizations, the of union and-file coordinating a common unionist agenda fell on the chair Additionally, as OPZZ was a peak level fedA greatdeal This feature factionalism. andorganizational of in weight responsibility Solidarity. than centralized less organization overall an identities, legal separate with federations and variously union organizations organized organization loose of OPZZwasa The features. SdRP influence. it andexposedto the levelorganization integrity of and peak authority the weakened further SLD, exiting the consider SdRP and against stance more radical consider dropping out of the coalition. Only a fraction of the OPZZ’s MPs was ready to take up a known relyand tended to more heavily on political allies and thuswere also unpreparedto waslessof well largerMPs a andwere group in popular support constituencies, their broader enjoyed some Whereas MPs. between union’s the difference a major was also OPZZ. There the through participating SLD than rather membercoalition within party (ZNP) wasadirect members. To start with, the largest member union to the OPZZ, that of the branch of education Centralization of the branch structure would make the OPZZ similar to the structure to the pre-Solidarity CRZZ. pre-Solidarity the to structure to the OPZZ similar the make would structure branch of the Centralization Ibid. Cf. Finally, it should be recalled that the OPZZ was disadvantaged duetoits organizational disadvantaged OPZZwas be the should that it recalled Finally, its disciplining or controlling from away far also was OPZZ the parliament, the At 214 341 . The highest union executive body, executive union highest The . 340 Overall, this situation CEU eTD Collection internal situation. but was Organizing(Jagusiakeasier, these best 2004:89). protests couldremedy only at anacute federations ofbranch based unions had had a decisive voice onlaunching or entering astrike dependstrike only didnot on presidium–whichhasthe a butwide authority thewithin union, a of communication decision The and 88). 2004: (Jagusiak wasdifficult action strike inclusive internalprepare an making decision authority and union the However, of undertake to chair. increased the have could action collective Inclusive difficulties. organizational faced internal up facts than to thestructural andproblems. organizational 344 2004 rule’ in the OPZZ Spychalska,‘women’s wereinternal rebellingagainst there factions cleavages. According to 343 342 and a strong of presence the weakness, internal OPZZ’s However, in Slovenia. ZSSS the case of the similar to struggle inthe union for relevance, choice strategic anecessary political allies was choice political-partisan of the 4.4. ‘Stickiness’ members. charisma from chairthe strengthen and could authority the of union peakthe organization to movement fileandgeneral rank-and External representation inthepublic. political required the represent alsoto while sectors, and branches of interests particular the surpassing standpoints more definition the general mediate,of reconcilefacilitate and to role of chair was the If not otherwise indicated, sources in thissection are Eiro reports onPoland for2002-2010. Cf. Grzegorz Ilka: (interview with) Ewa Spychalka in Author’s interview with Alfred Miodowicz,former OPZZ chair Krakow December1 2007. It is tomention hereworth demonstration alsothat of strength union via action collective Thus far, Ihave shown that the OPZZ’s political activity andits more concrete search for 342 However, union the increasingly distanced chair herselffrom internaldealing with 343 . In other words, she interpreted internal criticisms as a gender issue rather issue gender a as criticisms internal interpreted she words, other In . 215 Przeglad Wydarzen Zwiazkowych 344 no 11 (123)no November CEU eTD Collection parliament and government in the development of social and economic policies. While the OPZZ the While policies. economic and social of development in the government and parliament makingin overdecision the focused Thestrategy onexerting influence radically time. was over change not did but evolution, an underwent strategy overall its as well as alliances, political allies. political interfering vis-à-vis the overmemberunions center the of weakness the cemented also This setback representatives. elected directly through influence democratic with predominating informal cycles, process andelectoral lobbying in strategy of liberalSolidarity adecentralizedwa latter setting. The also tied to bilateral and representation interest more conflict-prone the to capitulation acknowledge hadpresence, to union level limited andnodirectmembership the to plant weakness atthe due Eventually, OPZZ’s given the interest group. corporatist neutral apolitical representing a more for union’s lack the but identity and prospects OPZZ’s of credibility partisan political somuch not the cemented union of the politicization the essence, In organization. complex especially so, given loyalty due betrayalpact to the for wasadevastatingtheir theunion.theof trap ally was This weak authority of union’s Thecombination of trajectory. initial strong the partisan alliance and thesubsequentthe center built on a loose internal structure guarantees andnot firstbuthand.to influencelegislation opportunity the of the establishment formal institutions of bargainingnationalof corporatist on levels,the and regional littlevery the OPZZmostfrom return, got asaconcession: notably,1993-94. In the partisan butits alsopolitics effective theneoliberal quiescenceduring in turn mandate SLD’s crucially,thus, limited itsin in choices. resultednotonly OPZZ’sdeepinvolvement This the and thespace limited for economic maneuvering union’s andhostilethe hardships competitor, The OPZZ program of representing the material interests of workers, its social and imprintloyalty‘sticky’the left on constrained a partisan toward This strategic choice 216 ad hoc bargaining and CEU eTD Collection disability benefits. OPZZstressed theimportance of minimum protection mostwages and of the supported EU integration, corporatism andsocial dialogue, insisted and on retirement and social The 2002 congress rights. also stressed asecularfeminist of agenda gender equality, and economic control, pluralism of ownership forms, and the protection and development of stressedlevel. secular It justice values,social through a strong state-ledwelfare state, planning ledof industrial co-determination,corporatism, regulation the state democracy plant and on elements foreconomy with asocial fighting market union, a social democratic programmatically union years held1998 andcongresses everyfour (in1994, OPZZremained 2002),the its 3 at influence Until shifted. defined 2002, as havegradually exert strategies to 2001) (1994- by partisanengagement wrought andthedamages 4.5.1 ‘Stickiness’ ensureconsiderably,nota strategy such modest but relevance could only achievements. changed environment external the evenwhen union, peaklevel loose case of an organizationally this In making. policy influence to in order parties political to links needed still it mobilization, political and outcomes. However, parties although from OPZZ 2001-2002 gave upits involvement in electoral political between competition electoral the defining cleavages social in cooling down of Solidarity union’s hostilities similarlythe and butfundamental gradual change politicization, which hand inhandwent with in changes external circumstances: the gradual representation politicalthrough allies. Onlyfrom 2002 was agradual there change from direct interest efficient to alternatives was alackof there painful, SLDwasrather within experience The OPZZ platform has changed little in the post-socialist period, while its main its while period, post-socialist in the little changed has platform OPZZ The 217 rd , 4 th , and 5 th CEU eTD Collection 2004: 118-119. 