Becoming and Coming Undone on the Streets of Dar Es Salaam

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Becoming and Coming Undone on the Streets of Dar es Salaam

Fast, D.; Moyer, E. DOI 10.2979/africatoday.64.3.01 Publication date 2018 Document Version Final published version Published in Africa Today

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Citation for published version (APA): Fast, D., & Moyer, E. (2018). Becoming and Coming Undone on the Streets of Dar es Salaam. Africa Today, 64(3), 3-26. https://doi.org/10.2979/africatoday.64.3.01

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Download date:26 Sep 2021 We foreground the more contingent and affective forms of becoming and coming undone that are crafted out of marginality and the margins of urban space, in circumstances where precarity is a kind of structural violence and a mobilizing force. Becoming and Coming Undone on the Streets of Dar es Salaam Danya Fast and Eileen Moyer

We examine how young men who have spent years living on the streets of downtown Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, have used urban spaces, as well as particular kinds of spatial “flights” and “fixes,” to navigate the process of growing into adulthood. We argue that places called maskani have provided them with a powerful sense of forward momentum, engendering more immediate and future-oriented forms of becoming. As time has passed, however, life at these places has also generated a sense of stagnation and engendered forms of coming undone, which have necessitated particular kinds of spatial flights and fixes. Some men have left maskani and the city altogether, despite limited prospects elsewhere.

Introduction

This article draws on fieldwork spanning more than a decade with young men who have spent years living, working, and sleeping on the streets of downtown Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. We examine how these youth have used urban space, as well as particular kinds of spatial “flights” and “fixes,” to navigate the process of growing into adulthood. The young men we followed, who call themselves masela1 and mishemishe2—terms that can be loosely translated as ‘street hustlers’—inhabit spaces known as maskani: street corners, abandoned lots, and stretches of roadside that are simultane- ously intensely local and highly transient. In these sites, men congregate to seek out and engage in informal work, to socialize, and to sleep. Similar to other kinds of youth-appropriated spaces that have been described in Tanzania and elsewhere in Africa (Geenen 2009; Masquelier 2013; Weiss 2009), maskani are geared toward masculine forms of labor, leisure, and performance, and embedded with economic, social, and affective possibilities oriented toward the immediate and more distant future (Kerr 2015, 2018; Moyer 2005, 2006). They are places of intense self-fashioning, meaning making, and imagination, which can be found in the city’s center and its sprawling, densely populated outlying areas (uswahilini). Over time in

6 - - star or star hip-hop 3 They also generated a powerfulsense of 4 of all ages formed amid loud conversations and disbanded 5 In this article, to two men connected a group of young we describe Lebanoni, named after the war-torn country because of its associations Over ten years of fieldwork, the individuals we followed spent sig- . For these youth, the formsowning a small shop in the uswahilini of labor a crucialand sociality found at maskani were means of fighting for these future lives (kutafuta maisha). made out of wood, corrugated metal, and plastic tarps, providing shade in the corrugated in wood, shade of out made providing tarps, plastic and metal, Despite these shelters, the pleasures daytime and limited privacy at night. and perils of drugs,were constantly on dis- sexual transactions alcohol, and groupings of men and a small At all hours of the day and night, loose play. number of women and stumbling gestures. Many individuals who inhabited Lebanoni more per manently were thought to have “gone crazy from confusion” (wamedata). with lawlessness and disorder, was embedded with other kinds of social and with lawlessness and disorder, on pleasure, escape, and immobility. affective possibilities, largely centered This sloping dirt to the ocean was littered with shacks lot that led down rags, individually portioned individually laundry of rags, packets drums plastic and soap, filled just behind Located scarce commodity locally. with water—a somewhat high-rises. Each consulate and a handful of other Amazoni was the British buildings would go up to house those who were benefiting higher new, year, urban economies on the planet the most from one of the fastest-growing These buildings served 2016). as a reminder of and Tarp (Arndt, McKay, for reach of out so yet and nearby so possibilities, and progress city’s the Neverthe- informal economy. city’s the masses of people who work in the too, would that one day they, less, many young men at Amazoni dreamed be running)—that is, working at desk while sitting (kukimbia kukumekaa Flava Bongo as a big it making about fantasized Others jobs. scales (local, urban, national, international).national, (local, urban, scales partWhile shift a constantly of “people ing terrain,form these sites in the city’s nodes of organization key as infrastructure” 2004). (Simone Amazoni and Lebanoni. Long-termmaskani known as fieldwork at these as lives their follow to and youth, these know to come to us allowed sites into their mid to late twenties. to late teens their mid they moved through Amazoni, a dirt on the side of a shady, lot so named because of its location district, business and diplomatic tree-lined road in the heart of the city’s served in age from their mid- as a place of work for men ranging primarily Each day, when our fieldwork began in 2007. teens to their early twenties cloth using cars wash to there congregate would men two dozen as many as Dar, particular via social other with each associated become have maskani Dar, and geographies across multiple connected of people who are networks Put another way, they had come undone as a result of persistent anxieties Put another way, about the hardships of life, and given up on fighting for life at more work- oriented maskani like Amazoni. nificant amounts of time at both Amazoni and Lebanoni, although, as both maskani eventually moved locations and were we describe below, forward momentum in the present.

africa tdao y 64(3) 4 Bcinge om and Coming Undone on the Streets of Dar es Salaam africa tdao y 64(3) 5 D anya Fast and Eileen Moyer - - - But But 7 going crazy from confusion”) and addictions to drugsgoing crazy from confusion”) and addictions In making these arguments, we extend a large body of research that that research extend a large body of these arguments, we In making Entering into conversation with the work of spatial theorists such as Entering into conversation with the work for those who found themselves unable to leave, these once powerful themselves unable to leave, these once for those who found sites has theorized the reconfiguration and respatialization of youth and masculinities in urban Africa over the last quarter-century (Diouf 2003; Durham 2004; Gondola 1999; Hansen 2005; Honwana and De Boeck 2005; Masque- is a by now, 2009). The story, lier 2013; Pype 2007; Sommers 2012; Weiss dreams of striking it rich in mines can pull people away from cities when dreams of striking it rich in mines can economic survival there (De Boeck and Plissart becomes untenable 2006; dwellers may returnPotts 2009). Others have noted that urban home when of kin (Moyer and Igonya 2014). ill or near death, to access care via networks In this article, time, the emergence of particular we suggest that, over kinds to of stagnation in youth-appropriated urban spaces can push young people leave. Some of the men who left Dar did so not in an attempt to seek out a better life elsewhere, or to access care, but as a means of regaining a sense of forward momentum in their lives. the decision to move from large, sprawling urban centers to more rural more to centers urban sprawling large, from move to decision the set- who have theorized these kinds of tings, or to smaller cities. Researchers of a steadier agrarian existence andmoves have highlighted how the promise to urban settings, and explored what happens when these youth get to placesto urban settings, and explored what happens De Boeck 2005; Newell 2012; Scheld like Dar (Durham 2004; Honwana and has explored how young people make2007; Sommers 2012). Much less work ticular kinds of spatial “flights” or “fixes” for some individuals (Mains 2007).ticular kinds of spatial “flights” or “fixes” and Lebanoni, or even the city of Some individuals eventually left Amazoni body large A elsewhere. prospects of limited the face in even altogether, Dar of African young people from ruralof literature has discussed the migration the shifting meanings and affective experiences of maskani necessitated par necessitated maskani of experiences affective and meanings shifting the nation and coming undone, which was sometimes embodied in the form undone, which was sometimes embodied nation and coming of psychic crises (“ like heroin and cocaine. Deleuze and Guattari (1987) and Harvey (2001), in this article we argue that of forward and youthful becoming could turn momentum into sites of stag on. Conceptualizing maskani as constellations of spatial and temporal con temporal and spatial of constellations as maskani Conceptualizing on. affective intensi- to understand how the meanings and nections allows us men across their places could shift significantly for ties embedded in these maskani number of men were able to leave a small lives. As they got older, manhood.” “responsible of elsewheres imagined the to on move and renamed. These places anchored their daily lives and movements through through movements lives and their daily anchored places These renamed. - navigate a pre they could collectively spaces where providing the city, struggleand carious present toward particular Previous of futures. kinds and of youthful sociality as discrete spaces examined maskani work has (Kerrrecognition places like here is on how 2018), but our focus 2015, with young men in tension meaningful for and Lebanoni became Amazoni other urban 2004; Massey 1994). These included other places (Gordillo future childhood places and imagined as well as remembered sites in Dar, of others who had already moved elsewheres—both their own, and those

