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THE PROTESTANT AT 500 YEARS FROM RUPTURE TO DIALOGUE Jaume Botey

1. Introduction ...... 3 2. ’s personality and the theme of ...... 7 3. The great controversies, and the progressive development of his thought ...... 10 4. The great treatises of 1520 and the ...... 16 5. The peasants’ war ...... 21 6. Consolidation of the reformation ...... 24 7. Epilogue ...... 28 Notes ...... 31 Bibliography ...... 32 In memory…

In February, while we were preparing the English edition of this booklet, its author, Jaume Botey Vallés, passed away. As a member of the Cristianisme i Justícia team, Jaume was a person profoundly committed to ecumenical and interreligious dialogue, and he worked energetically for peace and for the other world that is possible. Jaume, we will miss you greatly.

Cristianisme i Justícia

Jaume Botey has a licentiate in philosophy and and a doctorate in anthropology. He has been a professor of the History of Culture at the Universitat Autònoma of Barcelona. He has published the book El collapse del sistema. Bases per a pensar el nou milleni (2014) [The collapse of the system: bases for thinking about the new millennium] and in this collection: Bush and his (booklet 118, June 2004). He is a member of the team of Cristianisme i Justícia.

Publisher: CRISTIANISME I JUSTÍCIA - Roger de Llúria 13 - 08010 Barcelona +34 93 317 23 38 - [email protected] - www.cristianismeijusticia.net Printed by: Ediciones Rondas S.L. - Legal deposit: B 6852-2018 ISBN: 978-84-9730-412-2 - ISSN: 2014-6566 - ISSN (virtual edition): 2014-6574 Editor: Santi Torres i Rocaginé - Translated by Joseph Owens Cover drawing: Roger Torres - Layout: Pilar Rubio Tugas Printed on recycled paper - March 2018

Privacy Policy: The Fundació Lluís Espinal makes it known that your data are kept in a file under the name BDGACIJ, legal title of the Fundació Lluís Espinal. These are used only for providing the services we render you and for keeping you informed of our activities. You may exercise your rights of access, rectification, cancelation or disagreement by writing to the Fundació in c/Roger de Llúria, 13, 08010 Barcelona. 1. INTRODUCTION

On 31 October 2017 some 500 years will have passed since Luther, ac- cording to legend, nailed his treatise about on the door of the of the castle. That date is considered the beginning of the Protestant Reformation. The treatise caused a rupture that went be- yond the religious terms in which it was presented. The consequences of this cataclysm revealed the existence in of two different cultures, two models of social relations, two forms of understanding politics and power, and even two economic models, which are evident to this day in the differences between northern Europe and Mediterranean Europe.

The doubts and misgivings of a decadent ing-point of its main protagonist, Martin society became evident in the great de- Luther. bates that took place concerning ration- alist and empirical models, Platonism and Aristotelianism, lay power and hier- 1.1. Attempts at reform before archy, the Church’s temporal power and the Reformation poverty, faith and religion. At the same time, the society was conscious that it Luther’s movement was an indication of contained within itself the seeds of a new the deep fissures that had been appear- model that was just being born. Many of ing since the end of the 13th century; the those debates that roiled the early years bonds between papacy and Empire on of the Renaissance have become once which feudalism was based had become again topics of debate in today’s world, frayed. The symptoms announcing a in a society as perplexed as the society change of epoch included the birth of in- of those days. To understand today’s Eu- dividual , the tendency toward rope it is important to understand the sit- secularization, the desire for a new mod- uation that produced the Reformation of el of social relations, the appearance of the 16th century and especially the start- new inventions (printing press, compass,

3 etc.), the new vision of the universe pro- in personal experience and contempla- posed by Copernicus and Galileo, the in- tion than in the rational, deductive pro- cipient capitalism, and the development cesses of . What all these of nationalism and nation-states. Scho- movements had in common was the con- lastic philosophy and theology were in viction that “truth” is expressed more in decline, nominalism was ascendant, and deeds than in words, that a ready will is the empirical method became an impor- more important than rational knowledge, tant source of knowledge. In the religious and that personal experience of faith is sphere, there was a growing awareness worth more than intellectual grasp of a of the need to reform the Church, which . They all agreed on the need to was too closely tied to temporal interests. return to primitive and a The saw frequent Church that is poor. They wanted the sa- proposals and attempts to reform the cred texts to be available in the language Church, most of them sincere. We could of the people, and they promoted a warm mention Bernard (11th century), and tender devotion to the human figure who completely renewed the monastery of . They had little tolerance for hi- movement, or Saint Francis (13th century), erarchy and extravagant . These who introduced a new model of spiritual- movements were a sign of the profound ity geared to city life and stressing evan- religious and moral crisis of the ecclesi- gelical imitation of the poor Jesus. In the astical institution. kingdom of Aragón we have figures like Giving priority to experiential knowl- Ramon Llull, Eiximenis, and Arnau de edge meant downplaying knowledge Vilanova. At the same time, there arose about the supposed “articles of faith,” a series of movements that wavered be- which were impossible to demonstrate tween fidelity and dissent; find them- in any case. Questions were therefore selves in constant conflict with the hierar- raised concerning concepts about whose chy and the Empire, they were persecuted meaning we cannot be certain, such as by both. For example, the Beguines and “justification,” “salvation,” “grace,” and the Beghards in the Low Countries and “forgiveness.” This stance was one of the the (or the “Poor of Lyon”) effects of nominalism, which held that in northern Italy were movements that are priority should be given to knowledge now considered predecessors of Protes- that proceeds from reality, that is, from tantism, as was the movement of the Ca- concrete things that we see and touch, thars and Albigensians in southern Franc- rather than to the names or concepts of es in the 13th century. All of them suffered abstract philosophy. From this position severe persecution. it was just a further step to declaring The beginnings of the 14th century that the papacy, the hierarchy, the sac- saw the rise of new forms of spirituality raments, and the Church were all human of a more mystical and subjective char- inventions placed at the service of those acter, such as the “Devotio Moderna.” words without content. Ockham was one It was a time when the mystics Eckhart of the main representatives of this cur- and Tauler thrived on the banks of the rent of thought. Rhine, while the Brothers of the Com- This way of thinking helps to explain mon Life were finding more inspiration the popularity of and John

4 Huss, who were condemned during the and the people’s sovereignty in electing , at the height of the emperor. He consequently saw no the . Wycliffe was al- need for the emperor to be consecrated ready dead when he was condemned, by the Pope. while Huss was burned at the stake. To- This was the context in which the day they are considered precursors of Renaissance took shape. The first great . humanists, especially and The history of these centuries shows of Rotterdam, contemporaries that the “rupture,” to give it a name, had of Luther, gave evidence of both rup- taken place prior to Luther. “Everything ture and continuity. They did not want that needed to be reformed but was not to break with anything, but they were became the cause and the justification of aware that the previous political unity, the Reformation.”1 with its concepts and social model, had come to an end. Socially and politically, the Holy Ro- 1.2. The situation of the Empire man Empire was a fragmented polity, di- and the Church vided into small states that were relatively autonomous –duchies, counties, ecclesi- The Church was at one of its lowest astical domains, and small city-states– all points. Since the 11th century there had of which were controlled by princes and been a long struggle between the Pope the great noble families of feudal times. and the secular powers about investiture, Meanwhile a new social class, the bour- but even more than that, the scandal of geoisie, came on the scene, promoting the Western Schism in the late 14th and commerce and economic development early 15th centuries severely weakened through manufacturing, artisanal trades, the moral and political authority of the mining, and banking. Compared to the popes. The situation was so extreme that power of the princes and the bourgeoisie, the Council of Constance, in attempting the emperor’s power was limited, con- to resolve the quandary created by the cerned mostly with defending the Empire existence of three popes, proclaimed that against France and the Ottoman Turks. the papacy was subject to the general The princes frequently obliged the em- Council.2 Once the schism was past, the peror to call imperial assemblies called succeeding popes very quickly adopted “diets,” at which they made demands the worldly lifestyle of the Renaissance, that he had to concede. The majority of engaging in wars among clans (the Bor- the population, meanwhile, consisted gias, the Medicis, the Farnesios, etc.) of peasant farmers, the lowest social and worrying more about art than about class; they were illiterate and accustomed the life of the Church. to a precarious existence, often suffering At the same time, Machiavelli in his famines and epidemics. work The Prince (1513) resurrected the Conflict among the social classes theses of Marsilio of Padua that had been affected also the clergy. The hierarchy condemned 200 years previously. He de- (archbishops, , and other prel- fended the separation of religious and ates) constituted an “ecclesiastical ar- secular power, the lay-controlled state, istocracy”; they were princes with vast

5 estates who exploited their serfs just as ist philosophy– provided a propitious the secular lords did. Most of the clergy, setting for the birth of many different in contrast, were a true spiritual prole- “.” Besides Luther there tariat, poor men without training, taken were plenty of reformers: Melanchthon, from the local population. Moreover, all Zwingli, Müntzer, Calvin, the Anglicans, of them were subjected to a rigorous and the Anabaptists, and others. All of them burdensome system of taxes that they sought to express themselves in fresh had to pay to Rome. religious language; they wanted to find This turbulent situation –with its a new way of relating directly to God, political fragmentation, social conflict, without mediation. It was a spiritual cri- ecclesiastical corruption, and nominal- sis. It was a cultural rupture.

