A Contextualization and Examination of the Impi Yamakhanda (1906 Uprising) As Reported by J
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
01 Shamase FM.Fm
1 Relations between the Zulu people of Emperor Mpande and the Christian missionaries, c.1845-c.1871 Maxwell Z. Shamase 1 Department of History, University of Zululand [email protected] Abstract During Emperor Mpande's reign (1840-1872), following the deposition of his half-brother Dingane in 1840, the Zulu people mostly adhered to traditional norms and values, believing that the spirits of the dead live on. Ancestral veneration and the worship of the Supreme Being called Umvelinqangi were pre-eminent and the education of children was merely informal, based on imitation and observation. This worldview faced new challenges with the advent of Christianity and the arrival of Christian missionaries at Port Natal between 1845 and 1871. The strategy of almost all Christian missionaries was premised on winning the Zulu people en masse to Christianity through Mpande’s court. The doctrines preached by the missionaries disputed the fundamental ethical, metaphysical and social ideas of the Zulu people. Mpande, however, earnestly requested that at least one missionary reside in the vicinity of his palace. Nothing could deter Mpande’s attempts to use missionary connections to keep Colonial threats of invasion in check. While the Zulu people were devoid of organised religion which might have proved a bulwark against the Christianisation process, Mpande’s acceptance of the missionaries could be said to have been mainly strategic. He could not display bellicose tendencies while still at an embryonic stage of consolidating his authority. This paper gives an exposition of the nature and extent of relations between the Christian missionaries and the Zulu empire of Mpande. -
“Born out of Shaka's Spear”: the Zulu Iklwa and Perceptions of Military
Selected Papers of the Consortium on the Revolutionary Era (2020). “Born out of Shaka’s spear”: The Zulu Iklwa and Perceptions of Military Revolution in the Nineteenth Century Jacob Ivey, Ph.D. Florida Institute of Technology In May 2010, anticipating South Africa’s hosting of the World Cup, the city of Durban decided to make a dramatic addition to the newly opened King Shaka International Airport. Officials unveiled a statue of the Zulu king Shaka kaSenzangakhona, known popularly as “Shaka Zulu.” Shaka, founder of the Zulu nation in modern-day KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, had since his death in 1828 become perhaps one of the most famous South Africans in history next to Nelson Mandela. The Zulu king had facilitated the creation of the Zulu kingdom during the early nineteenth century through what has been described as a “military revolution” that influenced the historic arc of the whole region. However, unlike the traditional image of Shaka with shield and iklwa, or short stabbing-spear made famous by the Zulu king, he was presented outside the airport terminal as unarmed, surrounded by Nguni cattle. This revelation created a major controversy in June when Goodwill Zwelithin kaBhekuzulu, Isilo (King) of the Zulus of South Africa, expressed his displeasure, arguing, “it made Shaka look like a herd boy, rather than the hunter and warrior he was.”1 Shaka, evidently, was not Shaka without his spear. If there is one indelible image of the Zulu nation, it is the iklwa. Literally “stabbing” through the title graphic of the mini-series Shaka Zulu (1986) and a key element of the imagery of the Inkatha Freedom Party, the short stabbing spear of the Zulu is frequently offered as part of the military genius of Shaka. -
A Short Chronicle of Warfare in South Africa Compiled by the Military Information Bureau*
Scientia Militaria, South African Journal of Military Studies, Vol 16, Nr 3, 1986. http://scientiamilitaria.journals.ac.za A short chronicle of warfare in South Africa Compiled by the Military Information Bureau* Khoisan Wars tween whites, Khoikhoi and slaves on the one side and the nomadic San hunters on the other Khoisan is the collective name for the South Afri- which was to last for almost 200 years. In gen- can people known as Hottentots and Bushmen. eral actions consisted of raids on cattle by the It is compounded from the first part of Khoi San and of punitive commandos which aimed at Khoin (men of men) as the Hottentots called nothing short of the extermination of the San themselves, and San, the names given by the themselves. On both sides the fighting was ruth- Hottentots to the Bushmen. The Hottentots and less and extremely destructive of both life and Bushmen were the first natives Dutch colonist property. encountered in South Africa. Both had a relative low cultural development and may therefore be During 18th century the threat increased to such grouped. The Colonists fought two wars against an extent that the Government had to reissue the the Hottentots while the struggle against the defence-system. Commandos were sent out and Bushmen was manned by casual ranks on the eventually the Bushmen threat was overcome. colonist farms. The Frontier War (1779-1878) The KhoiKhoi Wars This term is used to cover the nine so-called "Kaffir Wars" which took place on the eastern 1st Khoikhoi War (1659-1660) border of the Cape between the Cape govern- This was the first violent reaction of the Khoikhoi ment and the Xhosa. -
