ASSOCIATION FOR CONSUMER RESEARCH

Labovitz School of Business & Economics, University of Minnesota Duluth, 11 E. Superior Street, Suite 210, Duluth, MN 55802

Gender, Women and Sexual Experiences of Tourism Nacima Ourahmoune, Reims Management School, France

Men’s and women’s experiences of tourism have been understood differently, especially their experiences of sex tourism. However, discussions around women who engage in sexual activities during their vacation have been strikingly absent from our field. An ethnography in the Caribbean aims at contributing to a conceptualization of gender sexual subjectivities.

[to cite]: Nacima Ourahmoune (2013) ,"Gender, Women and Sexual Experiences of Tourism ", in NA - Advances in Consumer Research Volume 41, eds. Simona Botti and Aparna Labroo, Duluth, MN : Association for Consumer Research.

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[copyright notice]: This work is copyrighted by The Association for Consumer Research. For permission to copy or use this work in whole or in part, please contact the Copyright Clearance Center at http://www.copyright.com/. Gender and Sexual Experiences of Tourism Nacima Ourahmoune, Reims Management School, France

ABSTRACT Sex tourism and gender “Although prostitution may involve an immoral exploitation Sanchez Taylor argues that ‘The stereotypical image of the “sex of human beings (Hirschman 1991; Truong 1990), and sex slavery tourist” is that of the Western man who travels to Thailand or the certainly does so (Aisbett and Malan 1993; Hornblower 1993; Sher- Philippines in order to pay for sex with Go Go bar/brothel prosti- rill 1993), the patronage of prostitutes is plausibly the oldest form tutes’ (2001, p749). This stereotypical masculine traveler, this male of consumer behavior. Nevertheless, prostitution has been studied to sex tourist, is seen in much of the literature on sex tourism practices, a very limited degree by consumer researchers (Ostergaard 1993)” academic and journalistic accounts of sex tourism. It tends to focus (Belk, 1994). on the western men who travels to sun-drenched foreign locales to The growth of sex work reflects the power of increasingly glo- engage in sexual relations with Other women. While there has been balized flows of capital, policy, directives and information to draw some debate in the literature about issues such as intentionality and places that were once “off the map” into very closer networks of the nature of sexual relationships with regards to male sex tourism commodified trade and exchange. Men’s and women’s experiences (Ryan and Kinder, 1996; Oppermann, 1999) and some important of tourism have been understood very differently, especially their contributions on issues related to power and privilege (Crick, 1989; experiences of sex tourism. This is partly due to a rather commonly O’Connell Davidson, 1996; Pettman, 1997; Kempadoo, 1998; Cabe- held assumption about sex tourism that suggests western men trav- zas, 2004), by and large sex tourism is often seen as an extension of el to foreign countries to engage in sexual relations with (younger, prostitution, where men are configured as ‘users’ of prostitutes. Other) local women (Cohen, 1982; 1986; Enloe, 1989; Cohen, 1993; Elsrud (2001) suggests that female tourists are empowered Seabrook, 1997; Phillip and Dann, 1998; Jeffreys, 2003). There has by their risky encounters in developing countries, and their under- been some acknowledgement that western women can also engage standing of the ‘third world’ and the subalterns that occupy these in sexual relationships with foreign men as part of their holiday ex- risky spaces as ‘primitive’ or ‘poor’ (2001, p598). Indeed, this un- perience. However, discussions around women who engage in simi- derstanding of Others in tourism is often a problematic area within lar sexual activities have been much more debated within the social tourism studies (Sanchez Taylor, 2000; Gibson, 2001; Wilson, 2004). sciences and strikingly absent from our field -although research on Sanchez Taylor (2000) argues that consuming difference is a criti- gender in consumer research is established and its dissemination cal component of the tourist experience, and that exotic Others are widespread through ACR and ACR gender conferences. positioned as markers of cultural authenticity. Consuming difference Why do foreign women go “crazy” about local men? This is a means that local people are often positioned as authentic tourist ob- question much heard among tourists and local townspeople during jects, and their bodies become a way for tourists to consume the dif- my long ethnography in the Dominican Republic. This question in ference that is such an important part of the tourist experience. itself contains a set of assumptions about the incongruence of situ- The consumer element of the sex tourism experience is also a ations where female sexuality might be seen as unusual and even point of intersection with wider tourism processes, as the exotic Oth- problematic. In this research, I try to map the plural female consumer er becomes the object of the tourist gaze (Desmond, 1997; Bishop representations and lived experiences of heterosexual desires outside and Robinson, 1998; Edmondson, 2001; Urry, 2002). The desire for their cultural group and mediated by the global tourism industry, es- the exotic Other is a common tourist trope, and the importance of pecially in the context of a third world country where local men are consuming difference enters into tourism discourses. The bodies of definitely seen as questionable sexual partners for foreign women. young Caribbeans men in particular have become situated as the suit- This is to move from the biological deterministic explanation of fe- able objects of the tourist gaze and Ryan and Hall argue that ‘...it is male sexuality to material and social conceptualization of sexuality- of little surprise that because of the marginality of location, peoples a construct much lacking investigation in consumer research. and the exoticism ascribed to those people, sex tourism has become a sustainable force at the commencement of the twenty-first century’ CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK (Ryan and Hall, 2001, p13).