6 2. LUTHER’S PERSONALITY AND THE THEME OF JUSTIFICATION

The earthquake that Luther unleashed had a great deal to do with his per- sonality. He was a sincere believer with a mystical bent, but he was also a disturbing, contradictory, passionate man, intemperate in many ways and always excessive. While alive, he was the object of blistering controver- sies, and until recently the Catholic world viewed him only as a heretic perversely determined to harm the Church, or more condescendingly, as a victim of pathology.3 The prejudices4 surrounding him began slowly to dissipate only little less than a hundred years ago.

2.1. The years of training cathedral school in Magdeburg, run by the “Brothers of the Devotio Moderna.” Luther was born on 10 November 1483 In later years Luther would say that the in Eisleben, a small town in Upper Sax- Brothers taught him a type of religion ony, and was baptized the next day, the that was “more interior, more personal, feast of Saint Martin, which explains and less formalistic than was then usu- his name. He was the oldest of eight ally the case.”5 But young Martin got siblings. His parents, Hans Luder and sick, and after a year he went to study Margaret, came from farming families with the Franciscans in Eisenach, a big- of that region, and in 1484 they moved ger city with 4,000 inhabitants, where he to Mansfeld, where the father had found had friends and relatives. Luther always work in the prosperous copper mines. It kept a fond memory of his parents and seems that he eventually became own- was grateful to his father for providing er of a small deposit. Martin spent his him the wherewithal to study. childhood in Mansfeld and received In 1501, at the age of 18, he entered his primary education there. His father, the University of Erfurt, where he earned hoping that he would become a govern- a bachelor’s degree and then in 1505, at the ment official, sent him at age 14 to the age of 22, a master’s degree in philosophy.

7 The philosophy courses at Erfurt pursued these studies would later be of use to “the modern way,” that is, nominalism. him in translating the . In 1512 he At the end of his life Luther commented earned a doctorate in theology and from that at Erfurt he had become a follower of 1513 to 1516 was a professor of biblical Ockham and Tauler. theology. He lectured on the , on Conforming to his father’s wishes, Paul’s letters to the Romans and the Ga- Luther enrolled in the Faculty of Law latians, and on the letter to the Hebrews. of the same university, but everything He was also dean of studies and subprior changed one day, 2 July 1505, when of the Wittenberg monastery. he was returning to his parents’ home. Historians today agree that Luther was Caught in a severe storm and terrified a man with a sincere thirst for God. He when a lightning bolt struck close by, he sought after the Absolute, had a profound cried out, “Saint Anne, help me, and I’ll spiritual life, and was a faithful and pious become a monk!” Surviving the storm, monk. At the same time, his was a soul in he abandoned his legal studies, and fif- anguish, tormented by scruples, obsessed teen days later, on 17 July, he entered with sin and the God of terror; he experi- the convent of the in the enced the “justice” of God mainly as pun- same city, against the will of his father. ishment. Influenced by Ockham’s nom- There he dedicated himself to reading inalism,6 Luther believed that the word Saint Augustine, to and fast- “salvation” had no meaning, and so he ing, to long hours of prayer, and to con- underwent frequent crises of desperation. stant confession. However, the more he During his years of training, he was tried to please God, the more he felt the obsessed with sin, especially “his” sin weight of his sin. and his salvation. He asked himself re- The superior of the community, Jo- peatedly: “What must I do to obtain the hann von Staupitz, was Martin’s confes- mercy of God?” Good works are nothing sor and eventually his friend. Being also before God; human beings can do noth- rector of the University of Wittenberg, ing to merit grace; sin reigns, and God’s he told Martin to pursue studies there. justice punishes. He was tormented by Compared to Erfurt, Wittenberg was a his own interpretation of the concept of small town of about 2000 inhabitants, “God’s justice” in the letter to the Ro- and its university was a recent creation. mans,7 which he lectured on at Witten- The prince elector, Frederick of Saxony, berg. Not even in monastic observance was its founder and patron. In 1507 Lu- and was he able to find peace. ther was ordained a , and in 1508 Staupitz tried in vain to free Luther from he began to each ethics. After receiving his anxiety and urged him not to torture a bachelor’s degree in himself by his obsession with sin: “God on 9 March 1508, he returned to Erfurt. is not angry with you. It is you who are Staupitz then sent him to Rome to deal angry with God.”8 In 1545, a year before with an internal matter of the Augustin- his death, Luther wrote a prologue to the ian order. edition of his Complete Works in ; After a short stay in Rome, Luther in it he recalled that “although my life as returned to Wittenberg, where he studied a monk was irreproachable, I felt myself , Greek, and Hebrew; to be a sinner before God, and my con-

8 science was troubled. Indignant with this virtue of which the merciful God justi- God, I nourished in secret, if not blasphe- fies us by faith.”11 From this moment on, my, then at least violent grumbles…”9 Luther would speak of the justice of God “… I know of a man who has suffered which makes a person just; he would in- this way many times … with such harsh, sist that God looks upon us always with infernal violence that neither tongue can love and that God makes us a gift of this express it nor pen write it down.”10 love. The individual is a “passive” recip- It must be appreciated that Luther, ient of God’s justice (mercy), regardless in adopting this introspective, experi- of his sins, if only he renounces himself ence-based approach to God, was inau- and entrusts himself unconditionally to gurating a new theological method. He God. Accepting this and opening oneself spoke about God, not in academic terms to God with humility and confidence is or doctrinal deductions, but by using his Faith and fulfillment of the Law. In mag- own autobiography. He had no use for nificent texts filled with gratitude and fil- the attempts made by the scholastics and ial devotion, Luther acknowledged justi- Erasmus to explain God in terms of rea- fication to be the presence of God’s love son. Though not systematically ordered, and mercy “in me.” Luther’s thought expressed the life and Since the human condition is one of spirituality of a man whose temperament limitations, we know that we will never was at once mystical, resolute, restless, completely fulfill the Law. Only Christ and enamored of the Absolute. fulfilled it perfectly. For that reason the believer will always be at one and the same time “just and sinner” (simul ius- 2.2. The search for the merciful God tus et peccator). Luther insisted on the believer’s freedom: we are free to accept Around the year 1514 Luther, perhaps “gratuitously” God’s grace, the Law’s assisted by Staupitz, made a 180-degree demands, and forgiveness of sin. We are turn and discovered the God of mercy: also free to serve others without expect- he saw that divine justice was not a mat- ing rewards, because we are saved not ter of “punishment” but of love. This by works but only by faith, which we change came to be known as the “tow- receive from God without any merit on er revelation,” in allusion to the place to our part. This is the essence of Luther’s which monks withdrew to pray. He later thought, and he repeats it in a relatively wrote: “Finally, by divine goodness and late work, the (1538): after meditating night and day, I under- “I have no need to change anything of stood the relation between two passages: what I have until now unnecessarily ‘God’s justice is revealed in him’ and taught about this matter … [namely] ‘the just man lives by faith.’ I began to that by faith we receive a different heart, realize that God’s justice is none other one that is new and pure, and that God than that justice by which the just man wants to hold us totally justified because experiences the gift of God, that is, the of Christ, our Mediator. Even though sin gift of faith. Thus, the significance of the has not disappeared completely nor died phrase is that God’s justice is revealed by in the flesh, God does not want to take the ; this is the passive justice by it into account or have it mentioned.” 12

9 3. THE GREAT CONTROVERSIES, AND THE PROGRESSIVE DEVELOPMENT OF HIS THOUGHT

Drawing on his personal experience of the God of mercy, Luther in short order developed a complete theological system, one which destabilized the institutional mediations on which the Church had historically been based (papacy, , political and economic power, etc.). Starting in 1517, there took place a series of debates and controversies of a theological na- ture which involved both religious and political figures.