345 OPZZ. the discredited further moves These appointment. SLD parliamentary club and thenpushing unionistthe through In1996 agenda. Spychalskafirst resigned as leader of deputy the also as OPZZ union chair only,partners, to accept it came as noa bigsenior political their surpriseinfluence substantially to thatunable proved theOPZZ consularAfter OPZZinternally. chair union the weaken Spychalska gave up the difficult task of chair but also increasedhand inhand internal factionalism, with union limited whichnotonly the authority of union the the opportunities union went loose organization the Moreover, allies. political professional stronger their own for partisan withinpartners theSLD.In unionist 1994-1997period, the influence MPswerebarelyable to allies to penetrate or at least to furtherinvolved. and Solidarity intensiveparalleled avery partisan struggleinpolitical which OPZZ the was between OPZZ cleavage social forces.The social other with incooperation occasions various Notunimportantly,both skeptic unions initiatives groups. launched aswellsocial on protests Church and amore ambiguous relationship toright andwing movements, groups such as Euro union was muchmore socially maintainingconservative, traditionally strong ties totheCatholic Solidarity the rival, main its contrast, In coalition. SLD original the of members also were which many of and andretired, of unemployed organizations the asfeministgroups persuasions such while concentrating most on issues of retirement and social benefits systems. vulnerable including workers, women and themore disabled,and recently also LGBTpeople, For moredetails on OPZZ’s platforms, see congress documents between1994-2002, assummarized Jagusiakin During the 1990s, the OPZZ kept strong but uneasy ties with its more itsstrong butuneasytiesDuring coalition powerful with OPZZkept the 1990s,the The nurtured OPZZ hasalsoties withcivilsociety organizations sharing its ideological 218 345 CEU eTD Collection political party,both unions were doomedprefer to competition over compromise on the tripartite a least resembling arole Solidarity,at played until 2002, secondary.opponent theOPZZ’s Since dominated over social dialogue, and labor influence over social and economic policy was as political aforum agendae commission partisan where the operated tripartite highlight, &Meardi as Gardawski (2010) wasthat social regulationdialogue, andformalized state later governments. The forproblem unions and especially theOPZZ, insisted more which on by crippled severely wasalso theSLD-PSL, of agenda political tothe hostage became 1994 and book of commission had insocial that instituted dialogue’. Thebeen tripartite February-March Solidarity In union representatives. in highly OPZZissued 1998the response, a‘Black critical meetingsit body with buthad between barely tripartite the direct utilized power 1997-2001, boycotted the body tripartite between 1994-1997,when based Solidarity the was in government Whileunion the Solidarity Orenstein 2001). 2000, (Kubicek paralyzed between 1994-2001was society. Since Solidarity did not support state-led regulation, tripartism or social dialogue hostility adevelopment and of definition union inthepolity of roles prevented a universal overview see 2004:189). Jagusiak an forcemeasures, (for actingagainasamajor political government demonstrations against OPZZ afloat. The OPZZ then its to rolereturned performed in 1991-1993 and organized large lost, unpopularity the nextalsoSolidarity of based the (1997-2001) governmentunion keptthe independent allies remained toSLDin tied campaignthe for the 1997 elections.Although SLD membermadepromises atthe1994congress, acting OPZZandits largest as unions the for fall OPZZ.Nevertheless, the 1996, wasasteep support the popularity public andof against The deep involvement in politics of both the OPZZ and Solidarity along with their mutual their with along Solidarity and OPZZ the both of in politics involvement deep The The immediate effect of union liberal submission to allies in 1993-1994, culminatingin 219 CEU eTD Collection Kadra some former union, level peak new a when backlash organizational OPZZ member mandate the of experienced OPZZalso SLD-UPgovernment, an the subsequent During the unioncenter. the from federationsindependently barters political in engage could and list, SLD the of part as again as wellleft-wing the of 2001-2005, the union governmentmembers of education of the sector ZNP ran as more militantloose the structure, OPZZ further weakenedwas significantly inits bargaining capacities. During federationsfederations suchthe dictate importantly,memberauthority membernot OPZZcouldover Most unions. to the terms as and conditionsitfaced similarhadits as it problems and loose limited earlier dueto organizational structure of their political involvement.after EUaccession(2002-) 4.5.2. Gradualdepoliticization As a consequence of this tobe out turned costly. also from a distancea political party greater at weak organizationallyexertsubstantialholding hand, too influence.Onthe other themselves to in topower When OPZZremained theSLD-UP coalition 2001, the secularliberal-leftreturned its gettingthus rid union. of with the 2000:162), uneasy coalition partnership (Paszkiewicz as muchsupport as earlier.in Namely, 1999 the SLD reestablished itself a as party than rather a in But politics. unionthe beenhad also that itsso discredited political value ally notdid its by respectiveunion governments. were affected of unpopularity ‘their’ the Solidarity OPZZandthe both the clientele, more particularistic totheir‘deliver’ were able to level (Gardawski &Meardi Falkowski etal.).2010, 2006 Although in runboth the short unions and Although the OPZZ was no longerAlthough OPZZwasnothe SLDor tied to governmentthe in (2001-2005), power It wasthis unpopularity thewhich OPZZ’sturn away from triggered participationdirect Solidarity 80 . Forum was also accepted into the tripartite body, reactivated bythe body, reactivated tripartite into the accepted also was 220 Forum, was includedestablished, which CEU eTD Collection Movement. of formation with along accession EU after also continued police with clashes violent and blockades road occupations, premise factory strikes, Hunger 346 vis OPZZ.From the first2002, Solidarity softened its historically based political hostility and (Jasiewicz more the Euro-skeptic, populist attitudes 2009). liberal,by orientation wasreplaced cleavage the the pro-European hand,other the 2000s during of best individual electoral predictor religiosity was Onthe the preferences 2003). (Jasiewicz when camps, postcommunist and post-Solidarity the between cleavage a dominant to end hand one Thisthe on asan Platform). occurred – Citizen’s outcome Platform (PO Obywatelskie conservative-liberal more pro-EU union) the Solidarity and tothe (closer andJustice) party - Law (PiS i Sprawedliwosc Prawo traditionalist-conservative more EU-opposing the between marginalization of the ‘post-communist’ SLD as well as the emergence of party competition only inin 2007.Namely, a radical break with past, the electionsthe of 2007 brought final the occurred environment in political external the changes left. Major of secular the marginalization a new independent party, the Polish Social Democrats, but this party did not pass the threshold. placed on top of the electoral lists in some constituencies. Elsewhere unionists ran as members of segment withina onitsin part, campaign electoral the less involvement was official Whilethere membership. the OPZZ did make a deal with thealso had the effect of preservingmany militant, and grass-roots alternative unions. SLD. Many OPZZ involvement inin and of SLD-UP government politics 2001.The‘one-foot’ Solidarity OPZZ members were thus Militant, protest based unions posed aconstant challenge in terms of legitimate repertoires of union action. Reflecting