- - For Biehl and Locke (2017b), an anthropology of becoming draws on of becoming draws on For Biehl and Locke (2017b), an anthropology In highlighting contingent and affective formsIn highlighting contingent and affective of becoming and coming tradition and the authority of the postcolonial state by locating themselves— physically (in cities) and imaginatively—in relation to globally circulating Boeck De and Honwana 1999; Gondola repertoires 2005; (Burgess desires and we also emphasize the continued 2005; Newell 2012; Scheld 2007). However, importance of age-grades and age-sets (Aguilar 1998; Baxter and Almagor Fortes1978; contemporaryin working and living men young for 1984) undone among the young men we followed, our research resonates with pre undone among the young men we followed, vious work elucidating the improvisational and shape-shifting qualities of contemporarychallenge they and how 2004), youth (Durham urban African simply remain in suspension” (Biehl and Locke 2017a:4). Attending to forms to Attending 2017a:4). Locke and (Biehl suspension” in remain simply that the plasticity of selves of becoming and coming undone emphasizes and worlds carries destructive potentials. Our notion of coming undone is becoming, but it similarly (2017) notion of negative distinct from Bessire’s that can emerge out of unsettling vital experiments highlights the risky, of drugs such as the intensive consumption and alcohol in marginality, places like Lebanoni. young men use urban space, as well as spatial flights and fixes, to “untangle spatial flights and fixes, to “untangle young men use urban space, as well as new relations (or not), negotiate themselves from the known and establish threatening detours and the newly uncertain, and make use of these realities to craft viable forms life and project themselves into a future—or of Rather than focusing on these young people’s agency as “makers and break agency as “makers on these young people’s Rather than focusing economy and circumstances constrained by political ers” operating within more contingent De Boeck 2005), we foreground the power (Honwana and and affective forms undone that are crafted out of becoming and coming where circumstances the margins of urban space, in of marginality and kind of structuralprecarity is both a mobilizing force (Biehl violence and a and Locke 2017b). emphasize the plasticity and unfin- the work of Delueze and Guattari to are always an unstable assemblage ishedness of selves and worlds that of biological, social, structural, and affective forces and “lines of flight” 1987). Deleuze defines becoming as(Deleuze 2006; Deleuze and Guattari “carveto strivings collective and individual things from chances life out In this article,too big, strong and suffocating” (1997:3). we underscore how crises of masculinity, youth, and urban inequality, which have emerged as a as a have emerged which youth, and urban inequality, crises of masculinity, decades. several past the over globalization neoliberal of processes of result - in Tanza (2009) Kerr work by Following previous Weiss 2018) and (2015, people fashion interpreted as examples of how young nia, they can also be out of struggle, meaningful social spatial worlds themselves and create these “well to reproduce not goal is our However, pain, and exclusion. (Bessire 2017:201). of suffering” and resilience documented coordinates familiar one: in recent history, many African cities have experienced rapid rapid experienced have cities African many history, recent in one: familiar spatial, increasing social, together with and population growth, economic The (Myers 2011). Dar is no exception and political precarity. economic, wide of continent- interpreted as illustrative we trace can be trajectories

africa tdao y 64(3) 6 Bcinge om and Coming Undone on the Streets of Dar es Salaam africa tdao y 64(3) 7 D anya Fast and Eileen Moyer

fieldtrips conducted week fieldtrips conducted twelve- During fieldwork, both authors visited maskani daily. We also spent We also spent maskani daily. During fieldwork, both authors visited by the first author from 2007 to 2018, and ongoing fieldwork carried ongoing fieldwork and 2018, author from 2007 to first the by by out has involved encounters with the second author since 1999. Our fieldwork but this numerous maskani in Dar, a large number of individuals across analysis draws primarily on close relationships developed by the first author developed by the first author analysis draws primarily on close relationships of the downtown with twenty-five young men who worked on the streets on the streets as well. In 2007, a core, all of whom were initially sleeping group of twenty individuals was recruited to participate in the research was well-known to the second who research assistant through a Tanzanian who had himself spent many years living and working on the and author, At that time, these men ranged in age from their streets of the city center. Amazoni at time spent or worked them of All twenties. early to mid-teens at Lebanoni. Across the study period, and spent significant periods of time with fifteen of these individuals. As it was possible to maintain contact additional young men formed relationships with Amazoni over time, five twenty-five of total a for research, the into incorporated became them of participants. to- Our analysis draws on numerous four- Methods the same age and inhabiting the same strata of society. Moreover, we we Moreover, inhabiting the same strata of society. the same age and social processes, masculinities—as situated, embodied illustrate that these into historywhich bring bodies in particular ways—are inseparable from periods of psychic the making of particular kinds of health effects, namely, and Wight (Connell 2012; Courtenaycrisis and addiction Siu, Seeley, 2001; 2016). 2013; Wyrod African urban contexts. For those frequenting maskani, generational groups groups generational maskani, frequenting For those contexts. urban African were a means of engaging with and attempting to resolve some of the ambi- the some of to resolve and attempting of engaging with were a means “learnedthey there, adulthood; into growing of guities other” each from groups streets. These the undone— on how to come become— and how to (Fenstermakerdoing gender context for a critical also provided and West gendered focused on how previous work has 2002). While 2002; McKittrick and women, and are negotiated between men expectations and aspirations research demon- positioned men (Connell 2005), our between differently of approximately may be assembled among men strates how masculinities the city at various times of the day and night, allowing us to observe situated encounters and performances in different maskani and other urban sites such as bars, nightclubs, beaches, and the homes of friends and family and cameras disposable with provided were men young 2007, In members. their of aspects key evoked or documented that photographs take to asked everyday images, these of all of provided with copies were They lives. which they subsequently showed off to friends and acquaintances as proof of their involvement in our project. This provided us with an unanticipated extensive periods of time accompanying young men as they moved through young men as they moved through extensive periods of time accompanying