3.1. Indulgences. Wittenberg, 1517 The text of the 95 theses neither was nor pretended to be a revolutionary doc- The doctrine of justification by faith alone ument. Its aim was simply to provoke carries an implicit condemnation of indul- an academic debate for the purpose of gences, not because of the false preach- correcting abuses, especially the idea ing13 or the scandals in Rome, but because that money could be used to obtain sal- the doctrine asserts that salvation cannot vation. It was a moderate text that Lu- be earned by human merit. It is the oppo- ther himself was soon dissatisfied with. site pole of , which minimiz- Nevertheless, the resulting controversy es the role of grace and exalts the merits opened a Pandora’s box of unforeseea- of individuals. Before Luther made the 95 ble consequences in theology, politics, theses public, he sent them as a private and economics. The theses with the document to his ordinary, the of most pronounced antipapal character are Maguncia, and to , these: “27. They preach only human doc- the bishop of Magdeburg. When neither trines who say that as soon as the money one responded, he entrusted the document clinks into the money chest, the soul flies to his friends and made it public on 31 out of . 28. It is certain that October 1517. A golden opportunity had when money clinks in the money chest, been lost. also failed to take greed and avarice can be increased; but the problem seriously at first. when the church intercedes, the result is

10 in the hands of God alone. … 82. Why cuss the basic aspects of Luther’s theol- does not the pope empty purgatory for ogy in a propitious setting. To kick off the sake of holy love and the dire need the discussion Luther prepared a docu- of the souls that are there if he redeems ment called Paradoxes, which contained an infinite number of souls for the sake “28 Theses of Theology and 12 of Phi- of miserable money with which to build losophy.” Contrary to the expectations a church? The former reason would be of those attending the chapter, this text most just; the latter is most trivial. … 86. did not discuss indulgences but instead Why does not the pope, whose wealth presented a general discourse on the dif- is today greater than the wealth of the ference between human works and the richest Crassus, build this one basilica of works of God, between supposed human St. Peter with his own money rather than wisdom and the wisdom of God, and with the money of poor believers?” between nature and grace. Most of the The text was very quickly publicized Augustinians tended to favor Luther’s through all of Germany, heightening even theological perspective. more the already antagonistic relations Luther thought that theology, espe- between the Empire and the Pope. The cially scholastic theology, was trying to princes were delighted at being relieved understand the invisible God in terms of payments to Rome, and the Pope of visible things, the uncreated God in stopped receiving funds that were des- terms of created things. Scholastic the- tined for the construction of ’s ology had fashioned a God to human Basilica and the war against the Turks. measure and wanted to gain heaven by Within the Empire itself, tensions among means of earthly effort. It encouraged the princes increased, and the emperor people to save themselves by means of feared for the unity of his realm. their own works. It tried to make into a Luther naturally became the main fo- “science” what could only be an object cus of the polemics. There would follow of faith. Calling this theology of pride many difficult years of public debates and human reason the “Theology of Glo- and condemnations which would even- ry,” he fulminated against it. tually lead to his . He Thesis 19 states: “No one can be just- wrote incessantly and always in a polem- ly called a theologian if he believes that ical manner. Thanks to the printing press, the invisible things of God can be under- his writings were widely disseminated, stood in terms of what is created.” He and there were constant new printings. criticized theology that based itself on the philosophies of Aristotle or Plato in- stead of on the word of God. He repeated 3.2. The Theology of Glory over and over again that Christianity was and the . a spirituality, not a “religion”; that Chris- Heidelberg, 1518 tianity was a faith, not a morality; and that truth was not an idea but a person, In 1518, after the scandal about indul- Jesus, whom we know through the Bible. gences, Staupitz convened a chapter of Before Luther the Bible was used for the the Augustinian order in Heidelberg so most part only to “confirm” what could that the members of the order could dis- be “demonstrated” by reason.

11 At the height of the Renaissance, only in Christ crucified” [Thesis 20]. In Luther’s rejection of reason made him his commentary on this thesis, Luther seem anti-humanist. The Renaissance cites the whole of 1Cor 1,18-25: “The humanists considered reason to be the message about the cross is foolishness primary means by which we could reach to those who are perishing, but to us a free and innocent stage of humanity. who are being saved it is the power of The ideal man of the Renaissance was God. … Where is the one who is wise? Prometheus, the Nietzschean hero who … For Jews demand signs and Greeks defied the and discovered his true desire wisdom, but we proclaim Christ nature in his own strength, which result- crucified, a stumbling block to Jews and ed from his freedom and creativity. Lu- foolishness to Gentiles.” ther was totally opposed to such a vision. Turning human religious values up- For him, the ideal man was the one who side down, God reveals himself in the trusted in God’s mercy rather than in cross of Christ, a scene full of pain, himself. True to the Renaissance spirit, shame, ridicule, and failure. The cross Luther began an unstoppable process by offended the pretentions of the hu- emphasizing the value of the individual manists and confounded the religious and the importance of conscience, based thought of the time, and it continues not of reason but on faith. This radical to do so in our day, since humanism and difference put him in conflict with the religious thought have always believed Renaissance humanists, especially Eras- that God reveals himself through power, mus. wisdom, and glory, not through weak- Claiming that the only foundation of ness and failure. In contrast, those who faith was God himself, who speaks to us have faith see in the cross of Christ the through the scriptures. Luther inaugu- power and wisdom of God. rated the use of scripture as the basis of Luther’s Thesis 21 confirms the faith, and he did so apart from –and even aforesaid: “The theologian of glory pre- against– the academic and clerical estab- fers works over suffering, glory over the lishments of the day. What helped him cross, power over weakness, wisdom in this regard was not only the newness over foolishness, and always the evil of his method and his personal honesty over the good.” For Luther, God always but above all his courage, since he was acts in a way that contradicts appearanc- opposing very powerful political and in- es and common religious thought. Only tellectual interests without having much faith, confidence in God and not just in in the way of academic recognition him- appearances, and hope for a better world, self. can help us believe that God reveals him- Theology of the Cross. The Theology self in these circumstances. Only faith of Glory is contrasted with the Theolo- allows us to see the God who looks deep gy of the Cross, which sees God not in into our world, hidden among the last abstract speculation but in nothingness, and the least. in the senselessness of suffering, and in In other texts Luther cites key bibli- the paradox of paradoxes: the crucifix- cal passages, such as Philippians 2,6-11, ion of God himself. “True theology and “Christ, though he was in the form of true knowledge of God can be found God, did not regard equality with God as

12 something to be exploited, but emptied Wise, founder of the University of Wit- himself, … becoming obedient to the tenberg, arranged to have the debate take point of death –even death on a cross.” place in Augsburg instead of in Rome. Christ crucified calls into question every Presiding over it was Cardinal Cajetan, type of religious triumphalism, for “God who promised to treat Luther “with pa- has chosen the foolish of the world” ternal gentleness” and to refrain from (1Cor 1,26-31) in order to “proclaim arresting him in case he was condemned. Christ crucified” (1Cor 2,1-4). The debate was set for 8 October, but The Theology of the Cross is the before that Cardinal Cajetan received a theology of faith and also of doubt be- note from Leo X, declaring that Luther cause, though God cannot suffer, he was to be considered a heretic and was makes himself visible in weakness, and to be sent to Rome if he did not submit. especially in the weakness of Christ cru- Luther traveled the 500 kilometers cified. Much faith is required in order between Wittenberg and Augsburg and to understand the power of God hidden was sick when he arrived. Also present within suffering. But it is not a theology at the interrogation, which lasted three of weakness, sadness, or tribulation; it is days, were Staupitz, his superior and rather a theology of the “power of weak- friend; Prince Frederick; and Spalatin, ness” (2Cor 12,9), a theology of hope in- the prince’s assistant. Cajetan focused spired by our discovery of signs of God the inquiry on the two topics he consid- amidst our trials. ered central to Luther’s thought: justi- This is Luther’s main interpretative fication by faith and the value of tradi- key, one that has taken a 180º turn from tion as a basis for papal power. Luther scholastic theology. It makes manifest affirmed the need for faith as an essen- the perpetual paradox and the antitheses tial requisite for justification, whereas present in the words and deeds of Jesus: Cajetan argued that justification was the little ones, the poor, the widow, La- received through the sacraments. Luther zarus, the Pharisee and the publican, the considered the scriptures to be the only guests invited to the banquet –these are source of religious authority, whereas the crucified ones and so are God’s fa- Cajetan claimed that “tradition,” that is, vorites.14. papal authority, was also authoritative. This debate marked the beginning of the famous Lutheran slogans –sola fides, 3.3. The need for faith and the ,…– which we will discuss value of tradition. Augsburg, 1518. later. Debate with Cajetan Luther made no retraction. The de- bate only made clear the distance that Rome was beginning to suspect Luther separated them. From that point on, the of , but it waited almost a year conflict concentrated on two questions: before reacting. On 7 August 1518, he 1) biblical theology versus ecclesiastic received a citation to present himself in institutions, and 2) the certainty of faith Rome within a space of 60 days to give versus ecclesiastical mediations. an account of his writings. However, the Cajetan was enraged but kept his prince elector of Saxony, Frederick the promise not to detain Luther, but Luther