Travel and gender The Gendered Sex Tourist Gaze Travel has been historically constructed as a masculine activity The ways in which (gendered) tourists consume particular spac- (Kaplan, 1996; Mills, 1991, Smith, 2001). Masculinity has been even es/places through particular modes reveals something about the na- a necessity to be socially allowed to travel, while femininity was con- ture of host/guest interactions. Tourism literature acknowledges that nected to domesticity and home (Enloe, 2000). Discourses of mascu- travelers (both male and female) are often situated as visual consum- linity have been the basis of the cultural logic of travel (Smith, 2001). ers, as powerful watchers of the different/exotic Other (Urry, 2002; Then the “male” gendering of travel had important implications for Shellhorn and Perkins, 2004; Maoz, 2005). Chi (1997) suggests that women, impeding them to travel and making it difficult for the ones tourism is the scopophilia of modern consciousness, with the ‘eye’/ who do travel (Wolff, 1993). Since the 19th Century, travel echoed seeing taking precedence over other forms of touristic understand- modernity and the “freeing of women”, bourgeois women who trav- ing. When people are on holiday they often ‘look at the environment eled eschewed romance and sexually explicit behaviors to uphold so- with interest and curiosity...we gaze at what we encounter’; the gaze cial respectability (Smith, 2001). During the 21st century, represen- is both socially organized and systematized (Urry, 2002, p1). Indeed, tations of men traveling far from home without family became of a part of being a modern day tourist means that one gazes upon a vari- masculine gender ideology. But since, the number of females equals ety of scenes, people, and places that are ‘out of the ordinary’ (Urry, or even surpasses the male travelers (Harris and Wilson, 2007), it is 2002: 1). claimed in particular within global feminist discourses, that women’s The gaze focuses on local features that are marked off as un- travel is therefore an inherent form of empowerment (Kaplan, 1995). usual, or different to everyday, quotidian encounters and revolves

Advances in Consumer Research 361 Volume 41, ©2013 362 / Gender and Sexual Experiences of Tourism around the collection of signs and symbols. Tourists often search for results to those women and updating their situation to date regarding the authentic or the real as part of their travels and they (visually) the Dominican Republic and their intimate relationships therefore to consume these authentic scenes with the tourist gaze (Urry, 2002). increase the validity of the research. Men and women do not have equal access to space as some spaces are ‘off-limits’ to women, particularly sexualized spaces (Hubbard et FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION al, 2008; Hubbard and Whowell, 2008). Women and men often use and consume space differently as part of their tourism practices, and Relationships lived as Transgression their use of space may well impact upon the types of activities they My informants’ stories convey how transnational sex was made engage in, the types of spaces they visit, and the types of Others they meaningful through cultural assumptions and tacit rules about sexual come across. Wearing et al (2010) suggest that tourists and hosts co- propriety and intimate sociality. Sexual relationships between for- create tourist spaces and imbue particular sites/sights with meaning, eign women and local men were played out in diverse arrangements, and that within these tourist spaces women are able to create their from one-night or weekend affairs and casual vacation flings to long- own meanings and interpretations of tourist sites as they engage in term transnational back-and-forth relationships together with some, feminized tourism practices. but not many, marriages, as well as other configurations. What char- Women’s experiences of travel have been reconceptualized acterizes most of the stories is a feeling of instant intimacy that wom- within this gendered framework, and the tourism practices of women en interpret romantically while local men interpret it more pragmati- (particularly solo female travelers) have been seen as journeys of lib- cally - although most of the informants report that they are romantic: eration and independence from traditional feminine roles (Kinnaird “Here it is all different from home, because very quickly you and Hall, 2000; Elsrud, 2001; Gibson, 2001; Wearing et al, 2010). share all the domestic aspects and problems with your man, from Western women seem to be empowered by their travel experiences, the very start of the relationship, the dating process does not really and their journeys in some ways allow them to redefine their gender exist…I like it because you feel close to your partner rapidly and you identity for themselves (Gibson, 2001; Elsrud, 2001). feel important in your partner’s life but you get confused about what stage of the relationship you are in” (Nathalie, 34, France, Police METHOD Officer) Understandings of sex tourism (for both men and women) often “ Many stories report the disappointment of foreign women focus on the physical nature of the sexual interactions between a due to a misunderstanding…I mean everyone comes with her own ‘couple’, i.e. a sex tourist and a local sex worker. However, defining background and it is part of the experience to try and make it work sex tourism as the consummation of ‘commercial sexual relations’ despite the problems, it is not because the man tells’ you you are the is problematic and further ‘...is an overt simplification and arguably woman of my life’ it means you are all life long may be just a few excludes many other cases and settings’ (Oppermann, 1999, p252). days and in his perspective this is fine…” (Helen, 25, Canada, Insur- This paper engages in a wider conversation in consumer research ance Employee) about how sexuality and gender are constructed, produced, per- There were many tensions and contradictions in women’s nar- formed and embodied by particular consumers and social actors in ratives since, for the women, sharing intimacy with Dominicans was specific contexts of tourism. a cultural transgression in terms of social position, skin color... For In thinking about sexual subjectivity, the author is concerned instance, the level of the men’s formal education (often they had not about how consumption processes, in this case tourism and related finished high school) was a problem for some women with univer- desires are lived through the body and thus are enacted through emo- sity backgrounds. Although the relationship was going very well in tions, affect, senses, and bodies marked by gender, race, class and many aspects, suddenly realizing that reading a book or writing for- nationality. More specifically, this research focuses on how people’s in- Table 1: Female tourists interviewed timate relations and subjectivities are shaped by global, local, and Name Age Nationality Occupation transnational processes. I am interested in the lived experiences and Nathalie 34 French Police officer “negotiation” of gender, sexuality, and intimacy, bound up with race Lara 23 Italian Student and class, in the context of human movement across borders, moder- Carolina 22 German Student nity, late capitalism and multiculturalism. How do people decipher Helen 25 Canadian Insurance employee and grapple with different and often competing cultural gender and Patricia 27 Canadian Doctor sexuality norms? How does human sociality and subjectivity change Meline 24 French Public Relations in Ad agency through travel? In what ways are local sexual cultures affected by Irina 23 Poland Engineer global tourism? Natalia 24 Poland Financial services This research is part of a larger fieldwork- A total of 6 months Pat’ 26 USA Decoration shop owner ethnography in the Dominican Republic (Punta Cana and Sosuà) Marie 27 France Barmaid over 5 years (2006-2011), involving participant observation in tour- Chiara 23 Italy Museum Guide istic places (hotels, discos, tours) with westerns tourists, western Nadia 24 France Aerobics teacher residents and with locals and immigrants (Haitians). In-depth in- Joy 23 UK Salesperson terview following McCracken (1988) recommendations were also Carolyn 26 UK Primary school teacher carried out with all the set of actors involved in the field (Domini- Ines 24 Spain Barmaid cans, Haitians, Tourists, Foreign residents, Male and female in each Lucia 22 Spain Student case with a wide range of backgrounds and ages), they lasted 1 to 3 Amandine 23 France Works in a disco hours were recorded, transcribed. The 21 long interviews with west- Linda 25 Spain Hairdresser ern female tourists and a few residents inform more specifically this Stephanie 23 USA Fast food Cashier paper (see Table 1). The author stayed in contact with informants Erika 37 Germany High school teacher over phone and social media allowing for presenting the preliminary Serena 41 Italy Works in the tourism industry Advances in Consumer Research (Volume 41) / 363 mal documents was a problem for the partner, was quoted as raising Women strategizing about their sexual encounters… tension and doubts in women about the viability of their romance: However digging deeper into their narratives, some signs like “I remember when…S looked like a young child trying to de- systematically bringing condoms when visiting the Dominican Re- cipher my car rental contract, I realized how far apart we were… public or confiding that they had felt intuitively that if they stayed I mean so far I was admiring his ability to manage everything so longer on the island “they knew they would be sexually active” con- smartly and …and I assumed reading was not an issue…you know, it tradict their initial statement of being “surprised” by the relation- is not easy…” (Chiara, 23, Italy, Museum Guide) ships. It is the standard female sexuality, built on an absolute ne- Such disparities created boundaries, which were exciting to cessity of connecting sex with feelings that prompts them to justify cross but also created conflicting feelings in terms of Western het- these