When not in Tanzania, the first author remained in regular contact regular contact the first author remained in When not in Tanzania, shaped subsequent generations of young Tanzanians, including those we met shaped subsequent generations of young Tanzanians, at Amazoni and Lebanoni, who desire the signs and styles of a globalized find ever-narrowerbut world, (Weiss these desires realize by which to means a vast informal2009). In Dar, economy has emerged to fill the gap left by labor and capital, mass communications and an electronic economy, and the and an electronic economy, labor and capital, mass communications 2000). Comaroff and (Comaroff images and signs of circulation instantaneous after a brief period of economic flourishing, the decline of state However, serviceslong-termsalaried, of collapse a to led subsidies and employment possibilities exhilarating of heels the on collapse This Tanzanians. most for Big City Dreams As in and towns outside of Dar. All the men we followed were from cities largest city other parts to relocate to Tanzania’s of Africa, their decision was shaped by the legacies of structural adjustment and the pulls of neo- signed 1980s, Tanzania 2010). In the mid- liberal globalization (Sommers its first agreement with the International Monetary Fund, and was rapidly novel formsinto incorporated The compression. and global integration of country was significantly transformed as it was opened up to new flows of ourselves returningourselves Also in 2007, for discussion. to those images repeatedly that to create drawings provided with supplies young men were interested of their everyday or evoked aspects documented the places that lives and resulted in graffiti and cartoonthey inhabited. This drawings (see figs. 2 and in additional points of departure4), which provided discussion. Finally, for hip-hop songs 2009, we recorded and translated several 2007 and again in composed and performed at spending time and working were who those by and rich opportunityand rich particular to discuss progressed. as research images Certain symbolic of particular images became we wanted to ideas that found (see fig. 3), and we from confusion such as going crazy pursue further, provided furtherAmazoni. These lyrics the themes we were insights into studying. twelve of the twenty-five young men via Facebook, with approximately of these most As we describe in detail below, Instagram, and WhatsApp. Lebanoni, and at Amazoni time stopped spending eventually individuals alto- Dar from away time of periods long spent or of moved out several and long duration and episodic nature of our fieldwork has inevi- The gether. with different kinds of “shad- tably meant that we have had to contend among the men we continue ows and disappearances” (Meyers 2013:15) this methodology has provided an understanding— However, to follow. however partialformsand incomplete—of how becoming and coming of of men across time and place, and undone have unfolded for this group ethnography we worlds. The and of selves unfinishedness underscored the place, illuminating key moments in present below jumps across time and stories so far. these men’s

africa tdao y 64(3) 8 Bcinge om and Coming Undone on the Streets of Dar es Salaam africa tdao y 64(3) 9 D anya Fast and Eileen Moyer When they were still young and childlike in appearance, young men When they were still young and childlike Sometime after arriving in the city, several of the men we came to of the men we several Sometime after arrivingcity, in the Recalling the places of their childhoods, young men often described a men often described childhoods, young the places of their Recalling Center, we observed they embraced and celebrated that, in most moments, Center, their full incorporation into the spaces that were left to them. In fact, this was a group of youth who skillfully avoided being drawn into public health and other kinds of interventions, even when these were made available to they strongly believed that life and work at maskani would them. Rather, In the mean- allow them to successfully grow into adulthood in Tanzania. time, these places generated a powerful, affective sense of forward momentum in their everyday lives. belonged in the city shifted as they grew into mid-adolescence on the streets.belonged in the city shifted as they grew exclusion from places like Dogodogo Rather than resenting their heightened regular small financial contributions from the rest of the men at Amazoni at men of the rest the from contributions financial small regular to cover his annual school fees. NGOs, from charity elicit to identities child street manipulated skillfully most however, maturity, they grew into physical and others. As tourists, perception Just as society’s charity. found it increasingly difficult to attract they how and where of perceptions own their time, over changed them of he eventually did in 2009, thanks largely to to complete high school—which he eventually did in 2009, thanks largely viewed the more traditional formsviewed the more available at home— of employment farming They were drawn to Dar by as largely undesirable. , for example— burgeoning informal signaled by its an alternative horizon of possibility, of people, of greater proximity to the flows and by the promise economy, everywhereimaginations have ignited that and ideas images, goods, (Cole have grown up Like so many other young people who and Durham 2008). big-city we knew embraced—and felt embraced by— global, the young men Comaroff (Comaroff and poor up experiences growing their despite dreams, they before they had arrived2005; Katz 2004; Koselleck 1985). Long in Dar, like there. had imagined what their lives might look some where children, street for shelter a Center, Dogodogo at stayed know Amazoni originally met. One young of the men who worked together at During while living at the center. man, Kindo, managed to enroll in school would show up at Amazoni each after- the early years of our fieldwork, he noon wearing his school uniform, and complete his homework on the hoods He was the only young person we of parked cars waiting to be washed. presence at Amazoni and was able encountered who maintained a regular sense of sitting around and having nothing to do, even as they also described and having nothing to do, even as sense of sitting around 2005). Some of tasks for most of the day (Hansen being busy with various hardship and marked by severe material them grew up in circumstances opportunities.educational limited faced most and Some tragedy, family the shrinking state and high unemployment. Today, even as the city’s formal as the city’s even Today, unemployment. and high state the shrinking highly unequal. of wealth remains the distribution grows rapidly, economy classes are highly dependent expanding middle growth and the In fact, this on the informal in the margins of to be locked of those who continue labor urban landscape. fractured Dar’s 8 —Shavu (Amazoni, 2008) But also in the USA, UK, and South Africa up to Somalia Hey party yeah! And cheer me up I will still get my money said we would never rise up You But now we have respect tried to block our success You Still we became winners still marching forward We’re still marching forward We’re is my time Today me on TV Watch Listen to me on CD I am a simple MC I hurt my head composing tracks that are for real Everyday my audience is growing like to be jobless I don’t Composing rhymes is my favorite work I handle the microphone like Jay Z I use any way I can to achieve I’m well known not only in Bongoland In contrast to popular, public health, and political understandings In contrast to popular, Belonging Streets on the Becoming and Figure 1. Amazoni. Photograph by Baraka, 2007. Figure 1. Amazoni. that view young, unemployed men as perpetually risky, at risk, and out of that view young, unemployed men as perpetually risky, place in the modernizing 1999), city (Burgess 2005; Lugalla and Mbwambo

