The Meaning and Scope of the Law of Nations in the Context of the Alien Tort Claims Act and International Law
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Ius Militare – Military Courts in the Roman Law (I)
International Journal of Sciences: Basic and Applied Research (IJSBAR) ISSN 2307-4531 (Print & Online) http://gssrr.org/index.php?journal=JournalOfBasicAndApplied --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Ius Militare – Military Courts in the Roman Law (I) PhD Dimitar Apasieva*, PhD Olga Koshevaliskab a,bGoce Delcev University – Shtip, Shtip 2000, Republic of Macedonia aEmail: [email protected] bEmail: [email protected] Abstract Military courts in ancient Rome belonged to the so-called inconstant coercions (coercitio), they were respectively treated as “special circumstances courts” excluded from the regular Roman judicial system and performed criminal justice implementation, strictly in conditions of war. To repress the war torts, as well as to overcome the soldiers’ resistance, which at moments was violent, the king (rex) himself at first and the highest new established magistrates i.e. consuls (consules) afterwards, have been using various constrained acts. The authority of such enforcement against Roman soldiers sprang from their “military imperium” (imperium militiae). As most important criminal and judicial organs in conditions of war, responsible for maintenance of the military courtesy, were introduced the military commander (dux) and the array and their subsidiary organs were the cavalry commander, military legates, military tribunals, centurions and regents. In this paper, due to limited available space, we will only stick to the main military courts in ancient Rome. Keywords: military camp; tribunal; dux; recruiting; praetor. 1. Introduction “[The Romans...] strictly cared about punishments and awards of those who deserved praise or lecture… The military courtesy was grounded at the fear of laws, and god – for people, weapon, brad and money are the power of war! …It was nothing more than an army, that is well trained during muster; it was no possible for one to be defeated, who knows how to apply it!” [23]. -
General Considerations Regarding the Historic Evolution of Roman Law
LawGeneral Review considerations vol. VII, regarding special issue,the historic December evolution 2017, of p.Roman 5-11 Law 5 GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS REGARDING THE HISTORIC EVOLUTION OF ROMAN LAW Cristinel-Ioan MURZEA Professor, PhD Faculty of Law “Transilvania” University of Braşov [email protected] Abstract The historic evolution or Roman law was in a determination relation with the factors which configure law, especially the social-political ones or the economical ones, but also those which pertain to the natural background in which Roman society evolved, thus passing from the citadel-state to the “polis” type of state and then to the universal state - the Roman empire - which would later become a model of political, military and legal organization for the entire antic world. Roman law was created in the history of the eleven centuries of existence or the Roman state which passed several stages of development, excelling in the classical age when, given the great reforms which are performed under the direct influence of the praetorian, the main legal magister, certain principles and legal institutions are created which proved to be viable across the centuries to follow, thus directly influencing the subsequent legislative activity in the modern and contemporary age in the European space. Keywords: positive law, factors which configure law, legal magister, the ages of Roman law, praetorian law, praetor’s edict The generic classification of law in the category of those disciplines which study society seen in its dynamics and historic evolution, has caused famed personalities of Roman jurisprudence to state that “where there is society, there is also law – ubi societas ibi Jus”1 an aphorism which allowed for reciprocity according to which – ubi jus ib societas2. -
Using Roman Law to Test the Validity of Livy's Caudine Forks Narrative
A Legal Interpretation of Livy's Caudine Sponsio: Using Roman Law to test the validity of Livy's Caudine Forks Narrative Michael Aston Although much has been written about Livy's account of the defeat of a Roman army at the hands of the Samnites at the Caudine Forks in 321 B.C., commentators do not agree as to whether the account describes an historical event. This paper offers a new approach to the problem, by analyzing the legal form and content of the sponsio (agreement) that acts as the backbone of Livy's narrative. The body of the paper analyzes Uvy's sponsio in detail, from a legal perspective. The analysis leads to the conclusion that U\y based his narrative upon the sponsio of Roman civil law. Since it is unlikely that the Romans and Samnites conducted their agreement on the basis of Roman private law, it is concluded that the events at the Caudine Forks are either fictional, or did not happen as LJvy describes them. Livy's account of the stunning Roman defeat at the Caudine Forks in 321 B.C. and the ensuing settlement is exciting and dramatic. But is it more than a well told story? Is it possible to prove or disprove Livy's account? The details of the Roman defeat recounted by Livy are well-known: a Samnite army under Gaius Pontius trapped a Roman army, under the command of consuls Spurius Postumius Albinus and Titus Veturius Calvinus, at the Caudine Forks.1 The Romans and Samnites subsequently reached an agreement (sponsio), whereby the Samnites proposed release of the captured army in exchange for a treaty of peace and Roman withdrawal from Samnite territory. -