relationships as totally surprising and unplanned. According eronormative discourses about hierarchies of preferred intimate to my informants they always start very romantically – so as to con- partners. Another major transgression that emerged from the field form to social expectations. So it is very rare for women to voice, as is racial or ethnical. From my earliest conversations, I gathered that men do, the fact that they also come to the Dominican Republic to many people viewed these relationships as completely unrestrained, have sexual encounters with locals, knowing that as westerners their attributing ‘Caribbean culture’ and ‘black male sexual prowess’ as economic capital will lead them to obtain sex easily. However, one the impetus that ‘drove’ foreign women to behave in ‘unusually li- of my informants crossed the line after the third interview, when I bidinous’ ways. There is a prevalent binary construction of black met her again unexpectedly during one of my stays in Sosùa. She Afro-Caribbean men as lascivious, and white North American and admitted that after several stays on the island, in this place she knew European women as sexually predatory. Many informants stated exactly how to attract the right sexual partner when she went to the how the skin color of their partner was a problem for their family disco. Knowing that Dominicans are unfaithful, and that “they use and friends in their home country, who immediately considered the white girls to obtain sex and money, why should I not play their relationships in terms of stereotypes, considering them merely in game? So I use them as well but I give just enough, for example two terms of the “sexual nature of the local men.” or three drinks at the disco, for them to think I am like all the Euro- Therefore, even in Sosua or Punta Cana, sexual relations be- pean girls and then they are adorable as they know how to be very tween tourist women and local men appear as both ‘rampant’ and sweet at the start of the relationship…and once I have what I want I ‘escondido’ (hidden). A palpable local discourse frames sexual rela- am the who stops the relationship before it turns into the nightmare tions between local men and tourist women as overabundant, un- of cheating and money issues…”. And my informant adds “you checked, uncontrollable, ‘wild,’ mutual erotic desire. At the same know Dominican girls, they do the same, so No I don’t feel bad, is it time, this discourse is muffled, in order to downplay the presence sex tourism? I don’t know, it’s just adult relationships, I don’t force of such relationships, in part because women’s sexuality is more anyone”. In this discourse, I hear a sort of acculturation in terms of generally hidden in Latino nations, (Arroba, 2001) and because the Dominican relationships starting at the disco, pretending or feeling relationships are viewed by many as scandalous. For complicated love, expecting one of the partners to take care of the other and pay reasons, tourist women are also protective of local men’s sexual in- for them as a sign of interest…and also, a clear conscience of the fidelities. Many also remain discreet to circumvent the reaction of a use of economic and skin capital as mediators of sexual pleasure just jealous boyfriend. Foreign women as sexual subjects are scrutinized like male sex travelers…However, it is quite controversial to depict perhaps even more closely than Dominican women, and stereotyped women as potential exploiters of under-classed populations in third as ‘promiscuous’ by local surveillance mediated through religious world countries for their own pleasure. beliefs and cultural moral discourses about femininity, masculinity, This controversy is due to a number of factors: firstly there are and sexuality. For these intricate reasons, sexual secrecy pervades arguments within feminism about the extent to which women are the social-sexual contours of the island. victims vs. agentic/capable of exploiting, which can also be seen in However, believe systems about gendered expressions of de- broader debates around prostitution (Segal and MacIntosh, 1993; sire and intimacy are never fixed and the cosmopolitan and global Raymond, 1995; Barry, 1996; Chapkis, 1997; Jeffreys, 1997; Nagle, context offers opportunities for defining new types of relationships: 1997; Campbell and O’Neill, 2006; O’Connell Davidson, 2006). “Before I came here, I was really different, for me there were Secondly because sex tourism is often defined in such a narrow way some criteria for choosing my partners that were way too strict, I - as directly related to prostitute use and commercial sexual rela- don’t know, he has to behave like and like that, but now it is dif- tionships, this has made it much more difficult to talk about female ferent, I have gained more experience and I have learned that here sex tourism as a phenomenon because women are not generally as- people live things differently, what matters is being happy together sociated with using prostitutes, nor are they generally connected to no matter the standards, if my partner