africa tdao y 64(3) 10 Bcinge om and Coming Undone on the Streets of Dar es Salaam africa tdao y 64(3) 11 D anya Fast and Eileen Moyer ! A youth is strong, can work anywhere, anywhere, work can strong, is youth A mishemishe! is someone who is always fighting for money, fighting fighting money, for fighting who is always someone is 9 Later in the conversation, Dotto elaborated, “A youth can find a good Later in the conversation, Dotto elaborated, married?”you’re when Amazoni to come asked. Danya won’t you “So laughing. “No!” Dotto and Ema replied in unison, Mwinyi said more seri- we must know the life of the street,” “Now, temporalities and spati- At maskani, young men inhabited multiple “A youth “A In his ethnography of underground rappers in the uswahilini of to build a future,” Ninja explained in 2007, as several of us were sitting of us were sitting Ninja explained in 2007, as several to build a future,” Dar, Kerr (2018) draws on work by Honwana (2014) and others (Dhillon Kerr (2014) and others (Dhillon (2018) draws on work by Honwana Dar, struggles to accrue the 2009) to describe how young men’s and Yousef financial and social capital necessary to mark their entry into adulthood relegates them to a state of waithood in places like maskani, where they : that’s being being mishemishe: that’s up. That’s and do any kind of work that comes a youth.” maskani. go when he is married. To life here. He can go places that he won’t kind of life—the life of masela, of He goes to these places to know another mishemishe.” We every life for fight must we Amazoni, come to must day. “We ously. learn Sometimes we enjoy ourselves too much, we drink from each other. to be runningI would like though, One day, smoke marijuana. alcohol, we I want.” what That’s while sitting [working in an office job]. their childhoods and thought toward alities, as they recalled the places of desire to know another kind of life the elsewheres of their futures. Their at maskani referred one they had left behind and the one they to both the far removed from places like older, imagined inhabiting once they were this context, it was necessaryAmazoni and especially Lebanoni. In to continually overturn the idea that they were—“stuck”—or in a perpetual state of—“waithood”—on the streets (Hansen 2005; Honwana 2014; Som- mers 2012). around on overturned plastic drums at Amazoni late one afternoon. Along brand- Western washed items of mitumba clothing— adjacent fencing, just- shirtsbeen donated originally , and hats that had name jeans, oversized T- to be States, and Europe—were hanging up to dry, in Canada, the United always Ninja continued, “He’s the workday was over. changed into once called [by a potential customer working hard and comes quickly when he’s employer]: or we observed celebrated young men in particular, during adolescence that, aware a powerful Well place on the streets. and being in sense of belonging the city’s were a blemish on held that they and political opinion that public modernto cultivate a more attempts return image and should they home, articulatedfrequently violence, in the face of police to leave, even a refusal arrest, forms and various other and imprisonment, - of physical, psychologi the They felt that as young men they possessed injury. cal, and economic and psychological strength and physical flexibility, kinds of intelligence, to fight for life through informalthat were required labor in the crevices of the city (Callaci 2018).

- I’m well known not only in in only not known well I’m .

achieved) markers of adulthood, describing them as as describing them markers of adulthood, be achieved) Life at maskani could engender a more immediate sense of becoming immediate sense of becoming Life at maskani could engender a more I handle the microphone like Jay Z / .Z Jay like microphone the handle I .

similarly reflected in how maskani were named: by transposing placenames similarly reflected in how maskani were named: by transposing placenames men young Dar, streets of the onto Jungle Amazon the and Lebanon like demonstrated their grasp of, and situated themselves within, a worldly cartography. commiserating about life’s hardships (Kerr 2015, 2018; Weiss 2009), and 2009), and hardships (Kerr 2015, 2018; Weiss commiserating about life’s - tempo and marijuana, alcohol, in various pleasures—namely, indulging rary“mission” the from distract these to allowing girlfriends—without of fighting for life in Dar. emer- in a much wider world, powerfully symbolized by downtown Dar’s gent spaces of local and international wealth, which included the Range the 2009). There, 2013; Weiss Rover SUVs washed at Amazoni (Masquelier through music, fashion, and slang, global was imagined and engaged with owners, many of whom worked and through conversations with vehicle young men of downtown Dar, global spaces. In the maskani in the city’s by back- languages spoken in other phrases English and some picked up and memorized the lyrics packers, development workers, and researchers, open-air of out blared it as music African East and American latest the of hip- Shavu’s reflected in local is the into global of the The mediation bars. Amazoni in 2008. He had never hop lyrics above, which were recorded at himself through his music as a global but he positioned left Tanzania, citizen crossing international borders (Every day my audience is growing /. Bongoland / But also in the USA, UK, and South Africa up to Somalia). 2009), global imaginations were As has been observed elsewhere (Weiss freestyling, storytelling, mastery storytelling, that freestyling, hop demonstrating hip- through young men we followed similarly inhabited a social position defined by its by its position defined inhabited a social we followed similarly young men (yet-to- relation to inten the affective on the streets overlooks a state of waithood stuck or in of everyday animated the meantime sities that There, life at Amazoni. powerfula forwardof sense accomplished was mobility upward) not (if of particularthrough the cultivation masculinities and kinds of youthful around the skill, economy (Fuh 2012) that revolved an elaborate prestige the in life street navigate to able were men which with style and savvy, 2013) and fragile was a space of happenings (Masquelier present. Amazoni and affective opened up immediate economic, social, successes, which to particularpossibilities in addition At Amazoni, this kinds of futures. particular of becoming was engendered by more immediate sense kinds of and performancesgendered encounters that included the demonstration keeping money, make to ways finding in quick-wittedness and cunning of dress- of the ever-present threat of illness, and body strong in spite one’s despite limited at night and on the weekends ing in the latest fashion more immediate sense of becoming financial resources (Scheld 2007). A subtleties of Dar street slang and was engendered through mastering the nevertheless create meaningful selves and social spatial worlds. While the the While worlds. spatial social and selves nevertheless meaningful create

africa tdao y 64(3) 12 Bcinge om and Coming Undone on the Streets of Dar es Salaam africa tdao y 64(3) 13 D anya Fast and Eileen Moyer , and upward mobility, in Tanzania (Pitcher and Askew 2006), and Askew 2006), (Pitcher in Tanzania upward mobility, and , Khamisi interrupted, like a man. “When I finally have a real job, I’ll feel Then, I’ll feel like I have a real future.” underscoring that maskani are places in which dominant ideologies are in which dominant ideologies are underscoring that maskani are places manhood was defined as the both challenged and reproduced. Responsible and take on all the responsibili- ability to build a home and start a family, ties of domestic life. As Kisu reflected in 2007, “A man is someone who the of all with family the of head the He’s family. his of life the for fights money for his responsibilities. He has a house, food, money for his family, children—” Young men articulated a strongly held belief that, with enough hard Young eventually accruework in places like Amazoni, they would the financial to leave maskani and enter the and social capital that would allow them dreams for the future were remark- spaces of responsible manhood. Their ably ordinary narratives and reflected longstanding about hard work, self- sufficiency Coming Undone Coming Figure 2. [Left to right] 1. Today on the streets—nothing! Police are on Figure 2. [Left to right] 1. Today know how I will keep living like this. 2. This ugali everywhere. I don’t [maize porridge] it will provide the body with strength]. is no joke [because will share each piece with meat between us without interference from We This ugali has no blood [it has no others. 3. My friend, everything okay. is hunger]. Here we are serious about just a little will satisfy one’s and water, 2007. places. Cartoongetting ahead in this life: we are going by Evander, clothing mitumba clothing However, many of the men we we many of the men However, 10 talents; indeed, his skill was undeniable. undeniable. was skill his indeed, talents; Danya first met Shavu in 2008. He was introduced to her as one of Danya first met Shavu in 2008. He The youthful masculinities and more immediate formsThe youthful masculinities and more of becoming For at least one of the men who washed cars at Amazoni, everything at Amazoni, cars who washed of the men least one For at hop hip- impressive most Amazoni’s serious implications for those who were confronted with failure after years ofserious implications for those who were fighting for life in these places. Particularly for men who were in their early observedtwenties when this research began, we that a sense of belonging at immedi- positive affirmationAmazoni could shift over time from a of life’s confirmationate and future possibilities to a painful of social, spatial, and a sense of stagnation and, for some, economic marginalization, resulting in periods of psychic crisis and addiction. He quickly became a leader of our project that year, in part because of the He quickly became a leader of our project that year, respect he commanded from other youth, and in part because of his ability to speak English—enough, at least, to translate street slang for a neophyte When Danya returned Shavu Swahili speaker. to the field in 2009, however, It was clear that her. with to do little wanted and withdrawn noticeably was he no longer commanded respect from the other young men, and was only intermittently in attendance at Amazoni. Dotto was quick to fill Danya in: He had had Shavu had pursued his music career. during the previous year, followed found themselves accruingfollowed found themselves necessary only enough money to cover amount of alco- cigarettes, marijuana, and a small the daily costs of food, who found themselves in For youth hol, for reasons that we discuss below. we observed that the year after year, this situation month after month and maskani eventually began to shift, meanings and affective experiences of particularly reached and then passed the age they had as these individuals a home, getting married,associated with getting a “real job,” building and starting a family. embraced at maskani—working tirelessly at any available job, spending pleasure in alcohol, marijuana, and money on the latest fashion, and taking temporary girlfriends—were in many ways the antithesis of the becomings in the future. The worlds of maskani young men imagined for themselves of responsible manhood, which had were not easily reconciled with those articulated plans to save part of their earnings each day, which they which they articulated save part plans to of their earningseach day, in a small business—selling could eventually invest for portableof other a plethora or the city, of high-traffic areas in goods money for periods small number did successfully save example. Indeed, a onto their profits, security guard or shopkeeper to hold of time (by asking a servicesmobile money by using Tigo like recently, or more example, for invest those savings. Pesa) and eventually proceeded according to plan. By demonstrating a strong work ethic and ethic and a strong work By demonstrating according to plan. proceeded eventu- there, Chimo with vehicle owners social relationships building in an work owners and regular one of these loan from cash a ally secured optometry where he shop in the uswahilini he had opened a lab. By 2017, of the men we the exception. Most was His success, however, also lived. followed struggled capital accrued to translate any social and financial at lucrative employment opportunities.Amazoni into more They frequently

