Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University Transcript
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Amaechi Alex Ugwuja Abstract Nigeria's
SHADES OF AFRICAN VALUES AND INTERESTS IN NIGERIA’S INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: INVESTIGATING THE GAINS AND THE COSTS, 1960 – 2014 Amaechi Alex Ugwuja http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/og.v12i s1.3 Abstract Nigeria’s emergence as a player on the international theatre heralded myriad hope for the African continent. Consequently, Nigeria’s debut in the seemingly anarchical international system (I.S) was fastened to a philosophical praxis that centered unmistakably on African interests and values. However, findings in extant literature indicate that Nigeria has not gained commensurably in predisposing her international relations to be conditioned primarily by African interests and values. With the theoretical binoculars of the Constructivist Theory, and adopting the specific cases of Nigeria’s bilateral relations with Angola, South Africa and Ghana, this study investigates the gains and costs of contriving Nigeria’s International Relations (N.I.R) to be essentially based on African values and interests. The paper argues that ‘African values and interests’ as a philosophical praxis may have favoured Nigeria considerably in other domains but not in her International Relations (I.R); as indeed, “she gave and gave and in return got nothing”. The study does not only recommend the pressing need of dismantling, overhauling and reinventing the philosophical foundations of Nigeria’s I.R (as this has been proposed by some extant studies) but also the engagement of policies that ensure that the country recovers all she lost in her years of naivety in I.R. The study adopted the historical methodology which emphasizes critical analyses and interpretation of facts. Data for the study came largely through secondary sources and a few primary sources in the form of Government documents and confidential reports . -
The African Colonial Problem and the Quest for Political Solution: Analysis of Nigeria’S Roles at the United Nations
Asian Journal of Humanities and Social Studies (ISSN: 2321 – 2799) Volume 03 – Issue 04, August 2015 The African Colonial Problem and the Quest for Political Solution: Analysis of Nigeria’s Roles at the United Nations Aderemi Opeyemi Ade-Ibijola Department of Politics University of KwaZulu Natal, South Africa Email: ibjemm [AT] yahoo.com ______________________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT---- The paper examines the political roles played by the Nigerian state toward resolving the African colonial problem. It argues that Nigeria participated actively in the quest for political solution to the African colonial problem between the period of its own independence in 1960, and the formal democratic transition in South Africa in 1994.The paper analyses Nigeria’s political roles in the anti- colonial discourses in the United Nations and submits that these roles was pivotal in African decolonization struggle. ________________________________________________________________________________________ 1. INTRODUCTION The anti-colonial policy of the Nigerian state was one of the most consistently pursued policies in the country’s international relations history. From the time of its own independence in 1960 to the demise of apartheid and colonialism on the African continent in 1994, Nigerian successive governments (military/civilian) fought the colonial problem with varying degrees of vigour and temperaments although more on the diplomatic and political fronts.Consequently, the task here is -
Nigeria's Southern Africa Policy 1960-1988
CURRENT AFRICAN ISSUES 8 ISSN 0280-2171 PATRICK WILMOT NIGERIA'S SOUTHERN AFRICA POLICY 1960-1988 The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies AUGUST 1989 P.O Box 1703, 5-751 47 UPPSALA Sweden Telex 8195077, Telefax 018-69 5629 2 vi. Regimes tend to conduct public, official policy through the foreign ministry, and informal policy through personal envoys and secret emis saries. vii. Nigeria is one of only about five member states that pays its dues promptly and regularly to the OAV and its Liberation Committee, regard less of the complexion of the regime. viii. In most cases opposition to apartheid is based on sentiment (human ism, universalism, race consciousness) not on objective factors such as the nature of the economic system (part of western imperialism) and the military threat posed by the racist armed forces. 2. Abubakar Tafawa Balewa 1960-1966 Alhaji Sir Abubakar Tafewa Balewa was Prime Minister between October 1960 and January 1966. But he was subordinate to Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, Premier of the Northern Region and party leader of Tafawa Balewa's Northern People's Congress. The Sardauna's prime in terest was in the Moslem World of North Africa and the Middle East so that Southern Africa was not a priority area. In general policy was determined by the government's pro-Western stand. The foreign minister, Jaja Wachuck wu, was an early advocate of dialogue with South Africa. South Africa was invited to attend Nigeria's Independence celebrations. In the end it did not, due to pressure from Kwame Nkrumah and other progressive African leaders. -