turn, this agradual, in butfundamental shift occurred Solidarity’s stancevis-à- further 2005with after The changed of opportunities political the agenda OPZZ and the Duringineven the control nextelections 2005,theits OPZZdid to not attempt ad hoc worker movements such as the All Poland Inter-Company Protest Inter-Company Poland All the as such movements worker 221 346 CEU eTD Collection at the tripartite body from 2008. from body tripartite the at 348 retirement, which was also characterized as a political move by the social partners. ‘Economy-Labor-Family-Dialogue’ with Solidarity defining rise in minimum pay, prolonging by a yearearly liberal Civic Platform. In 2007, the PiS-led Government signed also a pre-electoral bilateral agreementSolidarity titled increasingly on, then butFrom not equivocallysilent. OPZZ remained while identified itself LechKaczynski, with the candidate ‘pro-social’ PiS up backed program authorities of PiShighest and againstSolidarity the well as more traditionalist right wing euro-skeptial PolishFamilies League. At the 2005 presidential electionsvarious candidates, and established various alliances mostly with PiS candidates but also with Civic Platform, PiS betweenas 2005-2007. During the 2005 elections, Solidarity authoritiesregional had autonomy supportingin a rather political protest against governmental policies and concluded informal electoral deals with the Solidaritycenter-right was still obstructing the reactivated tripartite body of an‘incapable’ government, while it of also the preservationengaged indications in were and there fortification while of clientelistic non-transparent, remained links networks union-elite especiallyThus ties. insome political sectors.strong Between their and 2001-2005 behavior union (sectoral) member tocontrol capacities concentrational sufficient no had organizations level peak the hand and participate at the tripartite rights social commission. protecting However on focus disengagement politics, from disengage from to made politics was a decision was onlySniadek Janusz partial since chair, a new under on the one 347 in indicated isgreater than itsremainedthese importance OPZZ has not a union, powerful although labor representativesinYet, noall.the place at with vs.those unions werepresent where several gap’ A sectors between remained sector. within deep ‘representation public the even shrank presence OPZZ’s contrast, In industry. in footing major a had and enterprises large represented byvarious for smaller‘independent’ itsinunions. Solidarity mostpart waspresent represented only represented5% of 4%,Forum all employees. OPZZ 3% and 2%were principles. reestablish theunion’s to offered newchances left) growth economic and of secular the marginalization (the spectrum political in the change External sector. health the in privatization increase meetings efficientmore e.g.against anda platform tripartite callfor pressure to support of then president Kaczynski his conflictwith during was liberal the used as government cooperation with OPZZ withininmanner, 2007, Solidarity union’s sectoral as well the unions as peak level organization started the tripartite body (Kubicek 2004:80)andgradually anewchapter of cooperation.opened as well as by launching joint actions. Tellingly, In May 2007 both Solidarity and the OPZZ launched campaigns for higher pay and started cooperation A majorchange occurred gradually withinSolidarity afterthe 15 By 2006, Solidarity overtook it rolethe beingBy 2006,Solidarity largestPolish though union, of overtook the even 222 th congress of the union in October 2002, when 2002, October in union of the congress 347 In an unprecedented an In 348 The CEU eTD Collection shaping the OPZZ’s trajectory, and especially the detrimental of secondstrategic the effects detrimental especially the and OPZZ’s trajectory, shaping the in role leadership’s union Inassessingthe path necessary activity.of pre-selected political long runinlimiting the available choices andstrategies of union the and keeping the union on a in even the matter vulnerabilities internal legacies and howorganizationalal shows trajectory with European-level other nationalor level German)(e.g. federations union (Bernaciak 2011). cooperation through action, labor of internationalization in the part took Solidarity especially but the unions’ voice was very silent due to while in especiallylimitedothers, dominated by those small mediumand sized andenterprises services, footage in those sectors. In addition, active insomeof sectors mining, economy andmetal,the such ashealth, transport, education, the OPZZ unionsvery high remained Trade record 12,800. of while in apost-socialist 2008they reached in strikes 27in2006 from 2005and recorded 1687 only 8(!) strikes to year,rose numberof the lead.it quiescence’ever ‘labor If there wasaperiod of definitely 1993, after in2007.That ended takingthe (mining,industrial shipbuilding) sectors a lesserearlier sheltered health) extent to and and (especially transport sector education, public again,the in increased strikes with Poland OPZZ and Solidarity in between gained membership 2008.After2004 and 2007thenumber of 2000s, non-violentandmoderately violentprotests placethe took of strikes, whileboth the late the Until action. incollective participation unions’ these picture the add to ifwe increases yearsin system pension based on draftto theSejm. the andservice submitted just for amore signatures andcollected launched aninitiative union the for example, campaign, media aprominent In schemes. retirement and pension the in reforming initiatives creative and important forth likeputting initiatives has OPZZ taken accession, the EU Even after figures. Whereas the external circumstances changed considerably in the 2000s, the OPZZ’s the 2000s, the in considerably changed circumstances external the Whereas unionsThe importance of andoftrade with affiliated OPZZ the peakorganization the 223 CEU eTD Collection 349 mightleadmeasures that aradical to inmembership. decrease leave and join freedom have the to in memberunions Since OPZZ. of membership features mostthe attractive the peak levelis because such a move mightthreaten broadthe autonomy enjoyed bymember one unions, of organizationSolidarity. with par at will, on organization efficient and amore active becoming for asacondition its structure centralize the central needto the recognizes OPZZleadership the Whereas arena. inthe political more assertively leadership problems loose of organization memberand authority overitself unions while reestablishing also is internal fundamental its wary overcome to union the for sufficient been not have these oforganization, takinglevel peak the maintaining in essential been have that OPZZ the to ETUC and FES from support environment. hostile very stemming vulnerabilities from organizational the socialistera andthe union constraints faced ina lies in situation inthe this formajor OPZZ’s quiescence reason leadership, the then, from union the trap of the partisanthe loyalty these failures of choice Despite in 1993-1994. mightskills partof havethe leadership and on organizational extraordinary the political saved becameactagainstpolitical it necessary. to unprepared only AsIhave allies when argued, someindeed degree leadership wasto the loyalty pact, choiceentering apartisan into of Author’s interview with Grzegorz Ilka OPZZ official, Warsaw November17 2007 In recent years, despite positive organizational developments, most notably external notably the most developments, organizational positive years, despite In recent 349 However, it is very difficult to make concrete steps in that direction. This 224 CEU eTD Collection relevance had both - perhaps simultaneous - organizational and political dimension. Peak level Peak dimension. political and organizational - simultaneous -perhaps both had relevance