africa tdao y 64(3) 14 Bcinge om and Coming Undone on the Streets of Dar es Salaam africa tdao y 64(3) 15 D anya Fast and Eileen Moyer experiencing this kind of experiencing 11 day lives within narratives- of becom are common idioms for mental distress in several are common idioms too many thoughts Nodding, Ema added, “A youth who has gone crazy from confusion has gone crazy from confusion Nodding, Ema added, “A youth who confusion appeared to be For Shavu and others, going crazy from “When you have gone crazy from confusion, like Shavu, you feel so crazy from confusion, like Shavu, “When you have gone ing, even if their latest business scheme had failed. During Danya’s absence absence had failed. During Danya’s ing, even if their latest business scheme tried to startfrom 2008 to 2009, some other men had small businesses with lack their Despite time. over investment initial their of growing hope the of success, they remained optimistic about their futures, and their day-today lives continued to be characterized by a sense of forward momentum. was among the oldest of the young men we knew at Ama- Shavu, however, been partThis had zoni. of what had earned time, but it a him respect for and streets the from away move to desire his that meant have may also and economic worlds of responsible manhood was spatial, the social, into particularly acute. from the outside, it was often more closely defined as ceasing to pursue the defined as ceasing to pursue the from the outside, it was often more closely more immediate forms generated by life and work at maskani. of becoming of the men at Amazoni continued to What was interesting was that most have no problem placing their day-to- sioned for themselves in the future. But for those reflecting on the condition condition the on reflecting those for But future. the in themselves for sioned sleeps all the time.” He gestured impatiently for Baraka to pass him the the him pass to Baraka for impatiently gestured He time.” the all sleeps sitting around smoking too always cigarette they were splitting. “He’s alcohol with others who are like much marijuana and drinking too much in life.” The has no direction using heroin, cocaine. He that. Maybe he’s others murmured “He has given up on fighting for money,” in agreement. given the chance to work, but he even Omary explained. “Maybe he’s He has no success. the job properly. cannot follow directions and finish Everything someone who cannot do anything right. has gone wrong He’s for him.” the formsconnected to an inability to actualize of becoming they had envi- rettes and distributing them among the group. Eight of us were sitting around sitting were us of Eight group. the among them distributing and rettes from the lull in item of gossip was a welcome relief at Amazoni, and this men were more of the pace of business on a given day, business. Regardless wash. Those who Amazoni than there were cars to always hanging around cigarettes and passed the time by sleeping and smoking working weren’t from sight by the foliage at the small packets of marijuana while hidden back of the lot. bad, you cannot live,” Baraka explained dramatically, lighting three ciga- lighting Baraka explained dramatically, bad, you cannot live,” and work demonstrating that thinking too much anxieties, echoing previous having and Ekblad 2006; et al. 2009; Mains 2012; Okello African contexts (Johnson Patel et al. 1995). some success, being featured on two tracks that had become popular on local on popular that had become tracks on two being featured success, some a full-time artist. in becoming he had been unsuccessful radio, but The others his erraticinterpreted him, had he, like others before as a sign that behavior to the of life. According about the problems from confusion” “gone crazy research, a person were the focus of our men who psychic crisis is plagued by persistent and overwhelming is plagued by persistent psychic crisis thoughts and bad

- All the young men at Amazoni/IFM were adamant in distinguish- When Danya returned in 2013 after a four-year absence, Shavu to Dar after being demolished by the city council to make way for a Japanese-funded covered fish market. It had been renamed Ferry to because of its proximity terminalthe ferriesfor district. Kigamboni the Dar to downtown connecting granted his request, and he immediately left the maskani. He was barely out granted his request, and he immediately aside with a warningof sight when several others pulled Danya not to give confirmedThey ill, but insisted been indeed Shavu had that money. him addiction to heroin. Danya wondered that the cause of this illness was an returnto wanted Shavu perhaps if aloud drugs,off get to attempt an in home but the others insisted that he would stay in the city and spend the money they informed her with on heroin. He had been living at maskani Ferry, contempt. During her absence, Lebanoni had also moved and been renamed at IFM at one point in 2013 to ask Danya if she would buy him a bus ticket soat IFM at one point in 2013 to ask Danya he could return just outside of Mwanza. He said that he had to his hometown Danya needed to go home to recover. been seriously ill over the past year and longer there. In 2008, the foliage surrounding Amazoni had begun disappear ing because of encroaching construction; by 2013, Amazoni had been moved of its proximity to a college of the to a nearby lot and renamed IFM because was largely inhabited by the same same name. Despite these changes, IFM By 2013, their in 2007. at Amazoni first encountered group that Danya had the early thirties.ages ranged from the early twenties to Shavu did show up Figure 3. Baraka pretends to have gone crazy from confusion, and is Figure 3. Baraka pretends to have gone benefit of the camera. digging through a pile of garbage for the Photograph by Ninja, 2007. ing themselves from individuals who were spending all of their time at ing themselves from individuals who were spending all of their time at was no longer regularly present at Amazoni. In fact, Amazoni itself was no was no longer regularly present at Amazoni.

