APPENDIX NO. 1

BOYCOTTING THE JANUARY 26, I963 REFERENDUM

For example, the National Front urged people of Iran to boycott the January 26 referendum called to ratify the Shah's six-point reform programme.

"Then in January 1963, in the face of the rural co­ operatives conference and growing publicity for the referendum, the Front held another National Congress. After electing a new central committee, the Front urged people of Iran to boycott the January 26 referendum called to ratify the Shah's six point reform programme. ... Front announced a mass meeting and demonstration on January 25 to protest the ballotting and issed a manifesto that ended: We warn the people of Iran that our country is now on the verge of being officially changed from a democratic parliamentary regime to that of reaction and despotism. We must, therefore, say yes to abolition of the feudal system. Land and water for the farmers and better rewards for the workers: sovereignty for the nation and freedom for all; and destruction of colonialism and exploitation. But we must say NO to the ARBITRARY RULE OF THE SHAH, His interference in the affairs of the state, The rule of Terror and SAVAK Atrocities, colonial domination of the country, police violations and gendarmerie oppression and the overlordship of government officials in towns and villages."

Source: M. Zonis. The Political Elites of Iran, p. 74.

460 APPENDIX NO. 2

PAHLAVI FOUNDATION : KNOWN ASSETS IN DECEMBER 1979

A; Banks/Investment Companies:

1) Bank Oraran (lOO^/L). Capital R3.5 billion ($70 million). Total assets Rs.75 billion. Investments R3.I.4 billion. Dividend Rs. 30 million. Commercial Bank, 2) Bank Iranshahr (30^). Capital Rs,3 billion ($42 million). Total assets Rs. 3^ billion. Commercial bank. 3) Development and Industrial Bank of Iran (1.3%) Capital Rs. 3 billion ($42 million). Share valued by PF at $700,000. Development Bank. 4) Bank Etebarat (2>). Held 4OO of original 20,000 shares. Capital Rs. 1.5 billion ($21 million). Commercial bank. 5) Irano-British Bank (1^). Held 200 of original 20,000 Shares. Vvidely believed to have purchased much larger stake subsequently. Capital Rs, 1 billion ($14 million). Commercial Bank. 6) Industrial Guarantee Fund (?5fa). Capital $11 million. Industrial finance for small companies. 7) Omran Trinwall (30% held by Bank Omran). Capital Rs.l2 million ($170,000). Investment in Iran and Overseas. B) Iranshahr Finance (21^^ held through stake in Bank Iranshahr). Capital Rs. 70 million ($980,000). Commodities and securities trading,

461 462

9) First National Wisconsin Milwaukee, U.S.A. {5%), Held by Bank Omran.

10) Hispan-Iran (ll^t). Capital |150,000. Spanish-Iranian

Service and Investment group.

B. Insurance:

1) Biroeh Melli (B0%}. This stake is now believed greater. Capital Rs, 150 million ($2 million). Total premiums

approximately Rs. 800 million.

G. Property (all lOO^i): 1) Tehran area: Darband; Hilton; Evin; Vanak,

2) Caspian area: Babolsar New Hotel + motel; Chalus Old and New Hotels; Hyatt; Ramsar Old and New Hotels.

3) Other: Khorramshahr Hotel; Shiraz Hotel; I'feshed Hotel; Booali Hotel; Hamraadan; Abali Hotel; Shahi Hotel; Abali Amul Hotel; Sakhtsar New I^btel; Gachsar Old

and New Hotel.

Tourist Complexes/Leisure:

1) Namak-Abroud complex near Chalus (100^).

2) Villas at Ramsar (1) and Babolsar (1) (lOO^J.

3) Casinos: Ramsar Casino and Club; Hyatt; Kish Island (100^). 4) Kish Island Development Board (20^^ held through Bank

Omran): 3 hotels, casino and 1,000 villas when complete.