13 knew that he could expect the Pope to Pope was therefore just another secular excommunicate him at any moment. authority. In a letter he wrote to Spala- Writing to the Pope, Luther called for tin, Luther said that in preparing for a Council. Unfortunately Leo X was so the debate the question was raised as to worried about Italian politics –and the whether the Pope was the or Medici family– that for more than a year at least his emissary, since by his decrees he had no time to worry about that “both- he was cruelly crucifying Christ, who ersome German monk.” is the Truth. Luther also questioned the authority of the councils since these can err and have in fact erred; for example, 3.4. The legitimacy of the People the Council of Constance was wrong in and the authority of the Councils. condemning Huss. Once again Luther Leipzig, 1519. Debates with Eck proclaimed that scripture was the only source of faith, and he refused to recog- Despite the political truce, the theolog- nize any supreme authority for interpret- ical deliberations continued, at least at ing scripture. the academic level. A former friend of After Leipzig Luther’s fame became Luther, , had published an widespread in Germany. Prince, knights, essay against the teaching of Karlstadt, lords, farmers –all viewed him accord- a faithful friend and interpreter of Lu- ing to their particular interests, proclaim- ther. Eck’s basic criticisms were aimed ing him as the prophet that had dared to at Luther and his conception of papal break the yoke, which for some was the authority. When Eck proposed a debate yoke of Rome and for others the power in Leipzig. Luther replied that he would of the princes and taxes; for still others take part in the debate, which was sched- the yoke was the oppressive religiosity uled for June 27 to July 16. The first or the heavy feudal obligations placed on debate was between Eck and Karlstadt, the common people. At the same time, who argued the question of the gratui- Luther was the object of fury from the ty of God’s forgiveness. Then Eck and opposite direction. At the head of the Luther debated the topics of divine right, movement against Luther was Eck, who papal primacy, and the authority of the persuaded the universities of Cologne, councils.15 It happened that on June 28, Louvain, and Paris to condemn Luther’s during the , Charles V writings. was elected emperor of Germany at the tender age of 19; he had been made em- peror of Spain three years before. Being 3.5. The Bull , 1520 so young, the new emperor would obvi- ously be troubled by the conflict in Ger- On 15 June 1520 Pope Leo published many, especially since Catholic unity the bull Exsurge Domine, condemning was needed to preserve political unity. 41 errors of Luther and warning him to In Leipzig Luther argued that papal issue a retraction within 60 days or face primacy had no biblical basis but was the threat of excommunication. It was founded on decrees of the popes them- Johann Eck who delivered the bull to selves, some of them very recent. The Germany and publicized it there. Luther

14 responded with a violent anti-papal pam- pact. It meant the end of attempts to jus- phlet, “Against the Execrable Bull of the tify political power by theological argu- Antichrist,” which in effect excommu- ment. Since the start of the Middle Ages, nicated the Pope: “I confess as had been used to sustain the all that the execrable bull con- Holy Roman-Germanic Empire, which demns. … Just as they excommunicate was seen as a historical concretion of me in the name of their sacrilegious her- the biblical concept of God’s Kingdom. esy, I excommunicate him in the name of Luther’s stance also meant breaking with God’s holy truth. Jesus Christ the judge the “Two Swords” doctrine, proclaimed will see which of the two excommunica- at the end of the 13th century by Pope tions is valid in his sight. Amen.”16 Boniface VIII in the bull Unam Sanctam, The deadline for retraction was 10 which held that the spiritual power of the December 1520, the day when Luther Pope was superior to the temporal pow- publicly burned a copy of the bull and er of princes. The bull also defended the several volumes of canon law at the en- separation of the temporal and spiritual trance to Wittenberg. This was in reac- spheres and therefore the need for lay tion to the burning of his own writings control of the state, a position espoused that Eck had promoted in different parts also by humanists. It also asserted indi- of Germany. In any case, by burning the vidual conscience as a birthright. documents Luther was also burning the Making individual conscience an bridges of possible reconciliation with autonomous source of revelation meant Rome displacing the centrality of God-as-Ab- On 3 January 1521 Pope Leo X solute-Power and replacing him with signed the bull of excommunication, subjectivity. For Luther, the Kingdom . The civil of God on earth was not a political king- authority had the responsibility of car- dom, for God would never legitimize any rying out the excommunication, and the political order. His understanding negat- recently proclaimed Charles V, without ed the “politics of glory” and power and hearing Luther, had him condemned and reaffirmed the biblical criterion of God’s ordered his books to be burned and his Kingdom, the Kingdom of the Messiah, followers persecuted. Nevertheless, a the Anointed One of God, who from the significant number of the prince electors cross saves the world. supported Luther and convoked the Diet As we shall see, denying the Divine of Worms. Right of rulers forced thinkers to seek other sources of political legitimation. This led to a strengthening of the na- 3.6. The lay basis of political power tion-state, as well as of princes and var- ious political institutions, but now the Luther’s burning of the bull and the canon justification was based on political strat- law books had an enormous symbolic im- egy rather than on theology.

15 4. THE GREAT TREATISES OF 1520 AND THE DIET OF WORMS

Strictly speaking, it cannot be said that Luther had the intention of reform- ing the Church. His real interest was in reforming himself, but in trying to do that he ran up against arthritic ecclesiastical structures, incomprehension in Rome, and an empire incapable of uniting in the face of the challenge. It was probably because of incompetence or politics that they excommuni- cated him, but it is also true that he did not make things easy for anybody. Once expelled from the Church, he directed all kinds of insults against the Pope, and his rage only increased with time.

The latter part of 1520 was one of the right to administer spiritual goods, and most difficult moments of Luther’s life, that the sacraments were chains of ex- when he was caught between the threat ploitation at the service of the Pope. of excommunication and the actual fact of it. During this period he wrote three doctrinal treatises which defined clearly 4.1. To the Christian Nobility of his position with regard to the Pope and the German Nation. The universal the Vatican. In August he published To priesthood the Christian Nobility of the German Na- tion, which treated the universal priest- In this pamphlet published in August, hood. In October he published The Bab- Luther affirmed the ylonian Captivity of the Church, on the of all the baptized and claimed the minis- sacraments. In November he published A terial priesthood was not a but Treatise on Christian Liberty. The first only a function. Every baptized person two works were frontal attacks against could understand the scriptures papal authority, claiming that the Pope and make a commitment to Christ. Since and the ecclesiastical institution had no those who possessed secular power had

16 greater responsibility, Luther called on hierarchy. This part of the text was espe- them to take the lead in reforming Chris- cially cruel and destructive. Luther knew tianity, in accord with the priesthood they that by attacking the sacraments he was received with . He instructed the assaulting the backbone of the Church rulers to resist the three barriers that and of Christian life. the Church of Rome had constructed to The only sacraments Luther accepted protect itself: 1) the distinction between were Baptism, the , and Pen- priesthood and ; 2) the claim that the ance (as he understood it). Baptism was Pope was the only legitimate interpreter the sacrament he treated most profound- of scripture; and 3) the claim that only ly and beautifully, and he did so with the Pope could call a council. He assert- great respect. He understood Baptism ed that Christians were in “captivity” be- as the symbol of the Father’s gratuitous cause of the hierarchical priesthood, the love and permanent blessing for his chil- monopoly on interpretation of scriptures, dren. and the impossibility of a general coun- He understood Eucharist as the prom- cil. The essay was polemical and violent, ise and the testament of , not as using all kinds of insults against Rome, the Sacrifice of Christ, since that Sacri- a practice he would continue. The work fice was accomplished on Calvary once was distributed widely and had immedi- and for all. But even with the Eucharist, ate effect because it linked the social and Rome had built up a triple wall that had national aspirations of Germany at that to be overcome: the withholding of com- time with the theology of the universal munion under two species, the doctrine priesthood, the suppression of the hier- of , and the doctrine of archy, and criticism of the Pope (whom sacrifice. from now on Luther would call “devil,” “prostitute,” “ass,” etc.). 4.3. A Treatise on Christian Liberty. Compendium of the Christian Life 4.2. The Babylonian Captivity of the Church. The Sacraments This work does not have the same po- lemical tone as the previous two. Lu- This work was written in Latin because it ther’s intention was to write about “the was addressed to clerics and theologians. peak of Christian life,” the interior free- Instead of the Roman Church, Luther dom that was God’s great gift and the spoke of a type of “Invisible Church,” principal treasure of God’s children. He formed of believers who were united not proclaimed that Christians were free by by external bonds of obedience to the virtue of a faith that looked to the future Pope but by truth faith in Jesus Christ. with eschatological hope. This was a Luther argued that the Christian people freedom that rose above social, political, were being held captive by the Pope, as and economic concerns, and it needed to Israel had been held captive by Babylon. complemented with attitudes of service. He claimed that the sacraments were in- Luther wrote the work as a summary of struments used by Rome to subject the his doctrine, and he wanted it to be sent life of Christians to the dominion of the to the Pope to show his good will. He