africa tdao y 64(3) 16 Bcinge om and Coming Undone on the Streets of Dar es Salaam africa tdao y 64(3) 17 D anya Fast and Eileen Moyer - - At maskani, young men’s lives were characterized by stiff competi- lives were characterized At maskani, young men’s For many of the young men we followed, life and work at maskani men we followed, life and work For many of the young [lit. ‘children of mother’, rich young people]. You feel confused. You feel confused. You mama [lit. ‘children of mother’, people]. You rich young want to walk along the street and see all the nice things in the shops. You them because you have no money. buy have those things, but you can’t And yet this is why we came here.” center, and those elsewheres from which they were physically and symboli and physically were they which from elsewheres those and center, cally excluded, were thrown into sharp relief. As Ninja lamented in 2007, a as if at Amazoni], staring at each other just sit there [at “Sometimes we nothing to do. Then we feel different from watoto wa television. There’s ing was sitting around at Amazoni with a sense of having nothing to do. a sense of having nothing to do. ing was sitting around at Amazoni with This assertionanthropologists showing that, in the con- echoes work by seems to derive from being both text of severe marginalization, boredom and Kerrunder- and overwhelmed 2017; Jervis, Shoveller, (Fast, Spicer, 2007; O’Neill 2014). More and Manson 2003; Mains 2007; Musharbash when young men feared these periods of stagnation, than malaria or HIV, present, and future could become a introspective thoughts about the past, source of overwhelming In these moments, tensions between confusion. appropriated maskani of the city the places of their childhoods, the youth boredom. In fact, men emphasized that the greatest assault to their wellbe boredom. In fact, men emphasized that tion for business and fights over precarious resources; police harassment, resources; police harassment, tion for business and fights over precarious arrest, and brutality varied in intensity depending on which gov- (which ernment every was in power); and, so often, bulldozers sent to clean up in that seem might It businesses. roadside demolishing by center city the as the elaborate prestige economy the midst of this relative chaos, as well room for periods of inactivity and described above, there would be little that it was oftentimes pleasurable, and even necessary, to go to these to go to these pleasurable, and even necessary, that it was oftentimes became husbands and fathers. Maskani places—until the time when they like Lebanoni/Ferry were made, but also were places in which wounds were alcohol, marijuana, and fleeting romances Distractions like cared for. a young man fighting for life on the appropriately embraced while one was a much-needed release from the hard- streets. In moderation, these provided helped ships—and intermittent and, paradoxically, of life in Dar, boredom— prevent young men from going crazy from confusion. ostracizing those who had gone crazy from confusion and had become and had become from confusion crazy gone had those who ostracizing intensive drugengaged in were These individuals and alcohol consumption. fanta- threatened the fragile but they perhaps bad for business, undoubtedly formssies and more immediate of forward momentum that were anchored to places like Amazoni/IFM. a them to balance on a knife-edge between maintaining seemed to require sense of forward This balancing momentum and sinking into stagnation. of places qualify their harsh condemnations act led them to consistently like Lebanoni/Ferry them with the explanation and those who inhabited Lebaboni/Ferry to which the extent like it, underscoring places and other were powerfully and coming undone becoming for this group spatialized often of Amazoni/IFM, policed the boundaries They aggressively of youth. After a while, Kindo added, with genuine longing, “People are so poor, longing, “People are so poor, After a while, Kindo added, with genuine At maskani—and in particular places like Lebanoni/Ferry—one way The anxieties that inform are experiences of coming undone at maskani evident among youth living in much of Africa and the world (Dhillon and 2011; Hansen 2005; Honwana 2014; Mains 2007; Masquelier 2013; Yousef 2016). Over the past several decades of neoliberal Sommers 2012; Wyrod globalization, the modernist thrown dream of inevitable progress has been into crisis. It is no longer a given that each generation does better than, or clothing. These were highly effective means of girlfriends, and mitumba clothing. These were highly effective regaining a more immediate sense of forward momentum in their lives, but they undercut plans to accrue kind of savings that would allow them to the move toward desired future-oriented forms of becoming. Leaving spending what little extra money they had on cigarettes, marijuana, alcohol, spending what little extra money they references fatigue that Figure 4. “A tiring state of affairs.” Choka mbaya is caused by having an abundance of unstructured time and no money, hard work. Note the confused as opposed to fatigue that is caused by marijuana he smokes to head, and the thoughts circling the young man’s deal with them. Graffiti art 2007. by Kindo, yet in this countrythis in yet drive to would like I cars. expensive many so are there one of those cars.” a sense of stagnation was by quickly that young men mediated boredom and

africa tdao y 64(3) 18 Bcinge om and Coming Undone on the Streets of Dar es Salaam africa tdao y 64(3) 19 D anya Fast and Eileen Moyer Over the ten years of Over the 12 , which he sold throughout Dar on foot. As his English his As foot. on Dar throughout sold he which mitumba, A fair number, however, did eventually leave Amazoni. Plans to leave to Plans Amazoni. leave eventually did however, number, fair A Other men left the city altogether. Just as they had left the places of Just as they had left the places of Other men left the city altogether. orphanage in the Kigamboni the in orphanage boys all- an at living began Ninja 2012, In Inspired by Ninja, Dotto relocated to Kigamboni, where he found workInspired by Ninja, Dotto relocated to Kigamboni, our research, many of the men we followed continued to engage in street- of the men we followed continued to our research, many enjoy in places like Amazoni and regularly based entrepreneurial activities like Lebanoni/Ferry. themselves in places messages men exchanged social media Young quietly. were usually made to work and places who promised them connections with contacts in other money for bus or a few days at least), and began saving a place to stay (for improved, he found work as an informal tour guide for a network of Chinese development workers. returnedDanya When stand. small a at chips potato selling 2014, in Dar to serious a of acquisition the was life Dotto’s in development exciting most the girlfriend, a recent high-school graduate named Carol, who spoke excellent rented room in in a small together English. The two of them were living for each month through his earningsKigamboni, which Dotto was paying that Danya would not mention his at the chips stand. After making sure her to Carol, making use of previous “street life,” Dotto proudly introduced his own rapidly improving English. differ- a for fighting of intention the with Dar to come and childhoods their of search in towns and cities smaller to went and city the left they life, ent a life that was far removed from the streets, and, in some cases, to recover from periods of psychic crisis and addiction. Shavu may or may not have been sincere in 2013 when he asked for help with a bus ticket to return home, but when Danya returned to Dar in 2017, the rumor was that he had recently recovered from his heroin addiction by going to Zimbabwe to live with relatives. Albo G returned a cocaine home in 2009 to recover from addiction. buying his spare time, he was eventually able to accumulate enough capital to beginhis spare time, he was eventually able district. In returnIn district. everythingdid he board, and room for bookkeeping from By continuing to do odd jobs in to helping the boys with their homework. train tickets. Despite their longstanding connections to places like Amazoni Amazoni like places to connections longstanding their Despite tickets. train little fanfare. moments of leaving involved equally and Lebanoni, actual be back the next day. to say good-bye as if they might often appeared Youth be gone. Despite generally know how long they would Indeed, they did not men had not yet accrued and the fact that these enough this uncertainty, these spatial flights capital to set up a home, get married, or start a family, life were highly meaningful, and or fixes to the growing anxieties of street fragile forms of becoming. they engendered new, even as well as, its predecessor (Comaroff and Comaroff 2000). For many of For many 2000). Comaroff and (Comaroff its predecessor well as, as even on the streets extends life and work of a city, inhabit the margins those who men from Amazoni/ only one of the the time of writing, At indefinitely. in accruing been successful IFM—Chimo—has of money and, the amount to set required kinds of social connections, the importantly, perhaps more . in the uswahilini businesses and homes up small into a small business selling clothes clothes selling business small a into By bringing into view this shifting geography of affect, we extend pre- Ninja eventually moved away from Dar. Against tremendous odds, he Against tremendous odds, away from Dar. Ninja eventually moved A few years after completing secondary completing years after A few borrowing Kindo began school, we would add, the impossible (de Boeck 2013: 95). Indeed, coming undone in we would add, the impossible (de Boeck 2013: 95). Indeed, coming undone in places like Lebanoni/Ferry own kinds was not passive, but generative of its of recognitions, happenings, and vital experiments. Experiences of going crazy from confusion were often mediated with excessive drug and alcohol use, which opened up new social relationships and a sensorium with its Conclusion and into adulthood on the streets of As they moved through adolescence men we followed were not stuck or in a state of perpetual wait- the Dar, (Kerr 2018) and elsewhere in Tanzania hood, as has been argued about youth life and work in 2012). Rather, (Hansen 2005; Honwana 2014; Sommers places like Amazoni/IFM provided a powerful sense of forward momentum, formsfuture-oriented and immediate more both engendering becoming. of as well as during moments of crushing inactivity As time passed, however, experiences of these places could and boredom, the meanings and affective equally generate a sense of Life at Amazoni/IFM could shift significantly. stagnation, and engender forms of coming undone that led some men to Others pursued relocate more permanently maskani like Lebanoni/Ferry. to they left maskani, or even the city more aggressive spatial flights and fixes: in an attempt to regain a sense of forward momentum in their altogether, everyday formscreate new Indeed, these moves did lives. of becoming, however fragile. vious work examining the ways that contemporary African men infuse the possible—and, the of politics urban generational and gendered a with city grew his initial investment in mitumba in investment initial his grew and then to Arusha first to Mwanza (his hometown) and CDs, and relocated In 2017, he informedto live and work with his younger brother. Danya that he expected to get married the next three years. within a friend’s laptop and using online tutorials posted on YouTube to teach him- to posted on YouTube using online tutorials laptop and a friend’s was and IFM at time spending stopped had he 2013, In design. graphic self supporting did work, though he still small-scale freelance himself through to Mbeya, where he left Dar and moved In 2014, own computer. not own his In terms a small business. he opened in needs, his life of meeting his basic than the one he had left behind. His earningsMbeya was no easier were often he and eventually the single room he rented monthly, not enough to pay for empha- he continued to Yet workspace. rented shared in his sleeping began want to be in that itself was highly meaningful. “I don’t size that this move he had ever he told Danya when she asked whether [street] life anymore,” considered returning may have allowed where a network of maskani to Dar, economic supporthim to access to more than he currently and odd jobs had “I want to grow up,” he told her repeatedly. access to in Mbeya.