5) Mehrabad Airport, Tehran: restaurant {25%), 463

Residential/Commercial: 1) Sharkat Shahr Aram (0.4%). Satellite Town development project. 2) Bungalow Project near Niavaran, Tehran (219 units)(100%) 3) Vanak Tower Block (three block multi-storey residential and shopping project), Tehran (100%). 4) Farahzad Development Project (30% held by Bank Omran). Constx'uction of 25,000 upper-income units, 5) Levittshahr (?%). Involvement in $500 million new town via Bank Omran.

International: 1) Pahlavi Foundation Building, Fifth Avenue/52nd St., New York (100%). Bank value 1975 $14.5 million. 2) Canal Street Project, New Orleans {!%). Bank Omran in neighbourhood development scheme, believed on 50/50 basis with local interests.

D. Industrial Holdings: Building Materials: 1} Tehran Cement (25%). Capital Rs. 1.15 billion ($16 million). Cement. 2) Fars and Khuzestan Cement (?% believed substantial). Capital Rs. 3«5 billion ($49 million). Cement. 3) Iranit (30%). Capital Rs. ? Cement imports, asbestos, cast-iron fittings. 4) Panasuz. Stake held through Fars and Khuzestan Cement (95%). Production of asbestos material. 464

5) Montex (35%). Capital Rs. 12 million (^170,000).

Liquidated June 1977. Steel structures.

6) Sangvareh Mining {kO%), Capital Hs. ?. Provision of building materials from quarries.

Automotive Industry: 1) GM Iran (lO^t). Capital Rs. 1.5 billion (^21 million). Assembly of saloon cars and trucks.

2) B.F. Cioodrich Iran (9.59fa). Stake believed to have expanded to around 45/^ as a result of divestiture of 58> share of U.S. parent company. Capital Rs. 917 million {^13 million). Tyre manufacture.

3) Hepco (10^ held by Bank Omran). The Foundation is

believed to hold an undisclosed k5% stake. Capital Rs. ? Joint venture with IDRO for road-making equipment.

Miscellaneous:

1) I^ational Cash Register Iran (}S%), Capital Rs. ? Office accounting machinery.

2) Sedco (5%)» Capital Rs. ? Drilling operations. 3) Iran Skin and Leather Company (lOOjS?). Capital Rs. ? Tanneries.

4) Khorrasan Skin and Leather Company (100%). Capital Rs. 7 Tanneries.

5) Daru Pakhsh Pharmaceuticals (?%). Jointly owned by Foundation and Imperial Organization of Social Service (loss). Capital Rs. ? Largest Pharmaceutical producer in Iran. 465

6) Union Carbide (Puerto Rico) (20>). Capital Rs. ? Batteries.

E. Printing/Publishing: 1) Bunghah Tarjomeh Va Nashr Ketab [book distribution and translation company (100%)]. Capital Rs. ? Translation of foreign classics, Persian reprints, 2) The 25th Shahrivar Printing House {"ifo). Stake held through involvement in the lOSS. Capital Rs. ? Printing of all school textbooks used in Iran. 3) Danesh tJow Printing and Publishing Company (7^). Capital Rs.lOO million (^1.4 million). Books for the young.

F, Agribusiness: 1) Ahwaz Sugar Beet Factory {16>), Capital Rs. ? Sugar mill and refinery. 2) Kermanshah Sugar Factory (0.4>). Capital Rs.607 million ($8,5 million). Sugar-beet processing. 3) Hamedan Sugar Factory (1%). Capital Rs. ? Sugar mill and refinery. 4) Kooar Shiraz Sugar Factory (1.7%). Capital Rs. ? Sugar mill and refinery, 5) Fariman Sugar Factory (?%), Capital Rs. ? Sugar mill and refinery, 6) (^lahestan Birjand Sugar Factory (?9b). Capital Rs. ? Sugar mill and refinery. 7) Ziaran Meat Production (20%). Capital Rs,400 million (|;5.6 million). Meat production and processing operational 1978. 466

6) Iran Shellcott {10"/o). Capital Rs.500 million ($7 million). Agribusiness in Khuzestan. In process of being restructured. 9) International Agribusiness Company of Iran (2%), Capital Rs.441 million ($6.2 million). Agribusiness in Khuzestan. 10) Agricultural and Industrial Company of Khuzestan (10%). Capital Rs.700 million ($9.8 million). Agribusiness in Khuzestan.