PRESS CONFUSION OVER the BATTLES of HLOBANE and KAMBULA in the LONDON and DEVON NEWSPAPERS by Stephen Manning ______
PRESS CONFUSION OVER THE BATTLES OF HLOBANE AND KAMBULA IN THE LONDON AND DEVON NEWSPAPERS By Stephen Manning ________________________________________________________________________________ After the news of the British defeat at Ntombe Drift, the British press became evidently concerned as to the fate of those troops of Pearson’s command besieged in Eshowe and this appears to have resulted in the papers taking, initially, little notice of the news of Wood’s battles with the Zulus around the Hlobane mountains. Despite the fact that news of a British reversal at Hlobane, followed by a defeat for the Zulus at Khambula, was reported as early as 17 April, nearly a week before news of the relief of Eshowe arrived in England, these events were overshadowed in the press by concerns about the relief of the besieged troops. Although the events of the two battles were reported in the daily papers, editorial comment was still restricted to speculation as to the progress of the relief column under Chelmsford. The timing of the receipt of the news of the relief of Eshowe, on Tuesday 22 April, meant that the majority of the weekly newspapers of Devon, produced between Wednesday and Saturday, concentrated on the events of the relief and the battle of Gingindlovu. Indeed, details of the battles of Hlobane and Khambula did not appear in many Devon weekly papers until two weeks, or more, after they were first reported in the London daily papers. By then, of course, the news of the relief of Eshowe, and other British military successes, overshadowed news of a British reversal. -
„Bloedrivier“ to Ncome and Beyond!
FROM NCOME OVER „BLOEDRIVIER“[1838] TO NCOME AND BEYOND Ben Khumalo-Seegelken Abstract: Before and long after the Voortrekkers and their descendants had turned to rename the river Ncome “Bloedrivier”, at least two oral versions about the battle on and around 16 December 1838 circulated among the earlier inhabitants of that region on the one hand and the trekker- and settler-communities on the other. Generations of history-writers and –teachers have with only a few exceptions generally preferred to adopt and promote the trekker-version uncritically with the result of it presently being treated in text-books and research as the only valid account of the iMpi yaseNcome [1838]. Two simple and yet not so simple questions deserve a conclusive answer: What took place at Ncome on and around 16 December 1838? When and on what reason and for what purpose was the river Ncome renamed „Bloedrivier“? A third and a fourth question – probably the most essential ones – arise: Where do we go from here? Should one not be seriously concerned, that the focus and the emphasis in the commemoration of December 16 and the management of the site(s) of iMpi yaseNcome today would rather retard and threaten to reverse the laudable intentions and endeavours connected with the „Day of Reconciliation“ in democratic ‘new South Africa’? This paper sets out in the first place to present a brief account as to when the date and the venue under review attained which designations on the side of the descendants of the Voortrekkers and on what reason or in which intention. -
To What Extent Is It True to Say That the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 Achieved Very Little Apart from Humiliation for Britain? by BA Student Emma Still ______
To what extent is it true to say that the Anglo-Zulu war of 1879 achieved very little apart from humiliation for Britain? By BA student Emma Still ___________________________________________________________________________ Released one hundred years after the Anglo Zulu war in 1879, Douglas Hickox’s film Zulu Dawn (1979) portrays one of the greatest and most humiliating defeats suffered by the British Army during the Victorian era. Its predecessor Zulu (1964) tells of the battle of Rorke’s Drift: a seemingly impossible victory in the same war and through these films a surge of interest for the conquest was re-established. While the films are in many respects historically inaccurate, they encompass the British emotions towards both battles: the pride for Rorke’s Drift and utter humiliation over Isandlwana, as well as highlighting the changing attitudes towards colonialism. From the films alone, it would appear that the war achieved very little apart from humiliation for the British, whereas, in reality, its outcomes were far more diverse, devastating and durable. The legacy of humiliation left by the Anglo-Zulu war came almost entirely from the defeat at Isandlwana, which should have been ‘an unimportant battle in an unimportant war in an unimportant corner of the world.’(1) However, it turned into ‘arguably the most devastating humiliation in the British Imperial history’ (2) as a Zulu impi caught the British camp unaware and unprepared, resulting in the deaths of seventy-seven per cent of British soldiers. The defeat was caused almost entirely by General Chelmsford’s under-estimation of the Zulu and their successful tactics; the defeat plunged the army into a series of blame disputes, a deep cover-up and a promise for vengeance. -