17 had already been warned that he might 4.4. Commentary on the Magníficat be excommunicated. However, he prefaced the text with a Nowhere does Luther express the signif- defiant letter addressed to Leo X.17 The icance of the Solas so beautifully, poet- first part of the letter expressed such ically, and spiritually as he does in his extravagant praise and adulation that it Commentary on the Magnificat, a work could not be taken as anything other than which makes plain the tenderness of his ridicule by those who knew of Leo’s filial devotion to Mary. The work isa scandalous lifestyle. In the second part biblical/theological/spiritual commen- Luther mercilessly criticized the “cor- tary written while he was composing ruption” of the Roman Curia, which he his more important doctrinal treatises. It called a “pestilent lair which stinks to was written at a particularly difficult mo- high heaven,” a “most dangerous place ment, when he was on the point of being whose sins exceed by far the sins of the excommunicated. Turks.” In Heidelberg he had already formu- The leitmotiv that runs through all lated the principle of the Theology of three texts is the three “Solas,” which are the Cross, and he was now applying it considered the heart of Lutheran theol- in a devout way to the life of Mary, the ogy and will be continually repeated in poor, despised woman who counted for later texts: naught. It was as if he saw himself re- • Sola Scriptura: scripture is the max- flected in the situation of Mary because imum authority in faith and in prac- of the condemnation and contempt he tice. Nothing which contradicts the was suffering. Luther set up a structural revelation of God can regulate the life antithesis: the power, might, and mercy of believers (Gal 1,6-10; 2Tim 3,16; of God over against the insignificance 2Pet 1,3). and impotence of the young servant • Sola Gratia: salvation is a gift of God, girl, the handmaiden. Her lack of merit something that the receiver receives contrasted with the great work that God undeservedly. It is based on the mer- would realize in her. For Luther “humil- its that Christ gained by his life, death, ity” was not precisely a “virtue” but an and resurrection (Eph 2:8). objective, ontological reality: it was “not • Sola Fides: salvation can be received being nothing.” In her poverty Mary was only when we place our faith in the the incarnation of the principle that sal- One who died for us and exclude the vation comes to us not by our own merits possibility that our own works can by only by the grace of God. contribute to it (Eph 2, 8-9; Rom 3,28). • Solus Christus: salvation is found only in Christ. There is no other way 4.5. Retreat is impossible. The Diet to reach God (Acts 4:12). of Worms, 1521. Excommunication • Soli Deo Gloria: the purpose of the salvation we receive is to glorify God In January the Emperor summoned the and to make manifest the excellence princes to Worms for a meeting that was and beauty of his character (Eph 1,4-6; to last until May. When Luther was called 1Pet 2,9). to Worms at the end of April, the inten-

18 tion of the papal delegate and the emper- to protect him. By doing this the prince or was simply to ratify his condemnation. became the arbiter of the situation. That Since he had already been excommuni- same May, however, the emperor and cated and could be arrested, Prince Fred- the signed the of Worms, erick III obtained for him a safe-conduct which declared Luther a heretic and fu- pass so that he could come and go without gitive, prohibited all teaching of his doc- being detained. Many people attended the trine, called for his books to be publicly sessions dedicated to Luther: his friends burned, and made the split between the Staupitz, Spalatin, and Melanchthon; nu- Church and official. merous theologians, princes, and ecclesi- astical authorities; and the emperor him- self. The hall was filled to overflowing. 4.6. The benefits of exile. Luther confessed to being the author Translation of the of the books that bore his name. In his discourse he defended his vision of faith During his time in Luther and declared that he could not retract translated the New Testament into Ger- what he wrote. Luther knew perfectly man, wrote his Commentary on the Mag- well that he was exposing himself to nificat, corresponded with Erasmus, and condemnation, which could mean be- became friends with Cranach and Albert ing burned at the stake, like Jan Huss. Dürer. Despite his isolation, his doctrinal He ended his speech with words that deviations kept spreading, and religious have since appeared in various antholo- conflicts had society on the point of ex- gies of texts on conscientious objection: ploding. “Unless you refute me by the testimony At that point another side of Luther’s of the Scriptures or evident arguments, personality became evident: he had lit- I cannot submit, since I do not believe tle ability for organizing a new model in the popes or the councils, which have of church, and he was hardly a social often been wrong and have contradicted reformer. He was aware that his support- one another. I am chained to the texts of ers were criticizing him for being inde- scripture, and my conscience is captive cisive; even though he was confined to to the word of God. I cannot retract, nor Wartburg, they wanted him to establish will I retract anything, since it is not just a new church since the time was ripe for or honest to act against one’s conscience. consolidating the work he had begun. God help me. Amen.” In the field of social reform, he was Luther’s arguments directly attacked especially worried about the radicalism the teachings of the Church since Catho- of Müntzer, who was preaching a “King- lic doctrine held that the Holy Scriptures dom of Christ” of a social and spiritual were only part of the divine revelation, nature. He secretly made a journey to along with Tradition, and they could be Wittenberg to become better informed interpreted only according the Church’s and to combat this new movement. He directives. insisted always on the separation of the After the Diet of Worms the astute spiritual life and material improvements. Prince Frederick of Saxony sequestered In October 1524 he stopped wearing the Luther in his castle at Wartburg in order habit of the Augustinian friars.

19 4.7. The Controversy between would mean a definitive break with Lu- Erasmus and Luther on Christian ther, but he feared that with Luther sav- Liberty agery would return to Europe and human- istic ideals would collapse. Most certainly Luther engaged in an important contro- his own reform efforts would fail. Eras- versy with Erasmus after the publica- mus knew the Bible well, and he held that tion of The Babylonian Captivity. The the Bible taught that human beings were most influential figure of Renaissance not evil by nature, despite original sin. For humanism, Erasmus was considered a Erasmus, therefore, Luther’s doctrine of Church reformer. He criticized religion Sola gratia, excluding human collabora- made up only of ritual observances18 and tion, could not lead to salvation. Rather, spoke of the need for inner conversion. works and the collaboration of human He called for a return to scripture, con- freedom were necessary for salvation. demned clerical wealth and ostentation, The following year Luther responded advocated cultural and educational re- to Erasmus by writing On the Slave Will, newal, embraced a militant , and a furious and defiant text that reaffirmed insisted on morality more than on dog- Luther’s teaching about the uselessness ma. Luther, however, accused Erasmus of works and the transcendence of God. of propounding a religion of humanism, He claimed that Erasmus was using “rea- not one of a transcendent God. son” to fashion a vision of God that was In September 1524 Erasmus, probably dominated by the Theology of Glory, pressured by the Catholic princes and by and he rejected the idea that the human Rome, and angry about The Babylonian will could be a factor in salvation. Sal- Captivity and Luther’s rash burning of vation was the exclusive work of grace the and the canon law books, and depended on the will of God. Only published a polemical text against Luther God could save and decide the ultimate called On Free Will. He knew that this destiny of every person.

20 5. THE PEASANTS’ WAR

The “peasants’ rebellions” at the beginning of the 16th century were a des- perate response to the harsh conditions of poverty and disease and to the princes’ ruthless exploitation of the people. Rebellions arose throughout the Empire as a result of the princes’ seizure of communal lands and the multiplication of unreasonable taxes.

5.1. The beginnings of the rebellion failed mostly because they were widely dispersed and did not support one an- Before 1524 there were only isolated out- other. breaks, often spontaneous and disorgan- In response, however, the nobles ized, resulting from the peasants’ vexa- stalled long enough to organize a pow- tion and feeling of impotence. They were erful army, with the financial backing of always defeated, and harsh repression the Fugger bankers. The armed conflicts followed. But things began to change in began toward the end of March. On East- 1524: the rebellions were months in the er Sunday, April 16, in Weinsberg, the making and occurred in different plac- peasants assassinated the son-in-law of es. The first conflicts took place around the Emperor Maximilian and his knights. Nuremburg and Erfurt; by February and The humiliating execution of these no- March of 1525 there were armed groups bles by the spears and clubs of the peas- in all of Germany. ants came to known as the “Weinsberg Representatives of the groups agreed massacre.” The rebels thus took on the on a program of reforms that was spelled appearance of brutal assassins. Luther at out in a manifesto called The Twelve Ar- first stayed out of the conflict, but then ticles.19 For the first time the demands of joined the battle against the rebels. Part the peasants were established by consen- of the reason why Luther took the side of sus, put into writing, and presented to the princes was that the insurgents had the authorities. The earlier uprisings had the support of two former disciples with