Notes: 1) This list is not complete. Some of these holdings may have increased or been reduced. Very few of the companies are publicly quoted. All information is based on either access to the original list of assets, or companies that have admitted having shares in the Foundation. The companies in italics constitute the original known assets. 2) Not included is the National Iranian Tanker Company sold to NIOC in 1970 or the land/assets of some 73 nurseries and orphanages. 3) Income from Crown Lands handed to the Foundation is not included but mainly comprises loans repaid to Bank Omran.

Source; R. Graham, Iran: Illusion of Power, pp. 214, 215, 216, 217. APPENDIX NO. 3

THE 40 FAMILIES: MEMBERSHIP IN MAJLIS AND SENATE, 1906-196?

Family Majlis Different Senate Different seats Deputies seats Senators

Aalam 2 1 3 2 Adl 9 5 4 2 Afkharai 11 2 1 1 Akbar 15 5 4 1 Alam 1 1 0 0 Amini 4 2 0 0 Ardalan 10 4 0 0 Ashtiyani a 3 2 1 Bakhtiyari 41 20 3 2 Bayat 15 5 1 1 Busheiri 13 6 6 2 Daftari 2 2 4 1 Diba 9 3 2 1 Dowlatshahi 18 5 0 0 Ebrahimi 10 7 0 0 Emami 9 4 2 2 Emami-khoy 8 3 2 2 Eqbal 11 3 1 1 Esfandiari 19 7 3 2 Farmanfarmain 10 5 0 0 Hakimi 3 2 2 1 Hedayat 9 5 5 2 Jahanbani 4 2 6 2 Khajeh-Nuri 15 4 2 1 Khalatbari 4 2 1 1 Mahdavi 21 6 1 1

(continued)

467 468

Appendix No. 3 : {continue'd )

Family Majlis Different Senate Different seats Deputies seats Senators

Mansur 1 1 0 0 Pahlavi - - - > Panahi 9 3 0 0 Pirnia 13 4 0 0 Qaragozlu 13 a 0 0 Qushqai 14 7 1 1 Qavam 6 2 0 0 Sadri 1 1 0 0 Saffari 11 3 0 0 Sarail 21 9 4 1 Vakili 6 2 5 2 Vusuq 9 3 0 0 Zand 3 3 0 0 Zanganeh 4 3 0 0 Zolfaqari 12 4 1 1

Total 410 167 66 34

Source; James A. Bill. "The Patterns of Elite Politics in Iran," in George Lenczowski (Ed.). Political Elites in the Middle East, p. 34. APPENDIX NO. 4

THE SHAH'S SPEECH AT THE TIME OF DECLARATION OF RASTAKHIZ PARTY

We must straighten out Iranians' ranks. To do so, we divide them into two categories; those who believe in monarchy, the constitution, and the sixth Bahman Revolution (i.e. the date on which the ^vtiite Revolution was announced in 1963); and those who don't. ... A person who does not enter the new political party and does not believe in the three cardinal principles which I referred to, will have only two choices. He is either an Individual who belongs to an illegal organization, or is related to the outlawed Tudeh Party, or in other words is a traitor. Such an individual belongs in an Iranian prison, or if he desires he can leave the country tomorrow, without even paying exit fees; he can go anywhere he likes, because he is not an Iranian, he has no nation, and his activities are illegal and punishable according to the law. An individual who is neither an element of the Tudeh party and/or a stateless traitor, but who does not believe in the three principles, is free on condition that he openly expresses his disapproval and if he is not anti-nationalist, we will leave him free. But if he applies double standards, or hides to cover up an incident, or plays around as we have

469 470

seen some do, this is not acceptable. Everyone must be man enough to clarify his position in this country. He either approves of the conditions or he does not. As I said before, if his disapproval has treacherous overtones, his fate is clear. If it has ideological roots, he is free in Iran, but he should not have any expectation. At the same time, he will be totally protected by Iran's laws as an individual in the society. We expect everyone, any indivi­ dual who has come of age, to vote either to enter this new political structure or to clarify his position as of tomorrow or as soon as possible.