Flavius Athanasius, Dux Et Augustalis Thebaidis – a Case Study on Landholding and Power in Late Antique Egypt
Imperium and Officium Working Papers (IOWP) Flavius Athanasius, dux et Augustalis Thebaidis – A case study on landholding and power in Late Antique Egypt Version 01 March 2013 Anna Maria Kaiser (University of Vienna, Department of Ancient History, Papyrology and Epigraphy) Abstract: From 565 to 567/568 CE Flavius Triadius Marianus Michaelius Gabrielius Constantinus Theodorus Martyrius Iulianus Athanasius was dux et Augustalis Thebaidis. Papyri mention him explicitly in this function, as the highest civil and military authority in the Thebaid, the southernmost province of the Eastern Roman Empire. Flavius Athanasius might be not the most typical dux et Augustalis Thebaidis concerning his career, but most typical concerning his powerful standing in society. And he has the benefit of being one of the better- known duces et Augustales Thebaidis in the second half of the 6th century. This article will focus first on his official competence as dux et Augustalis: The geographic area(s) of responsibility, the civil and military branches of power will be treated. Second will be his civil branch of power; documents show his own domus gloriosa and prove his involvement with the domus divina, the estates of members of the imperial family itself. We will end with a look at his integration in the network of power – both in the Egyptian provinces and beyond. © Anna Maria Kaiser 2013 [email protected] Anna Kaiser 1 Flavius Athanasius, dux et Augustalis Thebaidis – A case study on landholding and power in Late Antique Egypt* Anna Maria Kaiser From 565 to 567/568 CE Flavius Triadius Marianus Michaelius Gabrielius Constantinus Theodorus Martyrius Iulianus Athanasius was dux et Augustalis Thebaidis. -
Part I Prolegomena
Part I Prolegomena Chapter I The Evolution towards a New Jus Gentium: The International Law for Humankind I. The Historical Emergence of Jus Gentium Jus gentium (of Roman law) had its origins in private law,1 having subsequently entered also the realm of the conceptual universe of the law of nations.2 It origi- nally consisted of common principles governing legal relations in general. Grad- ually the concept of jus gentium was enlarged, so as to encompass what came to be known as the general principles of law.3 In the XVIth century, Francisco de Vitoria conceived the new jus gentium of his days as governing the relations of all peoples (including the indians of the new world) and individuals, in conditions of independence and juridical equality, pursuant to a universalist outlook (totus orbis). In a world marked by diversifi cation (of peoples and cultures) and plural- ism (of ideas and cosmovisions), the new jus gentium secured the unity of the societas gentium.4 It could not possibly be derived from the “will” of its subjects, but rather based on a lex praeceptiva, apprehended by human reason. In Vitoria’s view, jus gentium was applicable to all peoples and human beings (even without the consent of its addressees); societas gentium was the expression of the funda- mental unity of humankind, wherefrom jus gentium ensued, and provided the juridical basis (deriving from a lex praeceptiva of natural law) for the totus orbis, 1 On the concept of jus gentium in classic Roman law, cf., e.g., Gabrio Lombardi, Ricerche in Tema di “Ius Gentium”, Milano, Giuff rè, 1946, pp. -
The Praetor As a Promoter of Bonum Commune
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Jagiellonian Univeristy Repository The praetor as a promoter of bonum commune Franciszek Longchamps de Bérier Abstract. – The common good is the reason why political authority exists, the reason why the state exists. This is clearly visible today, and it was also clearly visible to the Romans. The praetor’s work represented par excellance the actualization of the common good under specific conditions and for particular persons. The praetor was endowed with powers which ensured autonomy of action in Rome, limited only by the one-year-long term of office, or an objection by members of the magistracy. He was to act for the benefit of his fellow citizens as a group, and enhance their relationship with the civitas as well as among the citizens themselves. It was only in the latter sphere that he began to play an important role in the protection of private rights. The urban praetor combined all three spheres, which led to the emergence of ways for resolving and settling conflicts, thus improving conditions for the development of individuals within the State, understood as a community of citizens. The claim that the praetor promoted the common good that way – being both predestined and empowered to do so – results from an attempt at identifying the values behind legal solutions. It is not enough to establish what functions were performed by the magistrate and what tools he had at his disposal. It appears 217 that the quintessence of the mission the praetor was entrusted with was promotion of the common good – the way, naturally, it was understood by him and his fellow citizens understood it. -