africa tdao y 64(3) 20 Bcinge om and Coming Undone on the Streets of Dar es Salaam africa tdao y 64(3) 21 D anya Fast and Eileen Moyer - quite different from what Harvey what from different envisioned quite (2001) capitalism. Their spatial fixes were also often highly highly often also were fixes spatial Their capitalism. market The lives and places we trace in this articleThe lives and places in motion, were constantly “remain in suspension” (Biehl and Locke 2017a:4), resigned to the fact that “remain in suspension” (Biehl and Locke 2017a:4), resigned to the fact that fighting for life usually produced little in the way of material advancement. this state of affairs continues to be the norm, rather than the Unfortunately, and exception, for those who inhabit the margins of contemporary Tanzania similar African settings (Simone 2004). success. Alternatively, moves to places like Lebanoni/Ferry like places to moves to them allowed Alternatively, success. ment crackdowns on informal vending. Lives lived elsewhere, away from the hardship and boredom than that could be characterized by even greater city, these moves, men continued to experienced at maskani. And yet, through generate a powerful sense of forward momentum in their everyday lives—a sense of becoming—even when their efforts resulted in minimal financial precarious. Competition for work on the streets of Dar was fierce, and it precarious. Competition for work on laws, harassment, and arrests.was complicated by police violence, zoning constructionencroaching of because frequently moved Maskani governand are maskani— from away how space is used to defer the crises when he developed the concept to show free- in inherent (2007) points out in relation to his work with unemployed young men in (2007) points out in relation to his work enacted across time—from moving to Ethiopia, the spatial fixes that men like maskani between moving to maskani, at life for fighting and city the or at least to moving away from the city, Amazoni/IFM and Lebanoni/Ferry, veer off into unexpected directions” (Raikhel and Garriottveer off into unexpected directions” (Raikhel 2014:8). As Mains constantly in the process of becoming and coming undone. Here, we have constantly in the process of becoming used urban space, as well as particuattempted to make visible how youth - to “carvelar kinds of spatial flights and fixes, out life chances” (Deleuze youth, masculinities, and inequality 1997:3) from the shifting contours of structurethat “forces the both underscore we so, doing In 2007). (Mains and determine into well-worn social phenomena paths and those that maintain the contingency and indeterminacy of those paths, allowing individuals to own daily rhythms and routines. Going crazy from confusion in places like like in places confusion from Going crazy routines. and daily rhythms own Lebanoni/Ferry for life in places shared as fighting just as social and was learned at maskani, men Over time like Amazoni/IFM. from each other, - underscor in the city, and come undone put it, how to become as Mwinyi to be importantsets continue grades and age- ing that age- contexts for the experience in contemporarynegotiation of lived gendered African urban these observations,contexts. In making is not to fix categorical our goal 2009); rather, such as gender and generation (Noble frames of subjectivity that are con- and generation are social processes recognizing that gender the practices of everydaytinually remade through life in particular places times and places “we are interpellated, 2016), and that in different (Wyrod resources” in different ways, deploying different and subsequently identify, forms to capture attempted 2009:880), we have (Noble identification of inflected by age in relation to maskani, which are and life that emerge but not reducible to these or any other youth and masculinity, and gender, standard frames.

oung Y anzania T ica by the second second the ica by fr A s to roasted peanuts on peanuts on roasted s to D V D ar’s port, men who traverse the globe port, men who traverse ar’s D ica. means ‘to be disrupted (in the (in disrupted be ‘to means kuvurugwa oni, they would generally not stay long. long. stay not generally would they oni, one example, by 2013 this condition was was condition 2013 this by example, one fr ) ‘to fight for’ is perhaps a more perhaps more is a for’ fight ‘to kutafuta pesa ) A maz fieldwork in Eastern Eastern in fieldwork A s just A ) or money ( kutafuta money or maisha) S T third usage is as a noun, to refer to a person who engages in the daily hustle of the daily hustle a person who engages in to refer noun, to is as a usage third A w immensely popular throughout East w immensely popular throughout GMEN is derived from the English term ‘sailors’. It is a reference to the constant mobility of the constant to It is a reference ‘sailors’. the English term from is derived D hile young women might pass through through pass might women young hile as a possible colloquial translation of the Kiswahili kutafuta, verb translation fighting as a possible colloquial e use the word is derived from the English term ‘mission’. It can be used as an adverb, meaning It can be used as an adverb, ‘mission’. the English term from ishemeshe is derived espit and music more generally that originated in originated that hip- generally of Swahili distinctivehop and music more brand ocal street slang is constantly evolving. evolving. constantly is slang street ocal WLE W men among young but when used look for’, ‘to or search’ ‘to be glossed as which can literally head)’ or ‘to be messed up (in the head)’. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, the second author second the earlyand 1990s In 2000s, late the head)’. the (in up messed be ‘to or head)’ be caused to be ‘to , which can be glossed as kuchanganikiwa observed verb the passive that describe this affliction. used to was up (in the head)’, mixed is ‘to dis- ‘to is meaning of kuvuruga ); the literal (amevurugwa kuvurugwa described using the verb form, passive the in used When up’. mess ‘to or rupt’ and is no M to describe a well as a noun as ‘efficiently’, and ‘flexibly’, ‘readily’, ‘quickly’, of a combination “being on a the English phrase to period looking equivalent of time spent work, roughly for mission.” A Masela pass through on the big ships that those who work can with the aim of making this term Kerr (2015) suggests that and seeing the world. a living the case not generally but this was ‘thug,’ and ‘gangster’ with the English terms be equated in our context. looking work. for D find a satisfactory to yet term masculinities, let alone of the translation have we author, linguistic fluencye long-term and L accurate translation. Moyer (2003) has qualified this phrase further to refer to ‘fighting for a ‘fighting to further (2003) has qualified this phrase refer Moyer to translation. accurate meaningful life’. more W some where maskani who did spend time at Lebanoni, like places did so at usually Women men and women work. (gongo) and engaged in sex young Insold illicit alcohol general, 1996). (May activity of economic spheres downtown separate largely maintained with reference to life ( life to reference with cars, washing them, from to available based employment of street- forms men had various carryingto pirated everything selling shoes to to from loads, Kibassa and (Lugalla in bars and restaurants work usually found women but young foot, 2003). O