Source; F. Halliday. Iran: Dictatorship and Development, pp. 47 and 48. APPENDIX NO. 5

OPEN LETTER TO MOHAMMAD REZA SHAH, 12 JUNE 1977

To His Imperial Majesty, No one in parliament, the judiciary or the Administra­ tion is capable of listening to this statement since they possess no authority or responsibility, but merely observe the Royal will. All the nation's affairs are discharged through Imperial writes. Everything from the election of representatives of the people down to drafting legislation, the establishment of political parties and the conduct of a revolution is the prerogative of the person of your Majesty who has arrogated all authority, credit and honour - but also all responsibility. Despite the risks involved, the mounting political, economic and social problems of which every Iranian is now aware make it our national duty, as well as duty before God, to issue this statement.

We have taken this initiative at a moment when the country has gone to the brink of a precipice, progress has ground to a halt. Essential requirements, especially food stuffs and housing, have been affected by unprecedented scarcity and inflation; the country's agriculture and animal husbandry are in a parlous state; the imbalance in trade has resulted in an alanning gap between imports and exports. Our God given heritage, oil, has been seriously

471 472 dissipated. Plans made in the guise of reform or revolution have failed. Worst of all human rights and individual freedom are being disregarded. The principles of the con­ stitution and the universal declaration of human rights have been violated on an unprecedented scale. Police brutality has reached a peak. At the same time the prevalence of corruption, immorality and obsequiousness have undermined national dignity. The result of this state of affairs, accompanied as it is by endless promises and claims, exaggerations and propaganda, imposed celebrations and shows is a general disaffection and despair that encourages both people and capital to leave the country, that encourage the youth to rebel. The younger generation are then willing to embark upon actions labelled by the ruling apparatus as terrorism and treason which lead to prison, torture and death because they consider such acts as heroism and sacrifice.

Such abnormalities in the state of the nation must inevitably be attributed to the manner in which the country is governed. Government is based on a system of desprism dressed up as lawful monarch, and is in explicit contradic­ tion to the texts of the constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, tonarchy itself is an institution that has reflected the nature of Iranian history. It came to be legally defined in the constitutional revolution and its powers were unambiguously delimited in 473

the constitutional law and its supplement. In these funda­ mental laws all powers of the state are recognized to emanate from the people - 'the power of the state derive from the nation* and 'the monarch is free of responsibility', Today the management of state affairs has become a complex task, made more difjicult by the country's sensi­ tive geographic position. Indeed administration has become so complex that success is only possible with the sincere help and cooperation of all popular forces in an atmosphere of freedom, justice and mutual self-respect. This open letter is addressed to a person who some years ago uttered these words at Harvard University: "The violation of individual freedoms and disrespect of man's spiritual needs leads to frustration, and frustrated individuals are liable to follow negative paths until they cut themselves off from society's own tradition and rules. The only way to combat such frustration is to respect individual freedoms and operate on the principle that people are not servants of the government but the government is the servant of the people! f-tore recently your Majesty declared in the holy city of Meshed: 'Jaults cannot be eliminated with pistols and corruption can only be combated through a social crusade'.

The only way, therefore, to restore individual freedoms, re-establish national cooperation and solve the problems that threaten Iran's future is to desist from authoritarian rule, to submit absolutely to the principle 474 of constitutionality, revive the people's rights, respect the constitution and the universal declaration of human rights, abandon the single party system, permit freedom of the press and freedom of association, free all political prisoners, allow exiles to return and establish a government based on a majority that has been popularly elected and which considers itself answerable to the constitutions.

22 Khordad I356

Source; R, Graham. Iran: Illustion of Power, pp. 259 and 260.