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A HISTORY MEDIBVBL POLITICAI, THEORY IN THE WEST SIR R. W. CARLYLE, I<.C.S.I., C.1.E. AND A. J. CARLYLE, MA., I).LITT. LELPUXEII. IY POLllILY (LAlK FILIOW) 01 UYIVI KSIIY COLLEG* , LhLTURbR IN I01 11 ICS AND ECONOMICS OF LINCOLN CO1 LEOE , nORBIrh IIEMBLR OF THZ LlOYAL YOCILTY U) YAPLL& THE POLITICAL TlIEORY OF THE ROMAN LAWYERS AND THE CtlNONIS'lS, FROM THE TENT11 CENTURY TO lHE THIRTEENTH CENfl'URY BY A. J. CARLYLE, h1 A, D.LITT. THIRD IMPRESSION WILLIAM BLACI<WOOD & SONS LTD. EDINBURGH AND LONDON MCML Prtnled tn Great Drttatlt All Rzghts reserved PREFACE TO VOLUME 11, WITH this volume we begin the treatment of the political theory of the great period of the Middle Ages, our first volume having really the character of an introduction to this. The materials have, on closer examination, proved to be so large and complex that we have been compelled to devote a whole volume to the political ideas embodied in the two great systems of law which are derived directly from the ancient world. I have felt very keenly how difficult and dangerous a thing it is for a student of history, who has no technical legal braining, to deal with those great juristic documents ; and indeed I should have felt much hesitation in presenting the result of this work to the public if it had not been for the great kindness of a number of scholars eminent in the civil and the canon law. I must therefore express my most sincere thanks, first to Professor Fitting of Holle, Professor Meynial of Paris, and Professor Vinogradoff of Oxford, who have very kindly read the proofs of the first part of this volume: and secondly, to Professor Andrea Galante of Innsbruck, who has been so kind as to read the proofs of the second part. viii PBEFACE. PREFACE. iX Those eminent scholars are in no way responsible for G. Pescatore, ' Kritische Studien auf dem Gebiet der Civilistischen the judgments which I have expressed, but I am under Litteriirgeschichte des Mittelalters.' J. Flach, ' Histoire du Droit Romaiii au Moyen Age.' the greatest obligation to them for a great many most P. Stintzing, ' Geschichte der Populkren Literatur dos Romischen und valuable corrections, emendations, and suggestions. Kanonischen Rechts.' Every historical scholar who knows how great is the J, F. von Schulte, ' Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur des mass of unprintcd material, especially in the canon law Kanonischen Rechts.' of the twelfth century, will feel that a treatment based F. Maassen, 'Geschichte der Quellen und der Literatur des only upon printed sources is necessarily incomplete. It canonischen Rechts.' A. Galante, ' Fontes juris canonici selecti.' is with great regret that we have been compelled by E. Friedberg, ' Corpus juris canonici.' the scope of our work to limit ourselves in this way: E. Fournier, " Yves de Chartres et le Droit Canonique," in 'Revue we venture to think that the material is sufficient to des Questions Historiques,' vol. Ixiii. justify such conclusions as have been drawn. It was 9s "Les Collections de Canons attribubs a Yves de Chartres," with still greater regret that I found myself unable to in ' Bibliothi.que de 1'~coledes Chartes,' vol. lvil. Gierke, ' Das Deutsche Genossenschaftsrecht,' of which a part is use some very important printed material for the civil law, translated by F. Maitland. and especially Placentinus' treatise on the Code, and Azo's "Lectura" ; but no copies of these works are apparently A. J. CARLYLE, to bc found in England, and I have been unable to go to Paris to consult them. OXFORD,April 1909. It would be a difficult matter to make a complete list even of the more valuable modern works which deal with the various aspects of the civil and canon