Bookreviews/ Boekbesprekings
Scientia Militaria, South African Journal of Military Studies, Vol 26, Nr 1, 1996. http://scientiamilitaria.journals.ac.za BOOKREVIEWS/ BOEKBESPREKINGS THE DESTRUCTION OF THE family, their homes and their property fell under two appointed chiefs namely Hamu and Zibhebhu. ZULU KINGDOM: THE CIVIL WAR IN ZULULAND 1879-1884 The two chiefs started to seize royal property and harass members of the royal house and its sup- JEFF GUY porters as their most obvious rivals and men whose power and pretensions had to be reduced. The 1994 (First published in 1979 by Longman Group Usuthu movement was revived. Before the war of Limited, London and Ravan Press 1982) 1856 the name Usuthu was given to Cetshwayo's University of Natal Press, Pietermaritzburg following within the nation. After his accession it Illustrated, 273 pages became a national cry and after the war it was used ISBN 0-86980 892 3 (hardback) to identify the faction which worked to revive the R59,99. influence of Cetshwayo's lineage in the Zulu clan. It rejected Hamu and Zibhebhu's authority and vis- The Destruction of the Zulu Kingdom: The civil war ited Bishopstowe, the residence of John William in Zululand 1879-1884, was originally submitted as Colenso, Bishop of Natal to seek advice. a Ph.D dissertation in History at the University of London in 1975. The Usuthu with the help of Bishop Colenso started to make representation to Natal Government which Professor Jeff Guy, a well known historian on Zulu culminated in the visit of the exiled king to London. history and the present head of the History Depart- Cetshwayo was informed (whilst in London) by the ment at the University of Natal, Durban branch has British Government that he could be restored to divided his work into three main parts. -
Apartheid Mythology and Symbolism. Desegregated and Re-Invented In
Apartheid Mythology and Symbolism. Desegregated and Re-Invented in the Service of Nation Building in the New South Africa : the Covenant and the Battle of Blood River/Ncome Anton Ehlers To cite this version: Anton Ehlers. Apartheid Mythology and Symbolism. Desegregated and Re-Invented in the Service of Nation Building in the New South Africa : the Covenant and the Battle of Blood River/Ncome. Alizés : Revue angliciste de La Réunion, Faculté des Lettres et Sciences humaines (Université de La Réunion), 2004, Founding Myths of the New South Africa / Les mythes fondateurs de la nouvelle Afrique du Sud, pp.173-197. hal-02344096 HAL Id: hal-02344096 https://hal.univ-reunion.fr/hal-02344096 Submitted on 3 Nov 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Apartheid Mythology and Symbolism. Desegregated and Re-Invented in the Service of Nation Building in the New South Africa: the Covenant and the Battle of Blood River/Ncome Anton EHLERS University of Stellenbosch INTRODUCTION Although the focus and emphasis changed over time, the Covenant, the Battle of Blood River/Ncome, its physical monu- mental manifestation and its annual commemoration on December 16 were key components in the mythological legitimisation of Afrikaner nationalism and its apartheid manifestation in the 20th century. -
Determination on Amazulu Paramountcy
DETERMINATION ON AMAZULU PARAMOUNTCY I N D E X NO. DESCRIPTION PAGE NO. 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 Constitutional Provisions 1 1.2 Establishment of the Commission 2 1.3 Functions of the Commission 2 - 5 2. FOCUS 5 - 6 3. METHODOLOGY 6 - 7 4. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 8 - 30 5. THE CUSTOMARY LAW OF SUCCESSION 5.1 Succession to the Kingship of amaZulu 31 - 32 6. IMPACT OF LEGISLATION 6.1 Colonial Era 32 - 35 6.2 Apartheid Era and Homeland Era 35 - 38 6.3 Post-Apartheid Era 38 - 40 7. CURRENT STATUS 41 8. DETERMINATION 8.1 Issues to be Determined 42 8.2 Analysis of Issues 42 - 43 8.3 Analysis of Evidence 43 - 46 9. CONCLUSION 46 - 47 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS (a) Chapter 12 (Sections 211 and 212) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act 106 of 1996 (“the Constitution”) provides for the recognition of the institution of traditional leadership, its status and role according to customary law, subject to democratic principles. It is common cause, however, that over the years the institution of traditional leadership has been undermined, distorted and eroded. (b) Some of the main causes of this distortion were imperialism and colonization; repressive laws, in particular, the Black Administration Act 38 of 1927 (“the Black Administration Act”) and Apartheid laws which provided for the creation of territorial authorities, self-governing states and pseudo- independent enclaves. 1.2 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE COMMISSION 2 (a) In order to restore the dignity of this institution, the State President of the Republic of South Africa appointed a Commission on Traditional Leadership Disputes and Claims. -