is a bit younger, is it such a commercial sexual exchanges (Ryan and Hall, 2001). Research into problem as long as we are happy together? Today is today and to- female sex tourism is still a disputed area; situating women’s posi- morrow is another day but at last I am happy!” tion within the sex tourist spectrum is not straightforward, and prob- Women refer to those experiences as times when their identity lems arise within academic discourses around sex tourism on how to changed, especially those who get involved in long-term interaction define what exactly constitutes sex tourist behavior, and further what with Dominicans who speak about “identity transformation”. Some defines sex tourism practices. women choose to have casual sex with locals on a regular basis; it is In contrast to male sex tourists who are often understood to often after being extremely disappointed in a previous relationship. be exploiting local women, the actions of female sex tourists have Although, a number of women choose to have casual sex with locals sometimes been presented in a more benevolent, but also a more without too much commitment, playing secrecy games and covering contradictory way. They are sometimes seen as rather innocent ‘ro- men’s infidelity, they often deny they use strategies regarding their mance tourists’ (Meisch, 1995; Pruitt and LaFont, 1995; Dahles and intimate relationships on the island. For instance, most of the women Bras, 1999), or even understood as romantic dupes being exploited will confess that their relationship with local men “just happened” by local men (Jeffreys, 2003). Although those narratives appear that they did not plan to have sexual relationships during their stay clearly in the data, the research supports some critique of this rather on the island. essentialist understanding of western female tourists’ sexual behav- 364 / Gender and Sexual Experiences of Tourism Table 2: Summary of the findings Themes Sub-themes • One night • weekend affairs Types of sexual arrangements- sex • casual vacation flings tourism is not restricted to prostitution • long-term transnational back-and-forth relationships • not many, marriages (although limited they encourage tourists and locals to step into a relationship). • A disrupted capital game (economic, cultural, social and skin capital) as Tourists feelings of transgression when unfixedcreating exciting to cross boundaries yet conflicting feelings in terms of Western starting intimate relations with locals heteronormative discourses about hierarchies of preferred intimate partners. • Self concept: empowerment, expressing true self • Learning new things about one self and others Identity transformation • Changing its own perspective regarding intimate relationships and the meanings of hap- piness Perceptions of sexual relationships • There is a prevalent binary construction of black Afro-Caribbean men as lascivious, and between western women and local men white North American and European women as sexually predatory • The romantic start: women need to justify Sex did not start without a minimum of romanti- cism as a manifestation of social expectations in women’s discourse Sexual strategies and vivid contradiction • The discourse about surprise: ‘It ‘s just happened’, ‘Not Expected relationships’, while due ton incorporated social norms in fact some women maintain this statement although they did bring with them condoms regarding women’s sexual subjectivities every time they visited the Dominican Republic for instance • Western tourist under Locals surveillance • Western women covering local men’s infidelity… • Women-usually after a love deception in the DR- decide not to commit and have casual sex with locals Women’s sexual agency • Who is using who? “I know how to get Local men, I play their game” • Acculturation to locals customs in terms of intimate relationships • Parallels between male tourist and female tourists sex behavior while traveling iors (de Albuquerque, 1998; Herold et al, 2001; Kempadoo, 2001; relationships, rather than exploring the other inequalities that might Ryan and Hall, 2001; Frohlick, 2008). The results provide a much exist between hosts and guests of any gender. more complex picture of the phenomenon under study. A more nuanced picture begins to emerge around the set of is- More specifically, this research provides a critique of this un- sues that underlies women’s sexual engagement with local men if derstanding of women’s interactions with local men, and suggests we begin to understand women tourists also: ‘as being motivated by that female ‘romance tourists’ should not be simply understood as racist sexual stereotypes and using sex tourism to bolster their privi- women « who buy meals and gifts for their local sexual partners and leged race and class status’ (Jeffreys, 2003, p25). By employing this are enjoying a “romance”, not using a prostitute » (Erika, Resident in understanding it is possible to analyze female sex tourism without Punta Cana, German, English Instructor, 37). 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