Sions. This Was a Reference to the Truly Anti-Slavery Royal Edict of August 2, 1530, See (Vi) (4) Above
sions. This was a reference to the truly anti-slavery Royal edict of August 2, 1530, see (vi) (4) above. And so the Pope writes to the Cardinal to say that although the Indians are non-Christians, they have not been deprived [i.e. by a juridical act of the Papacy] of their freedom or of ownership of their own possessions, nor are they to be deprived of these. They are not to be exterminated by slavery, but are to be invited to Christian life by preaching and example. The Cardinal is commanded by the Pope to provide an effective defence for the Indians in this matter, and to forbid all Spaniards to reduce the Indians into slavery by any means whatsoever or deprive them of their possessions in any manner, under pain of excommunication if they do so.(1M) The Pope clearly approved the Royal edict which had prohibited enslavement of American Indians by any one of the titles of Roman civil law. But the Pope had evidently not been informed that this Royal edict had already been abrogated on February 20, 1534, by a subsequent edict which had once more authorized the enslavement of Indian prisoners captured in just warfare, (vi) (4) above. Charles V was irritated by the Papal Brief to the Cardinal, and advised the Pope to annul it, since it was injurious to the Imperial right of colonization and harmful to the peace of the Indies. So Pope Paul III duly annulled Pastorale Offidum on June 19, 1538, by the Brief Nonlndecens Videtur.aM) Meanwhile, however, four days after writing Pastorale Offidum to the Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, Pope Paul III on June 2,1537, addressed <"•> Brief Pastorale Offidum. -
Origin of the Twin Terms Jus Ad Bellum/Jus in Bello
Origin of the twin terms jus ad bellum/jus in hello by Robert Kolb The august solemnity of Latin confers on the terms jus ad helium and jus in bello1 the misleading appearance of being centuries old. In fact, these expressions were only coined at the time of the League of Nations and were rarely used in doctrine or practice until after the Second World War, in the late 1940s to be precise. This article seeks to chart their emergence. The doctrine of just war The terms jus ad bellum and jus in bello did not exist in the Romanist and scholastic traditions. They were unknown to the canon and civil lawyers of the Middle Ages (glossarists, counsellors, ultramontanes, doctors juris utriusque, etc.), as they were to the classical authorities on international law (the School of Salamanca, Ayala, Belli, Gentili, Grotius, etc.). In neither period, moreover, was there a separation between two sets of rules — one ad bellum, the other in bello.2 Robert Kolb is preparing a doctorate in international law at the Graduate Institute for International Studies in Geneva; his thesis is entitled La bonne foi en droit international public (Good faith in public international law). Original: French 1 Jus ad bellum refers to the conditions under which one may resort to war or to force in general; jus in bello governs the conduct of belligerents during a war, and in a broader sense comprises the rights and obligations of neutral parties as well. 2 P. Haggenmacher, Grotius et la doctrine de la guerre juste, Paris, 1983, pp. -
PDF, Formato B5
Lucha de clases y quiebra de la legalidad constitucional en la Roma tardorrepublicana Madrid Octubre de 2019 Publicaciones Jurilog Lorenzo Peña y Gonzalo LUCHA DE CLASES Y QUIEBRA DE LA LEGALIDAD CONSTITUCIONAL EN LA ROMA TARDORREPUBLICANA* Lorenzo Peña (del Ilustre Colegio de Abogados de Madrid) ••• Sumario 0. Preámbulo. 0.1. Ocasión y motivo del presente ensayo. 0.2. Plan del actual estudio. 0.3. La noción de lucha de clases. 1. Recapitulación de los hechos: ¿qué fue la conjuración de Catilina? 2. Irrelevancia histórica de la presunta conjura de Catilina del año 63. 3. Reconsideración de las figuras de Mario, Pompeyo y Craso. Optimates y populistas. 4. Valoración de Publio Clodio Pulcro. 5. Clodio y Catilina. 6. Clodio, los esclavos y el asesinato de Bouillæ. 7. Las nonas decembrinas del 63 y el exilio de Cicerón (58-57). 8. La esclavitud en Roma. 9. El proletariado en Roma. 10. Vitalidad de la religión politeísta. 11. Las instituciones político-jurídicas de la Roma tardorrepublicana. 11.1. División de poderes en la República Romana. 11.2. Las asambleas populares. 11.3. La constitución republicana y el bloque de constitucionalidad. 11.4. Las XII Tablas y la prohibición del priuilegium. 11.5. El Senado. Su potestad de anulación legislativa. 11.6. La potestad exoneratoria del Senado. 11.7. El valor legislativo de los senatus consulta. 11.8. El senatus consultum ultimum (SCU). 11.9. Recapituación del debate con Sir Fergus Millar. 11.10. Las tesis de Francisco Pina Polo sobre la antijuridicidad de muchas decisiones políticas en la Roma tardorrepublicana. 11.11. ¿Reconocía la constitución romana los derechos del hombre? 12. -