Original Paper Contextualising Participant Factions in the Second Zulu Civil War of 1856 and It's Consequences up to 1861
World Journal of Education and Humanities ISSN 2687-6760 (Print) ISSN 2687-6779 (Online) Vol. 3, No. 1, 2021 www.scholink.org/ojs/index.php/wjeh Original Paper Contextualising Participant Factions in the Second Zulu Civil War of 1856 and It’s Consequences up to 1861 Hebert Sihle Ntuli1* & Fundeka Sikhosana1 1 Department of History, University of Zululand, South Africa * Hebert Sihle Ntuli, Department of History, University of Zululand, South Africa Received: December 2, 2020 Accepted: December 20, 2020 Online Published: December 28, 2020 doi:10.22158/wjeh.v3n1p63 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjeh.v3n1p63 Abstract The Second Zulu Civil War of 1856, commonly known as the Battle of Ndondakusuka, has been the subject of a number of historical interpretations. Different scholars give different accounts of the battle. Most historians differ on the root causes of the battle. Some attribute it to white imperialists who manipulated scenes and used the weakness of King Mpande to cause the war. According to this opinion, the Natal government entered the succession issue in an attempt to provide itself with a new “reserve” of land between the Thukela and Mhlathuze Rivers. Other sources point King Mpande as the one responsible for the clash between Princes Cetshwayo and Mbuyazi. The land issue and power also played a role in the outbreak of hostilities between princes. It is therefore apparent that different factions played a role in the outbreak of this war. So, this paper aims at contextualising various role-players towards that conflict and consequences thereafter. Keywords civilwar, Mpande, Cetshwayo, Mbuyazi, Ndondakusuka 1. -
The Strange Story and Remarkable Adventures of King Cetshwayo's
The Strange Story and Remarkable Adventures of King Cetshwayo’s Cup Ian Knight __________________________________________________________________________________________ On 5 October 1998, a ceremony was held on the site of King Dingane’s royal residence, emGungundhlovu, to inaugurate an interesting new Zulu heritage project. Amafa KwaZulu Natali, the KwaZulu/Natal heritage body, announced its intention to acquire the farmland that comprises the emaKhosini valley, south of the White Mfolozi River. This is the heartland of the old Zulu kingdom; emaKhosini means ‘the place of the kings’ and this is where the original Zulu chiefdom lived, and where the ancestors of the royal house are buried. King Shaka’s father, Senzangakhona, lived and is buried there, and Shaka spent part of his childhood there. Later, Dingane established eMgungundlovu there – surely the greatest and most magnificent of all the Zulu royal homesteads. The intention of the project is to buy up the farmland which comprises the valley, and turn it into a historical reserve – as has happened at Isandlwana, for example. The emaKhosini project is more ecologically challenging, however, in that the intention is to stock the reserve with both game, and traditional Zulu Nguni cattle. Local people will also be allowed to practise a limited amount of traditional agriculture within the reserve. The idea is that the emaKhosini will carry something of the traditions of Zulu land use forward into the twenty-first century, and therefore become something of a loving ecological museum. So far about 6,000 hectares of land have been acquired, and fund-raising is in progress to enable Amafa to purchase the rest. -
Shaka the Great*
Historia 54,1, Mei/May 2009, pp 159-179 Shaka the Great* Jeff Peires** Among several welcome signs that the gloom and doom which has for too long enveloped South African historiography is finally beginning to lift,1 one ominous portent continues to threaten. As Christopher Saunders recently put it, “much of the new work is narrow and specialized and of limited general significance”.2 History cannot flourish in the absence of debate, and the louder the debate, the more people are likely to join in. The South African historiographical landscape, however, still resembles that encountered by the British popular historian, Philip Ziegler, when he embarked on his study of the medieval Black Death, “rival historians, each established in his fortress of specialized knowledge, waiting to destroy the unwary trespasser”.3 So long as we continue to huddle in our strongholds, we will never engage. There are too many foxes in the South African historiographical world, and not enough hedgehogs.4 Today therefore, I put on my hedgehog suit and venture out to KwaZulu Natal, about which I truthfully know very little. If I die in battle, I can always scurry back to my Eastern Cape fortress and resume life as a fox. Besides which, if others follow my example, my sacrifice will not have been in vain. The decline of Shaka The conventional image of Shaka as a great African leader, a kind of black Napoleon, was adopted wholesale and unreflectively by the liberal historians of the Oxford History School, who sought to counter the racist assumptions of the colonial and apartheid eras by portraying African history as dynamic, constructive and independent of European influence.