ES 4. 7. 1. 2. 3. 6. 5. OT CKN N A The authors wish to thank Kindo, Shavu, Ninja, Dotto, Ema, Mwinyi, Kisu, Mwinyi, Dotto, Ema, Ninja, Shavu, Kindo, thank to wish authors The people who and all the other young Albo G, Chimo, Baraka, Omary, Khamisi, in this article.are not named was supported This research by a European Danya Fast is supported Grant (647314). Council Consolidator Research by Award. for Health Research Scholar a Michael Smith Foundation

africa tdao y 64(3) 22 Bcinge om and Coming Undone on the Streets of Dar es Salaam africa tdao y 64(3) 23 D anya Fast and Eileen Moyer —a ersity anced anced ality of dv A empor uke Univ . Africa Saharan T D ham: anzania as a whole T ur D The Politics of Age and of Age . In Politics The ge ica World Press. World ica 51(3):vii–xxiv. Today ica. Africa ar and A fr fr D A elopment Economics Research, Research, Economics elopment A ersity Press. ev D ham. Santa Fe: School for School for Fe: ham. Santa ur D ersity Press. Growth and Poverty in Sub-Growth uke Univ enton, N.J.: N.J.: enton, D r ah ersity Press. T . olitical Models of ebor itizenship in East itizenship ham: uke Univ D ur guliar D D A uke Univ D research with a similar population over more than ten than ten more over a similar population with research p, eds. 2016. eds. p, ham: ar T ur outh and C ham: D Y esthetic and P ur outh described here were masculine. were outh described here A D k: St. Martin’s Press. k: Martin’s St. ham. 2008. Introduction: and the Globalization Age, Generation, and Time: Some Features of East African African of East Some and Time: Features Generation, 1978. Age, , eds. or he y Y ur T Figuring the Future: Globalization and the Temporalities of Children of Children Globalization and the Temporalities the Future: n Figuring D ah lmagor A ) generally becomes (kijana becomes ) generally youth for the Kiswahili word essarily gendered, McKay, and Finn Finn and McKay, Unfinished: The The . Unfinished: Anthropology of Becoming . 2017b. outh. I , edited by In by The , edited Unfinished: Anthropology of Becoming. Becoming n Negative Y ebor D O D E ndy , eds

T A . 2005. Introduction to ond author, in her long-term in ond author, —— W., and Uri W., . study focused exclusively on young men, and we are therefore unable to comment on comment to unable therefore are we and men, young on exclusively study focused T hile this group of young men did not regularly send money to rural relatives, they did relatives, rural to send money men did not regularly of young hile this group ur xf xf homas translates literally as ‘brain’, and is a colloquial term for for term and is a colloquial ‘brain’, as literally ongo translates he sec hough not nec T Press. by João Biehl and Peter Locke. Locke. João Biehl and Peter by João Biehl and Peter Locke. Locke. João Biehl and Peter years, has documented only three occasions when young men completely and successfully and successfully men completely when young occasions only three has documented years, and another Japan, from marriage woman a to from resulted these one of life; street exited Norway. from marriage a woman to from whether young women faced similar forms of psychic crisis; however, the young men we men we young the crisis; however, of psychic similar forms faced women whether young to related problem, going crazy as a gendered confusion viewed generally from followed dependents. for and an inability provide to of precarity city, in the forms gendered T W O frequently help each other out with small sums of money to cover the daily costs of food, food, of the daily costs cover to help each other out with small sums of money frequently of size the small However, fees. school case, Kindo’s in and, marijuana, alcohol, cigarettes, money among save efforts detract to from not significantly they did that these loans meant doing so. those who were Research Press. Research Children and Children and Cole Jennifer by , edited and Youth O Institute for World University Nations United ord: O Press. University ord . New Organizations Age B T . However, we were often able to get at a discussion of masculinities masculinities of discussion a at get often able to were we However, . masculinities responsible (Vaughan lis- as by 1983), such “sideways” it approaching by masculinities and responsible whole person a become it means to what about say had to our interlocutors what to tening use. through gendered becomes generally it gendered, is not phrase this While (mtu mzima). 2018). (Callaci in these settings for life fight to the ingenuity to required reference use. through gendered , edited by Mario by , edited in Africa Gerontocracy , and —

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D ’Neill kello, Elialilia, and Solvig Ekblad. 2006. Lay Concepts of Elialilia, and Solvig Concepts Ekblad. Lay 2006. kello, entwinement of globalization, health, and urban youth identities, with a spe entwinement of globalization, health, and urban youth identities, cial interest in the emergence of cosmopolitan socialities related to HIV. In 2015, she was awarded a European Research Council consolidator grant to gender-equality initiatives global-health between relationship the research and transformations quarter in urban African masculinities over the last jour- open-access the coedits Nguyen, she Kim with Vinh- Together century. nal Medicine Anthropology Theory. DANYA FAST is an assistant professor in the Department of Medicine at FAST DANYA a visiting fellow in the Departmentthe University of British Columbia, and Amsterdam. Since 2007, her research of Anthropology at the University of on how young people who inhabit the has focused in Canada and Tanzania and imagine their place in margins of urban space understand, experience, the city. EILEEN MOYER is an associate professor at the University of Amsterdam, which has research, Her anthropology. and medical urban in specializing taken place mainly in eastern and southern Africa, has focused on the ——— . in Urban Tanzania and Hip Hop Barber Dreams Shops: Global Fantasy 2009. Street Brad. Weiss, 2012. Scheld, Suzanne. 2007. 2007. Suzanne. Scheld, and Janet Seeley, E., Godfrey Siu, Patel, Vikram, F. Gwanzura, E. Simunyu, K. Lloyd, and K. Lloyd, Simunyu, E. Gwanzura, F. Vikram, Patel, O O Sommers, Marc. 2010. Urban Marc. Sommers, Robert. CityWyrod, 2016. AIDS and Masculinity. in the African Simone, Simone, Potts, Potts, Pitcher, M. Pitcher, Pype, Katrien. 2007. Fighting Boys, Strong Men and Gorillas: of Masculinities on the Imagination Strong Notes Boys, Katrien.Pype, 2007. Fighting Garriott. 2014. Introduction:William and Raikhel, Eugene,

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