law in the Middle Ages, but the following are among the most important :- F. K. von Savigny, ' Geschichte des romischen Rechts in Mittel- alter.' H. Fitting, ' Die Anfange der Rechtschule in Bologna.' )) ' Juristische Schr~ftendos friiheren Mittelalters.' ,, Irnerius, ' Summa Codicis ' (Summa Trccensis). ,, Irnerius, ' Qu~stionesde Jurls subtilltatibus.' S. Brie, ' Die Lehrc vom Gewohnheitsrecht.' M. Conrat, ' Geschichte dor Quellen dcs Romisches Rechts im Mit- telalter.' E. Besta, ' L'Opera d'Irnerio.' CONTEPI'TS OF THE SECOND VOLURIE, INTRODUCTION. Summary of conclusions of first volume, l-in the Middle Ages we have to take account of influence of ancient jurisprudence, of canon law, and of tlie contemporary circumstances of Europe, 2-influence of Aristotle does not commence till thirteenth century, 2-advantage of beginning with study of law, 2. PART I. THE POLlTICAL THEORY OF THE ROMAN LAWYERS OB THE MIDDLE AGES TO ACCURSIUS. CHAPTER I. THE THEORY OF LAW. LEQUITAS AND JUSTICE Influence of Ronlan Law in early Middle Ages, 5-question as to extent of systematic study of the subject duiing these centuries, 6--political theory of civilians founded on Justinian's law books, 6-definitions of cequitas and justitia, 7. CHAPTER 11. THE THEORY OF JUS. Definilions of jlcs and its relations to justice and tequilas, 13-ambiguity as to meaning of cequilaa, 16-how Ear cau ]us adequately represent justice, 19 -distinction between the divine and tlie human justice, 19-definitior.8 of jvs by Irneriu~,I'lacentlnus, and Azo, 22-law represents the applica tion of principles of justice to the actual circumstances of life, 26. xii CONTENTS. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I11 CHAPTER VIII. THE THBORY OF NATURAL LAW THE THEORY OF THE RELATIONS OF THE ECCLEBIASTIOAL AND The tr~partltetheory of law, 28-uncertamty of rneanlng of Nztnral Law in BECULAR POT%ERS anc~entjul~sts, 29-civ~l~ans somct~mes interpret it in the sense of Ulp~an5 Clvll~anshold that secular power 1s sacred, but recognise the existence along definltlon, 29-hzo S lecognlhon of the f~ctt11at the phrase may be used s~deof ~t of another stcred autho~~ty,that of the Chuich, 76-the relat~on In mzny senses, 30-011 the nhole the LIVI~IL~Suse the phrase to descrlbe of the secular law to the Scr~ptures, 78-to the canon lam, 79-the a hod) of invlolablc rnor ~l prlnc~ples,31 - d~fficultythat some ~nstltutlons relat~onof the seculzr soc~etyto the eccleslast~cal,the ~n~inuuitiesof the are accepted as val~dwhich are contrary to ~t,33 clergy, 81-the laity subject to Churcl~courts, but the pimes must he present, 86-authority of b~shopto lnteirene in seculax cases to secure CHAPTER IV. ju~tice,87-the appointment of b~shops,90. THE THhORY OF SLAVERY. An lnst~tutioncontrar to jus ~zaturale,34-belongs to jus gentturn or czvzle, 35 -the civ~li111s cwl~on the tendency to u~~tlgdtetlie condltiol~sof slavery, 36-the asc~zpt%tzusIS .t tree man, but selvus glebe, 39. THE POLITIOAL THEORY OF THE CANON LAW TO THF MIDDLE CITAPTER V OF THE THIRTEENlH ChNTURY THE FHB ORY OF PROP1 RTY. CHAPTER I. Dtfference betmeen the anc~ellt~ur~sts and the Cll~~si~anFathers about thls, 41-media\al civilians wajer betwcen the two tracl~tiou~,42-s(lnle l~old INTRODUOTION that property is an ~nst~tutiouof 32~s natl~rule,some that it is not, 42- the c~v~lia~isexplaln the existence of institutions cont~sryto yw naturale, Advantages of study of canon law apart from other ecrlesiastical wr~tings,93 as related to a ditference betmcen the pi~mav~lor natural, ancl the actual -sources of tlie canon law, 93-collect~ons from the nlnth century to the or conventional, 49 thirteenth, 94 CHAPTER V1 CHAPTER 11. THI. THEORY 01 TIIF JUS ClVILE AhD CUSTOM THE THEORY OF LAW IN GENERAL Meaning of tile te~In Icr 