Use of Propaganda in Civil War: the Biafra Experience. 1
USE OF PROPAGANDA IN CIVIL WAR: THE BIAFRA EXPERIENCE. PATRICK EDIOMI DAVIES A Thesis in the Department of International Relations The London School of Economics and Political Science Submitted to the University of London for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D) June 1995 1 UMI Number: U105277 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U105277 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 IH eS£ F 71 L\~L\-lo DC hOOrUftH- USE OF PROPAGANDA IN CIVIL WAR: THE BIAFRA EXPERIENCE. ABSTRACT This study examines the effect of propaganda in the Biaffan war. Nigeria, the show case of British colonial rule and Empire, and transfer to independence, was at the point of disintegration in 1967. A section of the country, the Eastern region had dared to do the unthinkable at that time, to secede. The British and Nigerian governments were determined that it would not happen. The break away region, which called itself Biafra was blockaded by land, air and sea, and starved of weapons and the means of livelihood. -
Rhetoric in Selected Speeches of Ọbafemi Awolọwọ and Moshood
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Lagos Journals Ihafa: A Journal of African Studies 8: 2 December 2016, 36-58 Rhetoric in Selected Speeches of Ọbafemi Awolọwọ and Moshood Abiọla Alaba Akinwotu Adekunle Ajasin University Abstract A number of extant studies have examined political rhetoric and propaganda. None of them, however, has explicitly examined the deployment of rhetoric by notable Nigerian political figures as representatives of different epochs in Nigeria’s political history. This paper investigates the communicative intentions and persuasive techniques employed in selected political speeches of Obafemi Awolowo and Moshood Abiola, two past political figures in Nigeria political history. It examines the deployment of political rhetoric in communicating intentions in the selected speeches with the view to examine the persuasiveness of the speeches and the influence of the speakers’ intentions on rhetorical choices. The study is driven by Aristotle’s theory of rhetoric. Findings reveal that the selected speeches are not only highly persuasive but they also employed two types of rhetoric, combat and tact. While tact is achieved through the use of ethos, pathos, logos, and structural parallelism to boost the self-image of the speakers, combat rhetoric is achieved through metaphor and linguistic elements with negative semantic connotations, direct command, and intertextual references that register the speaker’s aversion to an idea or event. Tact rhetoric is prominent mostly in pre-election speeches such as acceptance and campaign speeches while combat rhetoric is exclusive to post- election speeches which are more of protests/complaints. -
Contesting Multiculturalism Federalism and Unitarism in Late Colonial Nigeria
9 Contesting Multiculturalism Federalism and Unitarism in Late Colonial Nigeria Wale Adebanwi, University of Oxford This chapter examines the different approaches to multiculturalism among Nigeria’s three core and competing regions in the period of decolonization.1 The key questions that are confronted here in focusing on the contention over the nature and dynamics of multiculturalism in this era are these: Is multiculturalism the best way to deal with diversity in an emerging but divided (African) nation- state? Is multiculturalism antithetical to nation-building and mutual recognition of equal value among different ethnic-nationalities within African polities? What happens when multiculturalism simultaneously constitutes the basis of politi- cal architecture as well as the fundamental problem of political organization in a multi-ethnic state? I suggest that engaging with these questions can be helpful in understanding the unending political instability in contemporary African states caused largely by the unremitting antagonism between the constituent groups. The chapter explains the historical sociology of the politics of ethno-cultural diversity in Nigeria in relation to the struggle to construct a suitable political architecture for the governing of a vast country, an architecture that was strong enough to respond to as well as manage Nigerian’s diversity while ensuring unity. Generally, I suggest that contemporary problems in multi-ethnic postcolonial African states concern- ing the best approaches to national unity, diversity, party -
Nigerian Foreign Policy Trust 1960 – 1966