achievement of autonomy. In addition, the quantity of available resources mattered. The fight for forbackground understanding strategic choices during critical junctures. as crucial contexts political and economic country-specific the emphasized have also I relevance. for fight unions’ the of culminations as developed that choices were These alliances. and barters political of benefits and conflict industrial in engagement of issues on turned typically choices crucial union found Ihave that actors. with state interaction or practices, organizational have ‘thick’ encountered such elements, as of introductiondefinition union principles, new of mystudy representation.in ‘black-box’the of history period,union I thetransformation of In interest of practices organizational new efficient also establishing thus transformation, inherited,solved their, and specificorganizational political duringthechallenges period of partly emerging as relevant actors in the new post-socialist settings. level‘official’ unionsfaced specific country peak trade organizational to challenges and political largest the that premise the on built has inquiry The recognition. and relevance for fight to able unions were able to influence their own trajectories, peak level tounion organizations, the hastask also been explain assessto through whichconditions these how and to what extent they were ‘inherited’ With onlyon afocus SSSS. visibleSerbian barely the OPZZand Polish the case of controversial more the to ZSSS Slovenian the of case successful from exceptionally the ranging unionglobal until ‘inherited’ from recent trade 1988 crisis, organizations most the economic Conclusions The analysis has shown that the precondition of unions’ fight for relevance was the was relevance for fight unions’ of precondition the that shown has analysis The I have unionsactors trade if arguedthat as emerged ifand only relevant successfully they In this dissertation I set out to explain the variations in trajectories and success of 225 CEU eTD Collection political and organizational strategies in theirfight increasing for influenceunion overlegislation of showed striking and OPZZandthe similarities. Both unions ZSSS implemented adopted Theagendas eachhad available. resources the in major differences were there from start butthe creation, own unions’ the of 'choices’ real about bring relevance union for fight the did Slovenia position necessary to solve its organizational and political challenges. Only in Poland and alsounderminedorganizationally contractingthe butopportunity structures the political union’s level of union autonomyactions. public orcharacteristic actors certain political with foralliances or interaction self-definition, of in terms makingbehavior union’s each in ‘stickiness’ specific strategic of degree organization- unionsasignificant Irecognized history of post-socialistmost recent choices. In the post-socialistlater pathsduringperiod. the ‘developmental’ onparticular organizations these The set choices strategic Their environment. new the of SSSconstraints and opportunities as has not aswell legacies empoweredpolitical and organizational socialist to related challenges answers were concrete change system during unions of choices strategic that shown have I actions. union itselfconditioned these how and allies external with relations its shaped union the how was important also but asallies, social actors andother political elite of union was availability the forsuccess trade issue a crucial Politically, organization. union of levels various among channels communication revive to confirm authority, own their to way further a and, as structures organizational sectoral level faced the unions implementing ofinitiatingchallenge and thorough reforms, establishing same time, fortify peak which peakthe levelwould empowerboth actors, its andunion and members atthe state against level union authority andnew practices structures set newgoals,establish organizational chanceto unions hadthe over its constituency. Organizationally, the peak The Serbian SSS struggle for relevance was insufficient even for establishing a minimal a establishing for even insufficient was relevance for struggle SSS Serbian The 226 CEU eTD Collection history of the ZSSS.The ZSSS’ conference (‘ practice from comes the fortifyingrelations instituted internal example successful of a newly unity – was significantly for1981) of effectiveOPZZ –as leadership andorganizational an organizational prerequisite (Offe status’ ‘organizational the or relations inherited internal Moreimportantly, the structures. poorer in the morenew consequently establish energy always needed authoritative organizational to case of the Polish ZSSSand the than larger times organization than more three organizations member union union. Tellingly,peak level organization. Namely, the OPZZ has remained in terms of rank-and-file members and by conditional.far the Only mostpartly was vulnerable:this itsorganizationally its vis-à-vis authority memberunions fragile remained and due to the differences in successfullythe size of each country and of in understood nevertheless this way, rankthe consolidation, andeachfile. Organizational was fortify was to authority levelthe and of member role vis-à-vis peak the unionsorganization and completed struggle internal forand social influence, political dependedon This capacities. organizational onlymakers. in theinwas important both proving authority for representation and exerting pressureover decision case exercising political words, andstrengthening In elites. of capacities other theunions concertation of elected newly voicedemocratically the vis-à-vis the andincreasing union political recognition ZSSS,channeling dissatisfaction worker it but wasalso political animportant instrumentfor gaining whereas both as an was importantway effective of latter The rank-and-file. mobilization the of the and inclusion in union making. decision Simultaneously,both increasinglyunions into invested the OPZZ remained union executives’ authority for union fight publicparticipation the authority theandwithin organization, executives’ opinion Eventually, the efficiency of the unions’ fight for relevance, i.e. the success of the 227 konferenca ’) allowed simultaneous fortification of CEU eTD Collection beneficial newincorporation asintegral in participants strugglethe from Slovenian of secession increased Finally, from but state. their ZSSSandunionsthe inSlovenia autonomy the enjoyed in of terms ‘political their ‘resourcestatus’ status’, and ‘representation (Offe 1981:137-8) status’ precisely afterRoundTableagreements the in setback unions aparadoxical Poland experienced more to rely on concessions leadership even of the union thesefortifiedSSSpushed internal weaknesses period, juncture from the state, actors during undermined capacities the critical the union’s state whileParadoxically, Serbian setting a pattern of hightheir dependency. toll In contrast, in the or establishsubstance or facilitate creation of solidarity funds to help its most vulnerable rank and file. assets andmoremembership distant neverallowed theOPZZ investto into its own organization of contested and of lack its both choices contrast, In hostilities. inter-union major overcame and unions, rival with negotiation direct initiated for unions, other among assets its distributing of necessity the OPZZ The ZSSSthe deprivation). ofabsolute situations acknowledged membersin overcoming and the ZSSS,likely to alsoovercoming contributed action collective (i.e.helpingproblems rank-and-file and only membersretained by secondary incentivesproviding remainto in most organization,the but especiallypublicly visible organization,allow butalso to establishment the of solidarity funds not which SSS. organization hadfundsin only not sufficient invest new to a organizational and practices run