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Opportunists or Saints? Slavery and Free Women of Color in Antebellum New Orleans by Anne Ulentin In New Orleans, in 1810, a twelve-year-old social and economic advancement in colonial and girl, named Françoise, passed from one slaveowner antebellum New Orleans. Some of them came to to another, both of whom were free black women.1 hold prominent roles in the society and economy of A judicial suit recorded in 1817 reveals that the city. Victoire Wiltz, the new owner, then sold this slave It is difficult to tell why these women would to a lawyer named John W. Smith.2 Smith sued engage themselves in the slaveholding business. Wiltz with a claim that Françoise, now 19, was not Blacks holding slaves seems like a paradox. Were ―healthy and sound‖ when he purchased her, moral issues overridden by the economic motive of contrary to what Wiltz had said at the time. A profit? doctor had examined Françoise, and discovered that The economic system of slavery was a she was suffering from an incurable form of leprosy. fundamental part of the southern economy, and thus, Smith accused Wiltz of hiding the existence of her holding slaves was one of the primary markers of former slave‘s condition from him, and he economic success. In this context, it is not hard to demanded compensation for the slave‘s value, with understand why free persons of color would wish to interests and costs.3 own slaves. Economic opportunities were enviable. In her defense, Wiltz argued that Françoise As Michael P. Johnson and James L. Roark suggest, was healthy and sound at the time of the purchase, ―[t]he possibility of economic progress within the and that the disease was curable. Moreover, she existing society gave free Negroes a stake in claimed that the decrease in the value of the slave maintaining the distinction between themselves and should be attributed to the negligence of the slaves.‖6 Indeed, ―[t]he further removed from plaintiff. Wiltz added that Smith‘s claim was slavery […], the more social worth one had.‖ baseless, and that his case should be dismissed.4 We Distancing themselves from slaves was ―an infer from this civil suit that Francoise was a mere essential attribute of a sign of social advancement or commodity not only to the white lawyer, but also to upward mobility.‖7 her black owner, Victoire Wiltz, a free woman of Moreover, Gary B. Mills, in his study of color.5 Cane River‘s Creoles of Color in Louisiana,8 claims Through the course of my investigation into that Louisiana‘s free persons of color entertained the activities of free black women, I read dozens of feelings of superiority to ―Negroes,‖ just as whites similar stories. Indeed, this story is one instance of a did. Indeed, the development of a caste system larger trend in antebellum New Orleans: free black separated slaves from free people of color. In such a women buying, selling, and holding slaves. strict social and racial hierarchy, free persons of These women are called Free Women of color were color conscious just as whites were. Color. In the history of slavery in the Americas, a Above all, social status (legal condition, cultural free person of color was a person of full or partial heritage, skin color, religion, wealth and education) African descent who was not enslaved. Free women for free persons of color was not ―just social status of color‘s status was exceptional due to their unique for any, but reflected their specific social relations with white men, and to specific patterns of circumstances and their values.‖9 Free persons of manumission in Spanish Louisiana. Thus, they color referred to each other as ―our‖ people who benefited from certain unique opportunities for shared ―a common identity, a common fate, and a me to comment in detail on their activities, and to common humanity.‖10 provide accurate descriptions of their lives. However, even if free persons of color I focused, in particular, on the activities of tended to separate themselves from slaves, they still the two most prominent New Orleans notaries, represented a distinct class from whites, and shared Michel de Armas and Pierre Pedesclaux. These some degree of racial oppression with slaves. Free records are available at the Notarial Archives in women of color did not identify with white women. New Orleans. I looked at various types of notarial Scholars such as Jacqueline Dowd Hall and documents involving free women of color who were Elizabeth Fox-Genovese showed that women of trading slaves. Identifying free women of color is color and white women did not share bonds of made possible by the annotations ―f.c.l.,‖ standing gender because they were ―profoundly divided by for femme de couleur libre (free woman of color),15 class and by race.