International Journal of March, 2019 Development Strategies in Humanities, Management and Social Sciences IJDSHMSS p-ISSN: 2360-9036 | e-ISSN: 2360-9044 Vol. 9, No. 3 Nigerian Foreign Policy Trust 1960 – 1966 1Lukpata Victor Ikong, A b s t r a c t 2Njoku Udochukwu & 3Ukamaka Judith Okafor ince independence, the guiding principle of Nigeria's 1&2 History and Diplomatic Studies foreign policy and the pursuit of its national interests, 3Department of Banking and in both its bilateral and its multilateral relations, have Finance, Federal University S remained a reflection of its perception of the international Wukari, Taraba State, Nigeria environment. A constant element that has remained central to Nigeria's foreign policy thrust has been Africa, with preoccupations concerning fighting colonialism, apartheid and the discrimination of black peoples in the African continent and elsewhere in the world. Moreover, in all of those endeavors, Nigeria seem to have focused more on its external relations with states and non-state actors alike. However, in 1988, Nigeria officially announced its commitment to economic diplomacy, a result of the lingering economic crisis and structural adjustment program at the time. This essentially led to not only certain shifts in the analysis of Nigeria's foreign policy after 1988, but also a recap that also triggered a review of current policies in the Fourth Republic. The focus of this article, Keywords: therefore, is “Nigerian foreign policy Thrust 1960 – 1979”. Independence, Qualitative approach was adopted as method of data Nigeria, Foreign collection and the findings manifests dynamism as a central Policy, National feature of Nigerian foreign policy over time. -
Evidence from Nigeria
UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title Extraneous Considerations to the Personality Variables in Foreign Policy Decision-Making: Evidence from Nigeria Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4pt5j44w Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 39(2) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Ojieh, Chukwuemeka Ojione Publication Date 2016 DOI 10.5070/F7392031111 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Extraneous Considerations to the Personality Variables in Foreign Policy Decision-Making: Evidence from Nigeria Chukwuemeka Ojione Ojieh Abstract The more general approach to assessing personality variables in foreign policy decision-making is to ascribe the motivation of decision makers to their personality traits. By so-doing, certain variables external to the human elements but which act as boost- ers through which the personality elements influence foreign policy decision-making, are often ignored. Through a historical analysis of idiosyncratic effects on Nigerian leaders’ foreign policies, this article establishes that even though personality elements perform well as explanatory variables in foreign policy analysis, they do not solely explain the variance in decision outcomes. They require other factors to activate their expression as foreign policy determinants. Keywords: Nigeria, foreign policy, decision-making, personality traits, extraneous considerations, kitchen cabinet Introduction Several factors influence foreign policy decision-making, and among them are the personality traits or idiosyncrasies of the deci- sion makers. The factor of personality-influence on foreign policy decision-making is hinged on the reasoning that, since the state is a reified concept and decisions are only made on its behalf by human beings, such decisions are bound to be coloured by the per- sonality traits of those officials in charge of statecraft. -
A History of the Republic of Biafra
A History of the Republic of Biafra The Republic of Biafra lasted for less than three years, but the war over its secession would contort Nigeria for decades to come. Samuel Fury Childs Daly examines the history of the Nigerian Civil War and its aftermath from an uncommon vantage point – the courtroom. Wartime Biafra was glutted with firearms, wracked by famine, and administered by a government that buckled under the weight of the conflict. In these dangerous conditions, many people survived by engaging in fraud, extortion, and armed violence. When the fighting ended in 1970, these survival tactics endured, even though Biafra itself disappeared from the map. Based on research using an original archive of legal records and oral histories, Daly catalogues how people navigated conditions of extreme hardship on the war front and shows how the conditions of the Nigerian Civil War paved the way for the long experience of crime that followed. samuel fury childs daly is Assistant Professor of African and African American Studies, History, and International Comparative Studies at Duke University. A historian of twentieth-century Africa, he is the author of articles in journals including Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, African Studies Review, and African Affairs. A History of the Republic of Biafra Law, Crime, and the Nigerian Civil War samuel fury childs daly Duke University University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia 314 321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi 110025, India 79 Anson Road, #06 04/06, Singapore 079906 Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge. -
The Anglo-Nigerian Defence Agreement 1958