the of ZSSS, case the In the situations. in critical increased which significance resources wereavailable ZSSS the and OPZZ the between difference critical the major difference, launch a new self-empowering, publiclyvisible practice. attempt to theSSSquicklyits up gave In contrast, arena. in political the ideological instruggle It was not only It factorsbutexternaltook organizational oropportunities that constraints onthelevelWhereas of andhaving expertise a developed union agenda there wasno 228 CEU eTD Collection has quite shown efficiently of that ‘inherited’ withunions coped costs self-organization the more dynamic processes,analyzing through internal histories of peak level unions. My analysis as features 2005) Iassessedorganizational 1999, Dimitrovaprevious &Petkov (Pollert studies Incontrast to literature. insufficiently the not, ornot recognized emerging generally ones, over newly unions asadvantages features ‘inherited’ toorganizational of conclusion points of as unions, well legacies scholarship. Onestriking haveimplications foras broader general powerful allies inand complicit preserving anincreasingly incumbentparty-colored status-quo. remained substantially a marginal onlyverbalorganization, prone to militancy, subordinated to concessions without not socially initiatives.progressive constructive and Finally, SSSShas the gain to forces wing left political and civil secular with in alliance acted has OPZZ The damage. engaged in mobilization grand-scale rank-and-filethe of inflict incritical periods to political continuation itswith in activity 1989-1993,theZSSShas exercised voicea strong and has stay In to inafloat. order withchallenges andstructural later opportunities tocope practices unionsreliancethree have earlier showedsignificant andorganizational on strategies defined vulnerable tothe agenda ofits liberal-leaning political ally. weaknesses had of pushedthe OPZZ form the makingit alliancesunion highly tighter to influence parties exertable andbargain organizational to various inits ownright, with its alliesandwas ‘natural’ from and ZSSSasignificant of the autonomy distance degree kept successor parties of reformed communistsmounting isolation of ‘Red’ andunions, inboth formedcases unions alliances with (some) and other left wingin overcoming crucial were organizations. alliances social and political cases, two latter the In Yugoslavia. However, whereas These findings on organizational capacities, political opportunities and political political and opportunities activity findings political These onorganizational capacities, In terms of the ‘stickiness’ of union behavior in their later post-socialist trajectory, all 229 CEU eTD Collection associative conditions’ (Elster et al. 1997: 13) that undermined associational life etal. and underminedthat 1997:13) associational associative(Elster conditions’ and political austerities and shocks were‘stultifying demeaning and communicative and understanding, whereas fedpost-socialist democratization movements andeconomic activism, esp.1998). Accordingaltthis Rueschemeyer (see to East Europe et inactivism post-socialist society civil for prerequisites organizational inherited of importance the of assessment earlier and union for implications organizational their uptoday. developments trajectories temporal constraints,level unions initalt1998; (see esp.Thirkell et & Dimitrova Vilcox adopted 2005), These peak of role the and development organizational internal of analyses grounded the even expands or focused thus assessment efficiencydeliberation This and action. of for allowed greater union structures on specificnew environment were established, but also whether and to what extent internal reorganization of issues the for suitable practices whichorganizational new to extent only the not nevertheless, mattered, and stoppedinfluence short of unionism from Allinternal instemming peaklevel reform. increase unions were able to the unionistthe for prospects and chances saw also evaluation they Moreover, competitors. over advantages organizational expertise of intheir hererecognized unions casesanalyzed of‘official’leaders the trade of self-organization, over crucialnot from withbutcope havetobestarted had didscratch. Whilenew thebasic issues to unions issues suchunionist reform needed often andprofessional practices, which activists, experts routinized paid as socialempowered organization. ‘Official’ alsohad unions infrastructure, developed networks of andself- a of requirements the economicmeet to condition insufficient but important an was members of bulk policies.the keeping or basis voluntary on members rank-and-file of re-enrollment that showed It during economic hard times. The assessments, especially in the case of the Serbian union SSS, The indicated importance of available organizational resources brings to the fore an fore the to brings resources organizational available importance of The indicated 230 CEU eTD Collection processes of democratization offered fertile ground for and social movements fertile ground of offered processes democratization term transformative Formulateddifferently,organizational intheshort whereas development. skills of the union leadership point to the political dimension of union activity activity and union politicalto the union of leadership dimension point union skills the of changesincludesin sensitivity and the political the political environment, to and organizational ‘contentious choice’ The (2004). calculative in moments leadership deliberation,union which of Tilly’s concept to close quite As suchitcomes activity. political as contentious mobilization in engagement and taking risk includes developed have I choices strategic of notion The paths. developmental specific of as selections choices strategic level union peak conceptualize to reestablish asboth social and themselves Ihaveit political is suggestedthat actors. useful to for unions crisis and opportunity of period thetransformation best to asadecisive period, suited framework of ‘social-movement even &Kelly conceptual 2003) or the (Frege strategies’ application ‘union revitalization of unionism’ (Ost 2002) in the case of Central been. has Eastern involvement their varied however period, Europe post-socialist in the activism civil of isforms institutionalized basesformore important were in self-organization andknow-how of legacies more civil and strong encompassing inheritedspecific Country society. organizational resources of a development the typically undermined economic hardships wecansay that organizations, limit the definition of civil society to more formal,but sufficiently stable and autonomous if we Namely, answer. amore precise suggests organization union level trade peak of analysis & (see 2002)orstrong inKubik esp. countries. My esp. Howard post-socialist 1999) Ekiert (see beenweak has society civil whether over debate on the light new sheds also understanding organizational & stability Jensen 1998; (Miszlivetz al Rueschemeyer et This 1998: 268). in difficulties reaching ‘diedandfaced samemushroom, the great easily’ movements In focusing more on leadershipunion role,this furtherdissertation shows the that 231 ad hoc activism to CEU eTD Collection is that it only dealt with three cases, which, following from my insistence on the importance of importance on the my insistence from following which, it cases, three only is with dealt that important role of lower level unions in political exchanges. in analyzed EastEuropean countries. nor threecountries, Iindicatedonly sporadically other the look atfor interactions andbetween deals unions and partiestrade political in neither the whichlevel to main isnecessarily the not level space, Idealt only with peak the organization, preparednessunion and allies political available than less andmattered have ties of capacities strength the allies political