‖11 or ―n.l.,‖ standing for négresse libre (―free Negro‖). On the other hand, free women of color and The Territorial Legislature of 1808 provided that all slave women shared ―the double oppression of race notaries or other public officials should insert in and gender.‖12 Some created real and fictive kinship their acts after the name and surname of free blacks, networks. Newly freed people had more friends and the words ―free man of color‖ or ―free woman of family among slaves, and were, therefore, close to color.‖16 Besides the notaries‘ records, I used the the slave population. Also, the geography and New Orleans Public Library‘s extensive collection economy of the cities more or less favored of microfilms and original manuscripts of wills, interaction between the two groups. Free women of successions, inventories, suit records, and color and slave women usually shared daily emancipation petitions. All the documents that I activities such as going to church, for instance. looked at were in French, and occasionally in Moreover, free women of color often performed the English. Finally, Gwendolyn Midlo Hall‘s Afro- same jobs as slave women: laundresses, Louisiana History and Genealogy Database was an seamstresses, domestics, cooks, or marchandes.13 additional source to my research. Therefore, free women of color‘s relations From this rich documentary record, I with (their) slaves are difficult to assess given the concluded that most free women of color viewed racial and gendered hierarchy of Louisiana. slaveholding as a commercial venture. My research A general knowledge of the wealth of such shows that free women of color traded slaves of all women and the extent to which they resorted to ages—from infants to 60 year-olds. The majority legal transactions, may be derived from wills, were between the ages of 11 and 30, when they successions, slaves sales, and mortgage records.14 were the most valuable. Such records not only show the amount of land and Some documents show that slaves—adults slaves free women of color possessed, but they also as well as children—were to be handed down from reveal the nature of the relations between free parent to child just like any other possession. Some women of color, slaves, whites, and free men of other slaves were bequeathed to other relatives or color. I started my research in the pivotal year of friends, and were not meant to be emancipated. 1810. Free women of color were particularly Moreover, free women of color were not numerous in New Orleans at that time because of only buying slaves from whites and other free the recent Haitian refugee incursion, and generally persons of color, but also selling slaves to whites played an active role in the city‘s economy. Thus, and other free persons of color. Other women their number and status during this period allows maintained more or less ambiguous relationships with their slaves. Sometimes, they were concerned with emancipating their slaves, and indeed, down to children or other relatives. When sometimes, they would leave their slaves emancipations did occur, it would often be inheritances, so that they could buy their freedom. contingent on further servitude. Sometimes they would make humanitarian In some cases, financial difficulties forced purchases, buying the very young and the old, and less affluent women to mortgage or sell their slaves. frequently buying their relatives and friends. This For example, a free woman of color, Charlotte was often the case with transactions among free Villars, failed to pay for the purchase of a slave persons of color, and occasionally between free named Jean-Louis. A petition was filed against her women of color and whites. in 1809 summoning her to appear before the court.18 However, it would be a mistake to overlook In October 1810, Villars mortgaged her slave Jean- the fact that free women of color understood the Louis.19 Unfortunately, a suit recorded in May 1811 commercial value of slaveholding. For example, indicates that Villars failed to close her mortgage, from a judicial suit recorded on January 26, 1810, owing 325 piastres.20 Finally, the court ordered the we can see that slaveholding was considered a slave Jean-Louis to be seized on May 17, 1811. On commercial enterprise, even between free women of May 22, 1817, Jean-Louis was sold to a Pierre Rene color. This suit involves Pouponne Guérin, a free St. Germaine.21 We can only guess why Villars woman of color, as the plaintiff, and reveals that sought to buy Jean-Louis; but in any case, she failed Guérin used to live in Cuba, where she owned a to pay for his purchase, and then failed to close the slave named Simonne.17 In 1808, another free mortgage. woman of color, Sanite Gourde, kidnapped the Furthermore, the fact that slaves performed slave Simonne and sold her for 350 piastres.
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