111 the c~~~l~ans,50-all c~v~llitnshold thzt custom 1 as Derived from Rowan law through St Isldore, 96- defi~~itlonof nature of law or once had the force of Inn, 52-Aro s tests for recognising a legslly In Ivo, 96-nature of Gratian S work, 97-law, divine and natural, or valld custom, 54 human and customary, 98 CHAPTER V11 THE SOURCE OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY CHAPTER I11 The ancient jurists held that the Roman populus uas the source of all pol~tlcal THE lHEORY 01 NATURAL LAW auttlor~t), 56-authority founded upon the natural reldt~onbetueen the unzversztus and ~tsmembers, 57-the autliority of the empeior derived Definit~onsof this by Orat~aiiand Rufinua, and distinction between theory of from the Roln in people, he is the11 vlcar, 58-elect~on of the Senate by cauonists and the lcgzstzca tradztzo, 102-Stephen polnts out that the the ltoman people, 59-quest~on whether the people retain any author~t~, phrase may be ured in many senaes, 104-~t 1s supreme over all otllel either dlrectly or by means of their custom, 59 -the civilians divided, 60 sjstems of law, 105-contamed in "law anrl Gospel," 106-how 16 ~t, -theory of the civ~llansas to the method of leg~slationby the emperor, then, that part of the "law" is now set aslde 7 109-difficulty about 67-question of limltatlons upon imperial authority, 80-relation of rnqt~tut~ons,such as p~operty,which are contrary to ~t,110-dlfficlilty emperor to pr~vateproperty, 72-view that rev~vedstudy of Roman law met by Rufinus, by analys~sof jus naturale Into commands, prohib~tions, was unfa\ou~ableto political hberty needs revlslon, 74 and demonstratzones, 11 1. UONTENTS. CONTENTS. CHAPTER IT. CHAPTER IX. THE JUS CIENTIUJ. THE THEORY OF TEE CANON I Am. Parb of customary lam of mankind, 114-consists of those universal cuatoms Poss~bleuncerta~nties wltlnn canon lax about tins, 160-statements before wh~charose when men first began to dwell together, 114.
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    65 Simona Negruzzo THE ARCHIGINNASIO, THE SEat OF THE UNIVERSITY OF BOLOGNA IN MODERN TIMES The Alma Mater Studiorum of Bologna, believed to be the first university in the Western world, began its life towards the end of the 11th century, when the masters of grammar, rhetoric and logic opened a school of juridical studies. Thereafter, teaching independent of the ecclesiastical schools became rooted in the city and the school became famous beyond its borders due to some of its most illustrious masters, such as the glossarist Irnerius and his disciples and followers (Bulgarus, Martinus Gosia, Jacobus and Hugo de Porta Ravennate).1 Originally, the free collectio of funds among the disciples guaranteed the teaching. However, there was no regular method of financing until the municipality of Bologna assumed responsibility for the costs and thereby stabilised the city’s schools; Frederick Barbarossa also moved to protect the young institution with an Imperial Constitution (1158) that was supposed to safeguard the teaching from the intrusion of external authorities and scholares who were travelling for reasons of study. Moreover, the students themselves gained strength based on their origins: on the one hand, there was the Citramontani (from near the Alps on the Italian peninsula, but not the Bolognese, Lombards, DOI: https://doi.org/10.12697/BJAH.2018.15.06 A special thanks to Ilaria Maggiulli and Ugo Dovere. 1 Cf. Enrico Spagnesi, Wernerius Bononiensis iudex. La figura storica d’Irnerio (Firenze: Olschki, 1970). 66 SIMONA NEGRUZZO Tuscans or Romans), and on the other, the Ultramontani (non-Italians living beyond the Alps, including the French, Spanish, Provencal, English, Picards, Burgundians, Normans, Catalans, Hungarians, Poles, Germans, etc.).