to switch sides.partisan loyalties mattered.and usealternatives also during Inother words, interactions with In my assessment, a necessary butdue not a sufficient condition to exert unionto influence, since the constraintsability defectto from ofpolitical parties time(see esp. Avdagic 2003). Namely,in new democracies, politicaland party allies were were even engaged. bodies tripartite before play well into i.e.they came very important, were actors and state labor My findings between interactions and less formal transactions havethat shown I be to oversimplified. proved modify predominantly interactionformal bodiestripartite through peaklevel or party union-political ties a theory of1996) of unions. Theprevailingpost-socialist trade ’state-labor understanding relations’ of as the importance of trade socialthat movementanalysis offers further for perspectives understanding post-socialist unions. union ties suggest insights These fashion. inanentrepreneurial resources economic and gathering political to Zald & McCarthy 1987, Staggenborg1988),thatis setting andfighting forcertain goals and mobilization”engage in“resource & Zald (seeesp.McCarthy 1977, Tilly McAdam 1978, 1982, leadersmore vague, levelunions wereable to but of commitment stable, peak constituency was membershipunion and importantly, shapethat given political the Most toarena. capacities In addition to ‘intensive’ limitations, the clearest ‘extensive’ drawback of dissertation of the drawback ‘extensive’ clearest the limitations, ‘intensive’ to In addition My study toamore also contributes nuanced understanding (Bartos ‘politicization’ of 232 CEU eTD Collection table outlines these four types. these outlines table (or political) unions, 3.constrained 4. active unions and following encompassing unions. The structures, I classify levelfourpost-socialist groups:1.passive peak unions into unions, 2.civic reasons. subjective also probably but constraints, objective fullybetween not its case: themobilization develop various unions did potentials dueto as was the case with the Serbian SSS – clearly damaged their own prospects. The OPZZ is anin- movement. Reformed unions havetrade thatdidnot official diduse these opportunities ornot – of organizations as redefine themselves as in in caseof the ZSSS Slovenia –which favorable the used of opportunities transformation to with Solidarity. only ‘inherited’ unions However, maycountonlong–term those trade – success unionsof before orthosewas whichthecase peaklevel ‘inherited’ the trade 1989,as existed socialist Organizational seem and peakunions. be prerequisites assets comparativethe advantage allow all of capacities post- acategorization andinherited organizational during transformation unions countries.factors properties inother These or of two opportunity political structures trade of andtrajectories relevance for assessing consideration into havebe taken to factors two that tosuggest cogent sufficiently are myfindings However, insignificance. comparative andtheir 1989, after established level ‘new’peak unions of other with dealttrajectories not also have I region. whole the to generalized be cannot findings the that means context, local Based on properties of inherited organizational capacities and political political andopportunity inherited capacities organizational Basedproperties of on ad hoc ad 233 protest in critical times, similarly to a social to similarly times, critical in protest CEU eTD Collection chances to shape the political arena. The largest peak level states, in the threepeak Baltic shape The largest arena. unions chances the political to opportunities for civil activism and participation, political theoretically have thus good they more the all have they However, upon. build to past the from legacies organizational no have unions have still remained the largest and the most significant unions even in their weakness. inlevel due totheintensity Inthese inheritedpeak also countries, the shock. the of group this SSSSis Bosniaand Herzegovina, Russia.TheSerbian and Albania, Montenegro, Macedonia, inin butalso Ukraine, union Belarus, Moldova, characteristic largestorganizations of the legacies onwhichthey in be could period build. seems Such passivity the critical juncture to unions succumbed topassivity subordinationtopoliticalor patrons, even if hadthey some that great wereso obstacles or shocks political these Typically allies. elite political absent or law,hostile of rule of the and establishment and democratization no movement towards to little violent unionismconflict, contesteddefinition include unclear or community, political the of of development the hindered that factors Political contracted. significantly development union trade conducive to opportunities legaciesand political where organizational modest Passive unions Table no. 2Union types in post-socialist Europe Civil unions Passive Constrained unions Civil unions - typically emerge in countries inunions andthus freshly established are countries where emerge typically capacities organizational Inherited typically emerged in typically unions emerged wheretrade countries hadpoororatbest + (partisan) unions unions encompassing Active-

234 + Political opportunities - opportunities Political + CEU eTD Collection structures happened through replicating the organizational structure of union German the structure without happenedreplicating organizational the through structures communist peaklevel union. Interestingly,however, redefinition of internalthe organizational built of assets former andpeaklevel were the on the unions mostly expanding, cases were them nevertheless the case: the in mostSlovenian political similar to structures opportunity both system change showed some similarities with both civil unions and active unions. This makes Czech both Republic andSlovakia. these In peak level dominantthe cases unions duringthe of unionism in the States ( are especially difficult classify. to If we exclude from consideration the unique and puzzling case is only The union arena. ZSSS. here in the foster case activity political of factors the these also Both legacies thatare organizational structures. abletouseexpanding political opportunity from from shaping thepolitical arenae mobilizationthrough are pushedor superfluous towards roles. happen Collierperiod andtradeunionsvia inter-elitebe deals(e.g. either excluded 1999) to tend belongRomania this to cases,shaping Inthese type. juncture of inthecritical politicalthe arena probably and Hungary Croatia, Bulgaria, in unions trade official former the OPZZ, Polish not paralyze the development of trade unions, do arestilllatter legacies from past,butthepolitical the The structures opportunity unfavorable. but they do limit it. In addition to the case of the reformed peak level unions. the unions dominanceHungary, these haveseriously andcontested Bulgaria, of trade the all other post-socialistEstonia, Latvia andin Lithuania, are as category,this are the newly emerged peaklevel unions in countries. In some countries, especially in Poland but also in Romania, As a careful reader will notice, there are three national peak unions missing, and which and missing, peak unions national are three notice, there will reader As acareful Finally, Constrained unions active encompassing unions active encompassing Länder can be found in cases where there are some positive organizational positive some are there where in cases found be can ) offormerGermany we areleftwith East (Turner 1998), the 235 are those peak level unions with significant with unions level peak those are CEU eTD Collection importantly, its large coercive apparatus in a rather hostile international environment. For environment. international hostile in a rather apparatus its largecoercive importantly, epitomized its bya overshadowed by technocratic elite andmoreapparatus dominant ‘deregulating’ the trends. SSS continuesplay In contrast, to a marginal role inSerbia, often framedactions Defensive were asboth understood protest apparatus. and state, welfare the regulatory as a defense of and state the relations toit. Namely,found the Slovenian I that identifiedZSSS strongly with of the state vis-à-visidentities. financial workersand with collectivewhile itwas hostileothers of related self-organization the to capital veterans, of thewar self-organization which supported rightist was state-building elite dominant or global ‘privatizing’KokanovicGrdesic is level 2001).TheCroatian since 2008, peak union union the aconstrained esp. (see actor intermediary political and civil society important asan role redefine its and to or stabilizelevel in legacieshelpedto peak warendedthe the union organizational after period the case is here: exception an although was there itsa waron territory lastedwhich until 1995, Croatian The andSerbia. Macedonia, Montenegro, i.e.Bosnia-Herzegovina, by conflict, armed most This irrelevant. affected successor instates nearly happened capacities mostthe Yugoslav make to union wereable later.massive contractions Only period or juncture critical the unions much didnotmatter ifonly extremely political opportunity structures duringcontracted of level in peak than unions capacities weaknessof region.the rather Organizational universal level peak unions theirvariation for and cases tangible trajectories, among trade post-socialist 1998:183 Clark & Soulsby 1999:67,Orenstein 2001, Myant2010). careful consideration of intereststhe of peakunion (Wolchikthe & center Bruszt 1991,Stark An interesting by-product andfinding An interestingby-product of research the issueof union the conceptions trade of inheritedcapacities of organizational importance the underlines This categorization 236 CEU eTD Collection esp. Pollert 1999). 2004) oron the general history related to the timing of industrialization and political capital stemming from it (see 350 as Birnbaum levelthe statecentralization1983) understood ‘strength’) vis-a-visof (or ‘function and the characterof (Rothstein state’ the 1998: 151,Birnbaum 1980, Badie & constructed be in historically to seems the cases Ianalyzed three the between difference crucial One trajectory. and behavior strategic for unions’ matters elite, political transformative the as in understood a historical the addition Namely, construction, my findingssuggest that to state, trajectories. union on elite thepolitical or ‘state’ of role on the assessments to corrective it asa comes Assuch, labor. of for self-organization of state focus on importance the clearer enriches recent research on trade unions in the new EUmember states (see esp. Meardi 2007b). also in other cases, but in only not selected the for future, the topic remain research an exciting of state the post-socialist conceptions Union EU. the more and recently, state Polish democratic the state, communist the countries. coerciveagencies: regulatory fightagainst union’s continuous trade the observe fascinating to Such In thecaseisit of especially 2004). bureaucracy Solidarity,and (Jagusiak autonomous a perspective by powerful a sufficiently run yet secularimpartial arbiter more astronger, needfor the stressed also communicatessupporting in union bureaucracyparticipation political elite and formation, state OPZZ the while also United the Britain States, or Great a-la society civil andself-governing weak state well with for a advocate to closer come historically had Whereas Solidarity functions state. of the exact and onthe hadconceptions OPZZ Solidarity and since the opposing is complex, especially themost Poland caseof The state. the on dependence union stresses thus justification or The explanation union, apopular answer commonly by isgiven thatthis Serbian unionists state failure. is due to i.e. the statereferenceSerbian unions indispensable isalso– forparalysis thefailure or of the In the most interesting assessments, the focus was either on the history of political party-union relations (Avdagic A forfurther way possible researchis historicalin institutionalist nature and suggests a 237 350 CEU eTD Collection (Dziewanowski 1977) but at the brink of another catastrophe it brinkat the redefined wasalso most 1977)but (Dziewanowski of catastrophe another social stateemergedbase, the a from dramatically as phoenix ashesinthe both 1945 1919 and appeal. labor answerheldagreat alocal elsewhere or clientelist-communalist anarchist, levelmost privileged unions. and radical plantin trade same time, Atthe areas the urban most militancy the limited to whilewas worker in organized sector was strongest publicthe professionalized andenjoyed period, some post-1989 the autonomy.unionism above-plant In bureaucracy were state mostunions publicsector and the beneficialposition, enjoyed the since militancylabor industry in itin(cf Jovanov 1979).Ceteriswhere paribus, sector thepublic was modernization process of industrialization fought inaninstitutional manner against allforms of When communism‘civilizational’ wasestablished, Stalinist coercive 2007) the (Volkov labor. of pockets anti-statist and militant very with widespread, was answer anarcho-sindicalist in industry:the labor instead, of organized bureaucratization never nornecessitated state allowed industrialization.it Sucha operation fostered 2006),and state which (Manetovic military wasthe 19 in late the while andindustrialization processes alsoof labor of self-organization differed markedly. state bureaucracies, but establishment the of modernthese had states deeper historical roots, themselves ratherdifferently and emerged as(de)centralized andwith withoutindependentor cases,not only thethat post-socialist reemerged Serbian, Slovenian and Polish redefined states or predefines labor incorporation intomy polity.the Applyingof pattern the this consideration to labor of self-organization and industrialization, vis-a-vis building state of timing the addition, In society. civil the vis-a-vis function state as well as center’) the of (‘weakness decentralization Quite differentis case the of Poland. Displaying amazing vividness layered butand broad international being cameenvironment’ in into Serbian a ‘predatory the state Historically, th century. Here the police apparatus and century.wereindispensable police for illiberal Herethe apparatus practices 238 CEU eTD Collection 1998: 152,Katzenstein in 1985). Thus, Slovenian the case, asKatzenstein (1984: 136-140;2003) (Rothstein states butnotauthoritarian bureaucratic andprofessionalized business community, homogeneous societies: these were centralized states but not closed off from civil society and the ethnically inrelatively state the of role the of in terms Austria and in Scandinavia countries to characteristic especially corporatism preceding developments resembled which details single building oriented companies. The state export interesting Slovenian showed process by whichinturnweretypically dominated lines, social through on compactsterritorial running under self-management socialism. Under self-management, organizedlabor was incorporated later expandin Kingdom theinterwareraand to within Yugoslav the market territory of the domestic industry as well domesticas labor asthe basis nationthe of using the relatively large in than later processbut the for Austria, developing situation from stemmed beneficial the 2001).Industrialization 1995b, Woodward of occurred federal (Woodward Yugoslaviastructure andnation-buildingHowever, several state within Slovenian earlier even originated decades the in a process, as I have shown,in which the dominant peak level trade union actively participated. for their own autonomy they have alsosupported various types ofincorporation. role in construction the butof notas state, the a united force.While therehaveunions