A Post-Imperial Cold War Paradox: The Anglo-Nigerian Defence Agreement 1958-1962 1 Abstract As the recent and current French military interventions in West Africa have illustrated, France succeeded in establishing long-lasting security relationships with its former colonies during the transfer of power. In Britain’s case, by contrast, decolonisation was largely followed by military withdrawal. This was not, however, for lack of trying. The episode of the Anglo-Nigerian Defence Agreement clearly illustrates that Britain, driven by its global Cold War military strategy, wanted to secure its long-term interests in Sub-Saharan Africa. The agreement was first welcomed by the Nigerian elite, which was not only anglophile and anti-communist, but also wanted British military assistance for the build-up of its armed forces. Yet in Nigeria, the defence pact was faced with mounting opposition, and decried as a neo-colonial scheme. Whereas this first allowed the Nigerian leaders to extract strategic, material and financial concessions from Britain, it eventually led to the abrogation of the agreement. Paradoxically, Britain’s Cold War grand strategy created not only the need for the agreement, but also to abrogate it. In the increasingly global East-West struggle, the agreement was strategically desirable, but politically counterproductive. Keywords Britain, Nigeria, Anglo-Nigerian Relations, West Africa, Cold War, Defence, Transfer of power, Post-imperial, Neo-colonialism, Non-alignment 2 A Post-Imperial Cold War Paradox: The Anglo-Nigerian Defence Agreement, 1958-1962 Since decolonization, France has repeatedly intervened militarily in its former Sub-Saharan African colonies, most recently in Côte d’Ivoire, Mali, and the Central African Republic. -
Foreign Policy Strategy of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1960-2012: the Missing Link
Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy June 2016, Vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 21-38 ISSN: 2333-5866 (Print), 2333-5874 (Online) Copyright © The Author(s). All Rights Reserved. Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development DOI: 10.15640/jirfp.v4n1a2 URL: https://doi.org/10.15640/jirfp.v4n1a2 Foreign Policy Strategy of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1960-2012: The Missing Link Kia, Bariledum1, Nwigbo, Tambari S.2, & Ojie, Peter Abang3 Abstract The study examined Nigeria Foreign Policy from 1960-2012. The objective was to find out whether there is any change in foreign policy orientation among the various regimes or administrations within the period of study. The method of study employed was historical and descriptive research study methods. To this end, the analysis was done thematically and the results or findings show that the logic and the instrumentality of domestic development linkage theory in foreign policy is virtually lacking in Nigerian foreign policy behaviour. This is because Afrocentric foreign policy commitment overwhelmingly overshadows domestic reality. Although the Obasanjo’s and Jonathan’s economic diplomacy try to aligned the nation’s economic reality (The NEEDS policy and Transformation agenda) with her international interaction, however, much of the foreign policy resources were not deployed to bear on the welfare of the citizenry hence, the current economic crisis in the country. Based on this, the study recommends a paradigm shift of using foreign policy as an instrument for the revitalizations and the diversification of the nation’s economy to engineer national development. Key Words: Foreign Policy, Discourse. Introduction The history of Nigeria’s diplomatic practice has been in the making shortly before the country’s independence. -
The Nigerian Civil War 9
THE NIGERIAN CIVIL WAR 9 Chapter One the nigerian Civil War When the British granted nigeria independence in 1960 they left behind a federal structure that helped polarize nigerian politics, by dividing nigeria into three regions that represented the three largest ethnic groupings in the country. this, combined with the inability of the nigerian political elites to compromise, destroyed what little hope remained of effective cooperation between the central and the regional governments.1 as the political system fell apart, nigeria’s military elite took matters into their own hands. in the early hours of January 15, 1966 a group of young nigerian army officers (mostly ibos from the country’s southern region), instigated a bloody coup to end the nigerian politicians’ corrupt ways. the prime Min- ister, Sir abubakar tafawa Balewa, was killed along with Chief akintola the Minister of Finance and the governor of nigeria’s western region (one of three ethnic regions). a number of senior army officer were also killed, but the army commander, an ibo, general ironsi, escaped. ironsi swiftly moved to crush the “Majors Coup” by initiating his own coup within a coup by pressuring the nigerian cabinet to hand over all political powers to the army.2 ironsi then attempted to get rid of nigeria’s federal constitutional structure in favor of a unitary state. the hausas of the north perceived these actions as an attempt by an ibo dominated military government to diminish the hausas’ status. throughout May and June of 1966 there were widespread anti-ibo riots in the north. the January “Majors Coup” had also created a deep sense of loss amongst northern nigerian nCOs and soldiers since most of their northern officers were killed in the coup.