The Extension of Imperial Authority Under Diocletian and the Tetrarchy, 285-305Ce
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2012 The Extension Of Imperial Authority Under Diocletian And The Tetrarchy, 285-305ce Joshua Petitt University of Central Florida Part of the History Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Petitt, Joshua, "The Extension Of Imperial Authority Under Diocletian And The Tetrarchy, 285-305ce" (2012). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 2412. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/2412 THE EXTENSION OF IMPERIAL AUTHORITY UNDER DIOCLETIAN AND THE TETRARCHY, 285-305CE. by JOSHUA EDWARD PETITT B.A. History, University of Central Florida 2009 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2012 © 2012 Joshua Petitt ii ABSTRACT Despite a vast amount of research on Late Antiquity, little attention has been paid to certain figures that prove to be influential during this time. The focus of historians on Constantine I, the first Roman Emperor to allegedly convert to Christianity, has often come at the cost of ignoring Constantine's predecessor, Diocletian, sometimes known as the "Second Father of the Roman Empire". The success of Constantine's empire has often been attributed to the work and reforms of Diocletian, but there have been very few studies of the man beyond simple biography. -
Aristocratic Identities in the Roman Senate from the Social War to the Flavian Dynasty
Aristocratic Identities in the Roman Senate From the Social War to the Flavian Dynasty By Jessica J. Stephens A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Greek and Roman History) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Professor David Potter, chair Professor Bruce W. Frier Professor Richard Janko Professor Nicola Terrenato [Type text] [Type text] © Jessica J. Stephens 2016 Dedication To those of us who do not hesitate to take the long and winding road, who are stars in someone else’s sky, and who walk the hillside in the sweet summer sun. ii [Type text] [Type text] Acknowledgements I owe my deep gratitude to many people whose intellectual, emotional, and financial support made my journey possible. Without Dr. T., Eric, Jay, and Maryanne, my academic career would have never begun and I will forever be grateful for the opportunities they gave me. At Michigan, guidance in negotiating the administrative side of the PhD given by Kathleen and Michelle has been invaluable, and I have treasured the conversations I have had with them and Terre, Diana, and Molly about gardening and travelling. The network of gardeners at Project Grow has provided me with hundreds of hours of joy and a respite from the stress of the academy. I owe many thanks to my fellow graduate students, not only for attending the brown bags and Three Field Talks I gave that helped shape this project, but also for their astute feedback, wonderful camaraderie, and constant support over our many years together. Due particular recognition for reading chapters, lengthy discussions, office friendships, and hours of good company are the following: Michael McOsker, Karen Acton, Beth Platte, Trevor Kilgore, Patrick Parker, Anna Whittington, Gene Cassedy, Ryan Hughes, Ananda Burra, Tim Hart, Matt Naglak, Garrett Ryan, and Ellen Cole Lee. -
Anglo-Saxon Constitutional History
Outline 9/15/2020 ROMAN LAW PROCEDURE OUTLINE (cont’d); SOURCES OF LAW OUTLINE I. Procedure: The Formula as a Device for Expanding the Law 1. The basic idea of a formula, using the formula for the actio certae creditae pecuniae, the action for a money debt of a fixed amount: “Let Octavius be judge (Octavius iudex esto).” This clause is called the ‘nomination’ (nominatio). “If it appears that N.N. [the Roman equivalent of our ‘D(efendant)’] ought to give 10,000 sesterces [a Roman coin and unit of account, close to $10,000 worth of silver in modern values] to A.A. [the Roman equivalent of our ‘P(laintiff)’] (Si paret Numerium Negidium [NmNm] Aulo Agerio [A°A°] HS X milia dare opportere).” This clause is called the ‘claim’ (intentio). “Let the judge condemn N.N. [to pay] A.A. 10,000 sesterces; if it does not appear let him absolve (Iudex NmNm A°A° HS X milia condemnato; si non paret absolvito).” This clause is called the ‘condemnation’ (condemnatio). The possible formulae were not without limit. They had to be contained in the edict of the praetor, which he announced when he took office. Each praetor’s edict tended to follow that of previous praetors, and the edict developed over time. Its contents were finally fixed in the reign of Hadrian, probably in 131 AD, when it became known as the ‘perpetual edict’. 2. The formula as a mechanism for legal development. Expanding by pleading, once more the actio certae creditae pecuniae: “Let Octavius be judge (Octavius iudex esto) [Nomination (nominatio)].