struggled a played unions Polish 1980). Birnbaum bureaucracy (cf.Germany of state politicized (partisan) autonomous civil society and strong business community of Great Britain and the centralized yet bureaucracy.As itstate is such cum half-way between liberal-weaksomewhere the state fragileyetand and an center, professional, of the autonomous practices paternalist traditionalist periodic with weak), or liberal is state the sense, this (in autonomy society civil on both relies it state: eclectic is ahighly state Polish The 1989. of compromise great the after successfully Finally, is since Slovenia itunique as established itself independentstate an inonly 1991 239 CEU eTD Collection the question is not only whether but how long can we expect legacies to matter? longlegacies how is to but question canweexpect only the not whether social welfare are deteriorating (Bohle &Greskovits 2007,Meardi being 2007b). This case,the undermining labor, asstandards the position of conditions, of work industrial and relations, regionthe opportunity arecontinuouslypolitical structures contracting: transnational is capital for future union Throughout legaciestrajectories. tounderstanding whichmatter contributes also makes coalition the laborof and export oriented business highlyfragile, even or superfluous. today which privatization of outcome final the and regime welfare redistributive the of size the perplexingissue plaguing contemporary Slovenian society theissueremains of property rights, theinteresting and part.From standpoint, acorporatist took also unions in capital, which trade discussion led by was orientedSlovenian enterprisesexport asmajor of representatives domestic This ensued behalfoverrights. defined property which adiscussion on political community of Slovenian stateduring Yugoslav independence,disintegration and the struggle during for the success of buildingfor 1992).Curiously, compromise dictating Luksic need the of state underthe auspices the (cf. Lazic 92-3)1988, 1996: andreinforced between cooperation businessrepresentatives of labor and 1995, Offe allstructure shaped the social settingasa corporatist ‘strategy of defense’(Castles domestic 1987) social homogeneous was rather the politics, international favorable periodically industrialization, based on building emergedfrom homogeneoussocially territorial a The communes. timing of rather conservativelythe literal in asin culminating later, Austria,some decades only occurred a process small similar eliminationSlovenia, In labor. of organized and strata entrepreneurial the employers/managers between collaboration of the Right statebuildingfor corporatist suggests, aprerequisite social democratic wascross-class after World War II. Historically, Slovenian state nation Apart from conceptualizing a historically rooted union-state perspective, union-state dissertation from historicallyApart this a conceptualizing rooted 240 CEU eTD Collection http://www.eurofound.europa.eu/eiro/studies/tn0904019s/tn0904019s.htm#hd3 351 even toreorganize. or practices question practices,to learn,‘outdated’ new tothe implementtheir new environment, adapt of unions varyingof capacities legacies, in particularly specific variations organizational union whichatnotall2004, is region of the characteristic have showed also capacities in revitalization andindicated signs of organizational growth since launchedOPZZ notforms butnew actoremerged, only new asathey of action, external public but the also Solidarity especially unions, level peak Polish here,the among casesanalyzed all that noting worth also is It arena. political in the voice its articulating been has union main the how as way the matter still period juncture critical the from unions legacies of or features redefined organizational shock on specific the great country, from recent the irrespectively articulating impact underestimate long the assignificant of should not organizations projected run,one channels from far this afullanswerproviding to However, evenquestion. if is caseingenerally the this a of social largepressure. Iam external due to takingsimilar up trajectories andsame destiny converge to responses the face unions countries post-socialist all that generally, more or run, long the in away fading to external forces. The Slovenian case shows that See: MarkCarley union'Trade membership 2003–2008' One might argue or expect that the importance of organizational legacies has faded or is hasfadedor legacies oforganizational importance expectthe mightOne that argue or 241 351 . This once more highlights country Accessed March 12 2012 12 March Accessed CEU eTD Collection Arzenšek, Vladimir (1984) Arrighi Giovanni (1995) ‘Labor unrest in Italy 1880-1990’ Aro,& Paula PekkaRepo (1997) Armingeon, Klaus (2006)‘Trade Unions and Industrial Relations inPost-Communist Nations. A Arandarenko, Mihail & Zoran Stojiljkovic (2006) ‘Social dialogue in Serbia: Promise Unfulfilled’ Paper Arandarenko, Mihail (2001) ‘Waiting for the Workers: Explaining Labor Quiescence in Serbia’, in S. 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ZSSS (1990a)Temeljne naloge za sindikatov obdobje 1990-1994; Ljubljana: ZSSS ZSSS –Zveza Svobodnih Slovenije Sindikatov 4. Union programs, documents http://www.eurofound.europa.eu/eiro/2009/country/poland.htm Poland 2002-2009 http://www.eurofound.europa.eu/eiro/2009/country/slovenia.htm Slovenia 2002-2009 3. European Industrial RelationsObservatory online–Eiro: reports Polityka, Rzeczpospolita, Poland: Vreme (weekly) (allBelgrade) Danas, Blic,(dailies) Borba; Vecernje novosti (dailies); NIN(weekly), (January-February allBelgrade 1990,April Delo, Ljubljana Slovenia Porociloin njenih odeluZSSSorganovmed3. in 4. kongresom. 1994] /[ed. Fran January January –April 1992) Enotnost Ljubljana: Enotnost 6-7 4.1990.Ljubljana :JožeMoškri Ljubljana :Enotnost. 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OPZZ Komisja rewyzijna (1988) SSS (1990b) SSS (1990a) Srbije, Vece sindikata Srbije. konferencija;Savez naroda savez radnog Socijalisticki Republicka ZSSS (2010) Pavle Vrhovec (2003) SSSS web site sindikata Srbije, Beograd Srbijepregled) (Privredni Saveza sindikata sindikata Srbije sindikata 22. i23. mart 1994. godine OPZZ At: OPZZ At: opzz.org.pl/kongres2004/d/XX_LAT.pdf Oswiaczenia Rezolucje, Stanowiska, Srbije organizacija iorganaSindikata Saveza sindikata Srbije. sindikata iSindikataSrbije ; Pravilnik oradu i dužnostima nadzornih odbora Belgrade Srbije(BIGZ): službaVeca Informativna sindikata Saveza Slovenije,7. 2007]Ljubljana: sindikatov [DecemberZveze ZSSS.svobodnih Zw. Zaw. Zw. Zaw. Wydawniczego 1988.roku: do lipca Materialy naIIIZgromadzienie OPZZ. przeprowadzonychw okresie odkongresu polskich odrodzonych zwiazkow zawodowych Srbije. Saveza sindikata Srbije SSRN konferencija Republicka godineSSRN Srbije,Beograd,[19.septembar] 1989. Saveza sindikataSrbije,Beograd, [20.septembar] 1989. godine,Dvadeseta sednica RK (1989) & Sednica Srbije.Socijalisticki (Beograd) savez radnog naroda Republickakonferencija, Organizovanost, sadržaj imetodrada sindikata iSindikataSrbije. Pravilnik omaterijalno-finansijskom poslovanju,imovini i Saveza fondovima Program Saveza sindikataSrbije. Statut. Izveštaj oraduSaveza sindikataSrbije izmedu8.i 9. kongresa: predlog Predlozi kongresnih dokumenata. Desetikongres Saveza sindikata Srbije,Beograd, Dokumenti petegakongresa Zveze svobodnih sindikatovSlovenije Bili smo na ulicah 2003-2005. ý Demokratska kadrovska obnova / Zajednicka sednica RK SSRN Srbije Demokratska sednicaRKSSRN kadrovskai Veca obnova/Zajednicka rna knjigao Sloveniji -tako imenovani socialni državi. Bilo smona ulicah: 1991-2003. 20 letZSSS v sliki in besedi. Izbori: kongresni dokumenti zajavnuraspravu. II Kongres OPZZ. DeklaracjaProgramowa, Ucwaly, II Kongres OPZZ. Materialy , [18.i 19. april Belgrade:2002]. 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