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Latino Social Spaces in Tokyo*

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Latino Social Spaces in Tokyo* Asian Journal of Latin American Studies (2013) Vol. 26 No. 4: 1-18 Latino Social Spaces in Tokyo* Rafael Reyes-Ruiz**1 Zayed University, UAE Reyes-Ruiz, Rafael (2013) “Latino Social Spaces in Tokyo” ABSTRACT Based upon my informants’ conversations about food and music and re-making a home in Japan, in this article I show how owners, managers and customers organized Latino restaurants and clubs as social spaces and contributed to the (re)creation of a transnational Latino culture in Japan. Because the majority of these spaces have relied on generic Latin American tropical iconography, one focus of the article is to show how such tropicalizations serve as cultural capital that benefits club owners and other entrepreneurs, and at the same time has fostered a sense of commonalities and a shared identity within the Latino clientele. Key Words: latin americans in Japan, latino social space, transnational latin american culture, transnationalism, minoritics in Japan INTRODUCTION Since the mid nineteen-nineties with increased immigration of Latin Americans and the popularization of Latin music in Japan following global trends, Latin restaurants and nightclubs became conspicuous in entertainment districts in the Tokyo metropolitan area.1 Establishments * This research is the result of anthropological fieldwork conducted in different stages from 1996 to 2009. It was partially made possible by research grants from the New School for Social Research (1997; 1999-2000), Oberlin College (2002), and Zayed University (2005; 2009). It was greatly facilitated by my affiliation as a visiting scholar at Sophia University in Tokyo in 2009. For this particular article, I was fortunate enough to do follow-up interviews with friends and informants whose narratives informed my articles on music and the Latino community in Japan (2005a), and Latino business ventures (2010). Some of these friends and informants also arranged meetings with new informants in 2009 for the final round of data collecting. All names in this article are pseudonyms. ** Rafael Reyes-Ruiz is associate professor in the Department of Humanaties and Social Sciences at Zayed University, Dubai, UAE. 1 The Tokyo-Yokohama metropolitan includes the surrounding urban and industrial areas of both cities, including parts of Gunma and Saitama prefectures, where approximately 2❙ AJLAS Vol. 26 No. 4 that offered Latin dance classes (salsa and merengue in particular) were particularly popular because they attracted a multinational clientele attentive to music and culinary trends. Some such businesses were started by Japanese or non-Latino entrepreneurs and advertised in the English and Japanese language media; others were owned or managed by Latinos, catered to a multinational clientele and advertised in Spanish, English and Japanese media.2 Most Latinos I interviewed while investigating the strategies they develop to adapt to Japanese society, noted that going to Latin restaurants and nightclubs played an important role in their social lives.3 Some frequented one or more of these businesses several nights a week, usually in the company of co-workers and other fellow immigrants. For many, such outings were their only source of socializing and recreation, and in many cases, an opportunity for networking for jobs and housing.4 For most, however, going out to these restaurants and clubs often involved a long and expensive commute. For Alberto Nakamura, a Peruvian of Japanese ancestry (Nikkei) who worked in a car manufacturing plant in suburban Tokyo for example, a trip to a central Tokyo Latin nightclub took nearly two hours by suburban train and subway at a cost of 800 Yen round-trip. In addition, many such establishments charged an entrance fee ($12 USD) and premium prices for food and drinks (average of $10 USD). Despite the expense, many of my informants frequented several Latin clubs on sixty percent of Latinos live and work. The entertainment districts with the highest concentration of Latin clubs at the time were Roppongi and Shibuya in Tokyo and Sakuraguicho in Yokohama. 2 The label Latino is widely used by Spanish speaking Latin American immigrants in Japan to refer to themselves and their imagined community. As with other identity labels, its usage is contextual and does not exclude alternative markers of nationality (i.e., Peruvian, Bolivian) or ethnicity like Nikkei (of Japanese ancestry). In this article, I will follow this usage unless otherwise noted. When referring to social and business networks that include Brazilians (the largest group of Latin American immigrants in Japan estimated at over 250,000) I will use the generic Latin American. In Japan, the term Latin is used to refer to businesses with a Latin American theme or clientele, and to music of Latin American origin. For further discussion of Japanese labeling of Latin American immigrants in Japan see Reyes-Ruiz (2001). 