21 whom he had had a falling out: Karlstad On 15 May 1525 Müntzer, who had and Thomas Müntzer. become a spokesman for the peasants, broke off all negotiations with Prince Al- bert of Mansfeld, thus provoking the bat- 5.2. Thomas Müntzer tle of Frankenhausen in Turingia. Before the battle he delivered a fiery to Müntzer, who was born in Stolberg in the troops, but the imperial army anni- 1490, was at first a follower of Luther hilated the poorly equipped peasants. and had preached reform in Zwickau and Müntzer was captured, tortured, and be- Allstedt. He had an interpretation of his- headed on May 27 in Mühlhausen. tory that was apocalyptic, eschatological, From that point on the insurgents and millenarian; his ideas were messian- were easily and mercilessly exterminat- ic and prophetic, probably influenced by ed in almost every battle. On May 17 in the doctrines of Joachim de Fiore, who Saverne some 20,000 died. On June 4 had preached the dawn of a third stage some 8,000 died in two hours. The final of history with the arrival of the Holy battles were waged on June 23 and 24, Spirit. Müntzer’s aim was to establish and by September the revolt was over. the Kingdom of God by means of a just The most intense part of the conflict last- social order that would abolish privileg- ed only three months, from late March to es, dissolve monasteries, create refuges late June of 1525, during which 300,000 for the dispossessed, give aid to the poor, peasants rebelled and 100,000 to 130,000 grant equality to all –it would be a kind of them were killed. of primitive communism. He founded The survivors were placed under an the “League of the Elect” and partly in- imperial interdiction which amounted to spired the emergence of the Anabaptists. a type of civil death: they were deprived He split with Luther because of the Peas- of their rights and possessions and could ants’ War; he did not hesitate to take the be declared outlaws. The leaders were side of the peasants, to the point of incit- executed, and others were submitted to ing them to take up arms. cruel criminal courts overseen by the Müntzer was not satisfied with the in- landowners. Many accounts speak of be- terior liberation that Luther was preach- headings, amputations of limbs, and oth- ing; he was convinced that interior free- er similar actions. Those who only had dom had to be accompanied by concrete to pay fines could consider themselves social freedoms. He therefore untiringly privileged. Entire communities were dis- condemned the civil and religious au- possessed of their land rights, celebra- thorities who controlled the levers of tions were prohibited, and fortifications power and refused to change anything.20 were demolished. People were obliged to Müntzer reproached Luther for his polit- hand over their weapons, and they were ical passivity and criticized his theology even prohibited from entering taverns at as lacking in commitment. The two men night. The economic consequences of were opposed personalities, and the de- the devastations were enormous. bates between them were rich displays of Emperor Charles V and Pope Clem- verbal vehemence, dialectical force, and ent VII thanked the Swabian League literary skill. for the role they played in the combats.

22 Marxist tradition considers the Peasants’ thieving peasants.” He wrote this harsh Revolt to be the first social revolution in statement: “With this letter I dip my pen modern Europe.21 in blood, calling on the princes to kill the criminal peasants as if they were rabid dogs, to stab them, strangle them, and 5.3. On the side of the princes destroy them to the extent they can. … I do not want to oppose those authorities Luther distanced himself from the revolt which, being able and desirous, repress from the start. He distinguished between the peasants with all rigor and punish them the spiritual sphere and the temporal without prior offer of an equitable agree- sphere and claimed that the aim of the ment –even when such authorities are not Reformation was to change the Church, tolerant with regard to the Gospel.”23 not the world. The freedom he preached Once again Luther was self-contra- was purely spiritual; it belonged to a dictory. What explanation could he give kingdom that had nothing to do with so- for this reaction? Was this man who con- cial, economic, or political conditions. demned the peasants the same one who However, the princes increasingly a few years previously had proposed the blamed Luther for the conflict since he powerful Theology of the Cross? How was ambiguous about the claims of the could these declarations be linked to his peasants and allowed the peasants to in- former assertions that God is revealed fluence him. In The Twelve Articles the not through power but through the cross peasants asked that important persons, of Jesus, and therefore was not revealed including Luther, be allowed to judge through the power of the mighty but whether their claims were in accord with through the cross of the crucified peasants? the Bible. Responding to them in March Luther may have felt overwhelmed by the 1525, Luther wrote his Exhortation to course of events and may have wanted to Peace. Regarding the Twelve Articles maintain law and order so that the Refor- of the Peasants of Swabia, a moderate mation could be consolidated, but even so, work addressed partly to the princes and it is worrisome that at this critical moment partly to the peasants. In the first part Lu- he was more interested in maintaining the ther criticized the princes: “For the love established order than in helping the peas- of God, yield a bit to the furor [of the ants escape from their misery.24 peasants]. Renounce violence and vile In some respects Luther was close tyranny, and with sound judgment deal to the humanism of the Renaissance, for with the peasants as if they were inebri- example, in his acknowledgment of the ated or simply mistaken. Don’t go into right to individual freedom, but in other battle with them because you don’t know respects he was still close to the medie- where it will end.” On the other hand, he val mentality. reprimanded the peasants: “The Gospel After 1525 Protestantism lost its in- never justifies rebellion.”22 itial revolutionary spirit. It submitted to But just a few weeks later, in April, authority and shored up the dominant in- reacting to the “Weinsberg Massacre,” stitutions of aristocratic society.25 It even Luther placed himself firmly on the side ceded to princes the right to determine of the princes and “against murderous and the religion of their territories.

23 6. CONSOLIDATION OF THE REFORMATION

In June 1525 Luther married Catalina de Bora, and the couple took up residence in the former monastery of the Augustinians in Wittenberg, ced- ed to them by Frederick of Saxony. These events caused consternation among Luther’s closest associates, like Melanchthon. Luther gave reasons for doing what he did –pleasing his father, standing up to the Pope, break- ing definitively with the obsolete forms of the Church– but they were not satisfactory. Was he tired? His life had been one of constant conflict, and he had good reason to be tired, but he was also affected by more recent factors: the guilt he felt about the Peasants’ War, the execution of Müntzer, the continuous insults of the Anabaptists, the threats of the Catholics, the defiance of Erasmus…

6.1. Family life and pastoral followed the events, paying special at- initiatives tention to the political balance between Catholics and Protestants and among The married Luther was different from the different Protestant tendencies, but the earlier, creative Luther. His life was he did not intervene in the events since that of a professor dedicated to defend- he viewed them as basically political. ing the basic principles of the Reforma- Besides, for the first time he had to safe- tion and fighting against various adver- guard his private family life and provide saries: the humanist dissenters; his friend for a family with six children. Catalina Zwingli, whom he warned about the felt exasperated at his failure to charge danger of political deviation; Henry VIII anything for his publications. of England; and even his friend and dis- In 1526 he wrote The German Mass ciple, Melanchthon. in order to restore the dignity of worship. These were extremely confusing Written in German, it maintained prac- years in Europe, and events were hap- tically the same structure as the Catho- pening with incredible speed. Luther lic Mass, though it gave more weight

24 to preaching, celebration of the word, only the princes would be able to main- and hymns. Luther wrote many prayers, tain the values espoused by the Refor- hymns, and canticles of great devotion; mation, and so he granted them some these formed part of the of the Re- control over church life. Luther was formed churches, where music and hymns also concerned about the need to insure were an important part of the liturgy. good order in matters where secular and In 1527 Prince John, the brother of sacred overlapped, such as marriage, Frederick, named Luther as official vis- economic affairs, property, inheritance, itor of the churches of Saxony. During etc. By accepting the involvement of the the visitations, Luther came face to face princes, this man who had advocated a with the cultural and spiritual poverty of purely spiritual church ended up putting the people and the clergy; there was an the church under the direction of secular intolerable cultural illiteracy, and in the rulers. The relation between church and religious sphere many vices had become state was to be such that the prince could custom. The people were baptized and define the organization of the “visible” attended services without understanding church, which was different from the anything about the mystery. In order to “invisible” church of those justified by provide better instruction Luther in 1529 faith. This temporal jurisdiction would published two catechisms: the Large manifest itself mainly in the prince’s Catechism for adults and clergy and the right to impose the word of God in his Small Catechism; the latter had draw- domain and to define the religious doc- ings and was aimed, he said, at “teach- trine that should be preached there ex- ing [Christian] doctrine to children and clusively and by obligation. Except for simple folk.”26 The two catechisms had some particular cases (like Calvin), the the same contents, offering explanations legitimization sought was not of a theo- of the ten commandments, the creed, the logical nature but simply for reasons of Our Father, and the sacraments. Both political strategy or opportunism. Thus texts were moderate in their exposition began to be applied the principle Cuius and were of high pedagogical quality. regio, illius et religio. Luther established the custom, after The conflict was not only between eating, of engaging in lengthy conver- Catholics and Reformed but also among sations with his fellow diners, some of the different Reformation currents, whom published the substance of these which inevitably overlapped with the conversations in a book called Table complex processes of configuration of Talk. the new states. All Europe was at odds for reasons that were religious, econom- ic, and political. The instability lasted 6.2. Cuius regio, illius et religio. more than one hundred years. The political conflicts The young Emperor Carlos, acting in his own interest, played all his cards The Peasants’ War influenced Luther’s in favor of Catholic unity. After the Diet thought and turned him in favor of the of Worms he reluctantly accepted the princes. In a Germany that was social document called the “Edict of Worms,” and politically divided, he believed that which condemned Luther as a heretic

25 and prohibited the practice of Luther- Discussion (22 to 28), where there is no anism, but which also conceded to the agreement with Catholics. The tone of princes the power of choosing the reli- the document was so conciliatory that it gion of their territories. Five years later, surprised even the Catholics. The Arti- in 1526, Carlos called for a new diet in cles of Faith outlined the positions held Espira for the purpose of revising the in common with the , Worms agreement, but the ambiguity such as the , original sin, Baptism, of that diet’s declaration allowed for Christ as the Son of God, justification by the further expansion of Lutheranism. faith, and the Holy Supper. The second Consequently in 1529, at another diet part spelled out the specifically Protes- held also in Espira, the Catholic forces tant positions regarding such matters as retracted the concessions they had made communion under two species, celibacy, to Lutheranism in 1526. The Lutheran and monastic vows, and it did so by us- princes, who were a minority, “protest- ing arguments from scripture, the Church ed” to the emperor and were from then Fathers, and other doctrinal texts. The on called “Protestants.” purpose was to debate these topics and eventually hold a future council, which was Luther’s true objective. 6.3. Confessio Augustana, 1530. Official exposition of the principles of Lutheranism 6.4. The Diet of Augsburg in 1555. New territorial and military conflicts As the danger of division in the empire grew, the emperor in 1530 decided to Not even the Confessio sufficed to calm intervene and called for a new diet in the troubled waters. In 1531 the Ger- Augsburg. The Protestants asked Mel- man princes, using the Confessio as its anchthon to write a manifesto since he profession of faith, created in Smalcald, was known for his conciliatory nature. Thuringia, a powerful political and mil- The resulting Confessio Augustana itary league opposed to the emperor. (Confession of Augsburg) was the first More than half the empire’s territories official exposition of the principles of quickly joined the league, with France Lutheranism. Luther gave his assent and Denmark joining a little later. and attended the diet. The Confessio is Although the League did not direct- considered the foundational text of the ly declare war against the emperor, its Lutheran Church and a basic text for support of and adherence to the Lutheran most Protestant churches; it forms part Reformation, its confiscations of church of the Lutheran (Lib- lands, and its expulsion of Catholic bish- er Concordiae). It is not a set of axioms, ops and princes made Carlos V decide to nor is it radical. It contains 28 articles confront it. divided into two parts: first are the Ar- After the death of Clement VII in ticles of Faith (1 to 21), where there is 1534, Paul III decided to call the coun- general agreement with Catholics for the cil that had been earnestly requested by sake of creating bonds of understanding both Luther and the emperor. It began and union; then there are the Articles for in Trent in 1545. The persistent refusal

26 of the League to attend the council wore on August 24 with the slaughter of Prot- out the emperor’s patience. When the estants, nobles, and common people, but empire’s hostilities with France were fi- the turmoil spread quickly through all of nally ended in 1544, he decided to attack France. The massacres did not last long, the League and eventually defeated it in but the chroniclers reported between ten April 1547 at the battle of Mühlberg. and seventy thousand victims. The year before, 1546, Luther had died in Eisleben at the age of 63, piously invoking the protection of Jesus Christ. 6.5. The Peace of Westphalia, 1648. A year before he died, despite being The end of religious conflicts sick, he had time to write his final satire, and the new Europe Against the Papacy of Rome, Founded by the Devil.27 The original conflict was due to the reli- In 1555 the emperor proclaimed the gious differences between Protestant and Peace of Augsburg, which was a type of Catholic states, but most of the European compromise between Catholicism and powers joined the conflict for non-reli- Protestantism but gave precedence to the gious reasons and thus turned it into a former. It basically established that the general war. When a new political bal- German princes, about 360 in number, ance was finally achieved in 1648, the could choose the religion they wanted Peace of Westphalia put an end to the –either Lutheranism or Catholicism– in conflict and also to what was considered their territories, in accord with their con- the confessional epoch. science: Cuius regio, illius et religio. Following such a long period of ref- The empire thus accepted the principle ormation attempts, religious wars, and promulgated in the Confession of Augs- overlapping of political, territorial, re- burg fifteen years earlier. The peace was ligious, and family loyalties, the West- a fragile one and did little to diminish the phalia accords laid down the foundations hatred between the two religions. Theo- of what are today considered the central retically a certain balance was achieved, ideas of political modernity: but practically the two religions were • The secularization of politics. continually in conflict. • The sovereign nation-state. One of the most regrettable conflicts • A certain “social pact” by which in- took place on in Paris on the night of dividuals yield their agency to a cen- Saint Bartholomew, 24 August 1572, tralized authority. when thousands of Protestants, Calvin- • A new model of international re- ists, and were killed. The lations founded on the principle of Catholic monarchists (clergy and ul- equality among member states and tra-Catholics) and the aristocratic Prot- • A commitment to resolving conflicts estants (mainly French Huguenots) by means of politics. developed strong political and military The right of princes to impose their forces, thus breaking with the essence faith on their states was also extended to of the Reformation, which claimed to , thus bringing to an end the be a purely spiritual, religious move- cycle of European religious wars that ment. The Catholic persecution started had started in the 16th century.

27 7. EPILOGUE

Unfortunately, at Trent the desire to triumph and repudiate won out over the desire to dialogue and reconcile. The abyss between Catholics and Protes- tants became ever more unbridgeable. The Catholic “counter-reformation” failed to understand the profound change of mentality that had taken place in Europe. Now, after 400 years of mutual condemnations, historical and theological research has come to recognize the importance of the Lutheran contribution and the need for institutional rapprochement.

7.1. Luther, witness of Jesus Christ accepted Luther’s basic thesis concern- ing salvation by grace. Augsburg was In 1980, celebrating the 450th anniver- chosen as the place for signing the dec- sary of the Confession of Augsburg, laration because of its symbolic value Catholics and Lutherans jointly issued as the city where Luther was first con- All Under One Christ: Declaration demned. Some consequently interpreted about the Confession of Augsburg: 1980, the declaration as a lifting of Luther’s a document which stated the bases for excommunication. In an address to an church unity by pointing to Jesus Christ Evangelical Lutheran delegation, John as the living center of their shared Chris- Paul II took note of this event by asking tian faith. In 1983, the 500th anniversary that an all-out effort be made to clarify of Luther’s birth, the Catholic-Lutheran history and purify truth. To celebrate the Commission on Unity published a decla- 500th anniversary of 1517, a third decla- ration called , Witness of ration of the Catholic-Lutheran Commis- Jesus Christ.28 On 31 October 1999 the sion, titled From Conflict to Commun- Catholic Church and the World Lutheran ion,29 urged Catholics and Protestants Federation signed the Joint Declaration to engage in theological research and on the Doctrine of Justification, which the practice of unity. Finally, in October

28 2016, to commemorate the beginning of As regards the dimension of faith, we the “year of Luther,” Pope Francis trav- are confronted with the irreversible fact eled to Sweden, where he and the pres- of the secularization of contemporary ident of the World Lutheran Federation, culture. Today’s world has no interest in Munib Younan, signed a joint declara- God; God is no long a necessary being. tion in the Lutheran cathedral of Lund, Therefore, the vital dialogue that must in which they rejected all violence in the still take place is not between religious name of religion. In his sermon on the denominations but between cultures. In occasion, the Pope said that “the spiritual this regard Luther’s thoughts about the experience of Martin Luther never lets laity can possibly enlighten us. us forget that we can do nothing with- The other great challenge concerns out God.”30 Upon returning from Lund, the foundations of faith that will enable the Pope gave an interview to La Civiltà us to face the monumental tragedies of Cattolica, in which he said: “Luther was today’s world: the suffering of the poor a reformer at a difficult moment, and he majority, the scandalous growth of pov- placed the word of God in the hands of erty, the marginalization of the “expend- the people. Perhaps some of his methods able,” and the plight of the refugees, to were wrong, but if we read history, we name only a few. The responses offered see that the Church was hardly a model by the politically and economically pow- to imitate. There was corruption, world- erful are evasive and cynical. In this re- liness, and lust for wealth and power.”31 gard we can no doubt be helped by con- sidering Luther’s Theology of the Cross.