3 This is also noted in some of the literature on Latin Americans in Japan, particularly Chapter 5 of Daniel Linger’s book (2001) on the Brazilian community near Nagoya, which partially inspired this article. See also my book chapter on Latino business ventures in Adachi(ed.) (2010), and Lesser(ed.) (2003), Tsuda (2003), and Roth (2002). 4 As I note elsewhere (2005a), despite changing and restrictive immigration legislation, an unstable job market, and social discrimination, Latinos accommodate to Japanese society relatively well thanks in part to the associations that they develop through formal and informal networks. For a general discussion of formal and informal networks and immigrant and minority groups see Portes (1995). Latino Social Spaces in Tokyo ❙3 the same night, and, as I eventually found out, occasionally throughout the weekend. While most of the Japanese-owned Latin restaurants and clubs opened early in the evening and closed at two or three in the morning, several of the immigrant-owned establishments stayed open all night. Alberto Nakamura and his friends usually chose Romina, a Peruvian restaurant and club in the vicinity of St. Ignatius Church in the Yotsuya district of Tokyo where many Latinos attend Sunday mass, because it opened around the clock on weekends and offered a breakfast menu. For Alberto and many others, immigrant-run businesses were usually the choice for meals as they often complained that they couldn’t get used to Japanese versions of Latin American food. When I pointed out how expensive and time consuming this “everynight” life was –a comment I passed to most of my informants– the most frequent response I got was that Latin clubs were like a “home” where they could socialize with other Latinos, and most importantly relax from the fast –and for many– unfriendly rhythm of Japanese life.5 Departing from informants conversations about food and music and re-making a home in Japan, in this article I show how owners, managers and customers organized Latino restaurants and clubs as social spaces and contributed to the (re)creation of a transnational Latino culture in Japan.6 Because the majority of these spaces relied on generic Latin American tropical iconography one of the focus of the article will be to show how such tropicalizations served as cultural capital that benefited club owners and other entrepreneurs, and, at the same time, fostered a sense of commonalities and a shared identity with the Latino clientele.7 DEBATING AUTHENTICITY In the summer of 2002, in the midst of the Soccer World Cup, which 5 I am borrowing the concept of the “everynight life” – the nightly social life of club goers as a site for cultural identity formation from Fraser-Delgado and Muñoz’s (1997). 6 Elsewhere (2008), inspired by Arjun Appadurai’s work, I propose to refer to the constellation of transnational flows related to the presence of Latin Americans in Japan, as the Latino Culturespace. 7 Aparicio and Chavez-Silverman (1997), influenced by Said’s (1978) seminal work on orientalism, have called “tropicalizations”, namely “a system of ideological fictions with which the dominant (Anglo and European) cultures trope Latin America and U.S. Latino/a identities and cultures”. It is important to note, however, that such homogenizing strategies are determined by power asymmetries and therefore are not stable constructs. 4❙ AJLAS Vol. 26 No. 4 Japan and Korea hosted, I met Alberto Nakamura, a forty-year old Peruvian Nikkei whom I had met in 1996 and Jorge Higa, one of his Bolivian roommates. I had not seen them since the spring of 1999 when we used to meet at least once a week at one of their favorite Latin hangouts, usually on the weekends. We met on a Saturday at seven in the evening when there were no soccer games scheduled at Romina, the restaurant where we had spent many an afternoon in the past. On the street, the same neon sign I remembered advertised Romina as a Peruvian restaurant with a menu attached below listing food and drinks in Spanish and Japanese. When we entered there were several families at the tables and a few single men and women at the bar, all Latinos as far as I could see, including several Nikkei. After exchanging pleasantries with Antonio, the Peruvian owner, he reminded us that as usual he expected his regular customers late in the evening, and in the early morning. We settled in one of the tables near the window overlooking the street. The décor of posters of Peruvian cities and archeological sites, and several textile handicrafts on the walls was just as I remembered from years past. I had spent a great deal of time at Romina during my fieldwork since it was a favorite hangout for the after church crowd and the place where a lot of social networking took place. It was also five blocks away from Sophia University where I had an informal base for my research. When I remarked to my companions that the place was just as I had left it in 1999 and joked that I could prove it with the dozens of photographs I carried with my fieldnotes, they pointed to the new television screens in every corner, and at the ceiling, which was now adorned with flags from different Latin American countries.
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