7.2. The laity today 7.3. The Theology of the Cross Five hundred years have passed. For- tunately there are no longer any anath- In Heidelberg Luther distinguished be- emas. Today Catholics and Protestants tween the Theology of Glory, which is can celebrate together that dramatic ep- based on power and reason, and the The- och, while trying to discern what still ology of the Cross, which is based on the unites us so that we can join forces and nothingness of the crucified God. This confront the challenges of today’s world. contribution of Luther has great signifi- Many of the debates that character- cance for the world of today; it may even ized the early Renaissance have been res- be the key to helping our contemporaries urrected once again in our own society, recognize the importance of the message which is as perplexing and as decadent as of Jesus. In fact, the Theology of the the society of those times. Great changes Cross has many similarities to the Theol- are taking place in economic and politi- ogy of Liberation and to certain currents cal systems; ever shallower discourse is of contemporary Protestant theology, heard in politics, religion, and culture; and such as Moltmann. even philosophy has become increasingly What Luther called the Theology of nominalist. Here I will examine only two the Cross is not just another division of the major challenges to which Catho- of theology in general; rather, it is a per- lics and Protestants must respond today. spective, an epistemology, a way of view-

29 ing God and God’s relation to the world. and that crucified man are the paradigm It is a theology of history read from the of all who are pierced and forsaken today. cross of Jesus Christ and from the agony While hanging on the cross, Jesus of those who are being crucified today. It felt completely helpless and rejected. is a theology that gives meaning and hope The task of the theologian of the Cross to all the poor and abandoned persons is to seek God in the degradation and who have lived down through the cen- humiliation of the ancient Golgotha and turies. The Theology of the Cross helps all the other Golgothas: Auschwitz, the us to see the world in ways contrary to Great Lakes region, Idomeni, and all the the ways the world is seen by the The- refugee camps. ology of Glory and by the secular world. Given this perspective, the presence When Luther states in his Commentary and commitment of Christians in the on the Magnificat that God looks down today’s decidedly desacralized and sec- on the world, toward the victims and the ular world will not be a matter of power. outcasts, he is speaking of today’s cruci- Our job, Ellacuría tells us, is to “take the fied and of their salvation. Such a theolo- crucified peoples down from the cross.” gy understands and interprets God in the Salvation can come about only “in the middle of nothingness. Jesus-God died reality of faith, where those who suffer on the cross, pierced and abandoned. This bitter oppression cannot see deliverance theology helps us to see that that cross –they can only believe.”

30 NOTES

1. Luter, Martí (1996). La llibertat del Cristià. To help Albert pay back the money, the Pope Introduction by Joan Busquets. Barcelona: Edi- authorized him to preach the sale of indulgenc- cions Proa, Clàssics del Cristianisme, 62, p. 8. es in his territories, but he also stipulated that 2. In its fourth and fifth sessions the Council 50% of the money collected should be dedi- proclaimed that “any Christian, whatever his cated to continuing the war against the Turks condition and dignity in the Church, even if and the construction of Saint Peter’s Basilica, he is the pope, is obliged to obey the Council initiated by Pope Julius II. The preacher was in all that has to do with faith and to extirpate the Dominican Johann Tetzel. this schism.” (Denzinger-Hünermann (2000). 14. Cf. Moltmann, Jürgen (2010). El Dios cru- Enchiridion symbolorum. El Magisterio de la cificado, Salamanca: Sígueme; (1997) Cristo Iglesia. Barcelona: Herder, p. 421). para nosotros hoy. Madrid: Trotta. 3. Denifle, Henri (1904). Lutero y el luteranis- 15. En García Villoslada, Ricardo (1973). mo estudiados en las fuentes. Manila. Martín Lutero, vol. I. Madrid: Biblioteca de 4. Febvre, Lucien (1994). Martin Lutero: un des- Autores Cristianos (BAC) Maior, pp. 414-452. tino. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica. There is a detailed explanation of the debate 5. Lutero, Martín (2016). «Charlas de sóbreme- in Leipzig between Karlstadt and Eck and be- sa», in Obras. Edición de Teófanes Egido. tween Luther and Eck. Salamanca: Sígueme, p. 425. 16. García Villoslada, Ricardo (1973). Op. cit., 6. Which he received through Gabriel Bel, a dis- p. 515. ciple of Ockham. 17. «Carta de Martí Luter al papa Lleó X», in 7. “For in it the righteousness of God is re- Lutero, Martín (1996). Op. cit., p. 53. vealed through faith for faith; as it is written, 18. The famous work, In Praise of Folly (1511), ‘The one who is righteous will live by faith’” is an implacable but delightful satire regard- (Rom 1,17). ing the main issues of the world at that time: 8. «Exhortación a la paz», in Lutero, Martín wealth, political power, peace and war, theolo- (2016). Op. cit., p. 429. gians, friars, etc. In most of the topics it treats 9. Prólogo a la edición de Lutero, Martín the document could well be speaking of the (2016). Op. cit., p. 370. world of today. 10. Resolutiones disputationorum de indulgen- 19. The Twelve Articles actually proposed a min- tiarum virtute, 1518, Léonard, Émile (1967). imalist program; it did not question religion, Historia General del Protestantismo. Vol. I. taxes, the princes’ authority, or their right to La Reforma. Madrid: Península, p. 49. obtain firewood from the forests. The doc- 11. Prologue to the edition of Lutero, Martín ument simply asked that the peasants be re- (2016). Op. cit., p. 370. spected and allowed to live in a dignified way, 12. «Artículos de Schmalkalda», in Lutero, fearing God and free of arbitrary impositions. Martín (2016). Op. cit., p. 356. 20. Cf. «Sermó als prínceps de Saxònia», 1524, 13. In 1514 Albert of Brandenburg was, at the age in Müntzer, Thomas (1989). Tractats i Ser- of 23, both bishop of Magdeburg and adminis- mons. Barcelona: Edicions Proa. Clàssics del trator of Halbertstadt. He connived to be elected Cristianisme, 8, p. 34. bishop of Maguncia, one of the most desired 21. Kautsky, K. and Engels, F. (1850). La guer- sees because of its wealth and because its prince ra de los campesinos en Alemania; Bloch, was an elector of the empire. To allow Albert to Ernst (1968). Thomas Müntzer, teólogo de la accumulate so many titles, Pope Leo X required revolución. Madrid: Ciencia Nueva. from him a great sum of money, which was ob- 22. «Exhortación a la paz», in Lutero, Martín tained thanks to a loan from the Fuggers’ bank. (2016). Op. cit., pp. 254-255.

31 23. «Contra las hordas ladronas», in Lutero, 29. Comisión Luterano-Católica para la Un- Martín (2016). Op. cit., pp. 254-255. idad (2013). Del Conflicto a la comunión. 24. Some have attempted to see philosophical Conmemoración Conjunta Luterano-Católico justification for Luther’s political actions, for Romana de la Reforma en el 2017. Santander: example, by proposing Augustinian roots in Sal Terrae. his theory of the two kingdoms or citing Ock- 30. Here is a fragment of Pope Francis’s discourse ham’s principle of not subordinating the ma- in Lund: “The question that continually tor- terial order to the spiritual. Cf. Duch, Lluís, mented Luther was ‘How can I find a merciful (1984). Explicació del Parenostre. Montser- God?’ In truth, the question of the right rela- rat: Publicacions de l’Abadia. tion with God is the decisive question of life. 25. Lluís Duch in the introduction of Müntzer, As is well known, Luther discovered this mer- Thomas (1989). Op. cit., p. 22: “There is no ciful God in the Good News of Jesus Christ doubt that the conflict with Müntzer was one incarnate, dead, and risen. The concept ‘by di- of the decisive causes of the increasing intol- vine grace alone’ reminds us that God always erance and reification of Luther’s theology takes the initiative and precedes any human and political thought.” response, even at the very moment that one is 26. «Exhortación a la paz», in Lutero, Martín seeking to give the response. The doctrine of (2016). Op. cit., p. 291. justification therefore expresses the essence of 27. Edition of Gabriel Tomàs, member of the human existence before God.” Reformed Presbyterian Church of Barcelona. 31. Bedoya, Juan. «El papa Francisco reivindica 2012. a Lutero, el “peor de los herejes”», El País. 31 28. Documents d’Església, 376 (1983), 1139-1148. October 2016.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

• Bloch, Ernst (1968). Thomas Müntzer, teólogo de la Revolución. Madrid: Ciencia Nueva. • Febvre, Lucien (1994). Martín Lutero: un destino. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica. • Comisión Luterano-Católica sobre la Unidad (2013). Del conflicto a la comunión. Santander: Sal Terrae. • García Villoslada, Ricardo (1973). Martín Lutero. Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos (BAC) Maior. Vol. 1 El Fraile hambriento de Dios; vol. II En lucha contra Roma. • Iglesia Católica y Federación Luterana Mundial (1999). Declaración conjunta sobre la doctrina de la justificación. • Kasper, Walter (2016). Martín Lutero. Una perspectiva ecuménica. Santander: Sal Terrae. • Kaufmann, Thomas (2017). Martín Lutero. Madrid: Trotta. • Lutero, Martín (2008). Escritos políticos. Introducción de Joaquín Abellán. Barcelona: Tecnos. • Lutero, Martín. Comentarios. Gálatas (2010); Romanos (2013). Barcelona: Ed. CLIE. • Lutero, Martín (2016). Obras. Edición de Teófanes Egido. Salamanca: Sígueme.

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