DOCSLIB.ORG

“Case Study: Religious Liberty in the Administrative State”

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
“Case Study: Religious Liberty in the Administrative State” “Case Study: Religious Liberty in the Administrative State” Week 9 — Thomas G. West • Paul Ermine Potter and Dawn Tibbetts Potter Professor in Politics Post-1960s Progressivism has steadily eroded religious liberty and the freedom of association in America. Measures such as the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act and many anti-discrimination laws express a new understanding of rights that rejects the Founders’ view of religious liberty and the freedom of private associations to govern themselves. Recent Progressivism follows the early Progressive belief that effective freedom requires government to redistribute resources in order to provide equal access to the goods that promote mental development and that make life comfortable. This redistributive agenda is combined with a new emphasis on the empowerment of victim groups, sexual liberation, and an aversion to traditional Christianity and Judaism that requires government intervention in the internal affairs of private organizations. Religious liberty today is divorced from the freedom of association and the free exercise of religion, which the Founders understood to be essential for a free society. Lecture Summary The Founders’ conception of religious liberty was anchored in the belief that the natural right of liberty—and religious liberty—meant not only that all persons may worship God in the way each thinks best, but also that all are permitted to follow what they believe to be God’s laws in their daily life outside of church. The Founders understood, however, that actions based on religion are limited by the purpose of the social compact—the security of rights. No one has a right to disturb the public peace, to obstruct others in their religious worship, or to incite crimes. While the Founders believed that religion, especially Christianity, is helpful to the cause of liberty because it encourages the virtues necessary for the survival of a free society, they held that government involvement in religious organizations must be limited by the very purpose of government: to secure the equal natural rights of citizens to life, liberty, and property. Denial of the rights to religious liberty and to freedom of association violates the right to liberty. CONSTITUTION 201: THE PROGRESSIVE REJECTION OF THE FOUNDING AND THE RISE OF BUREAUCRATIC DESPOTISM In practice, liberty—including religious liberty—means that individuals are free to organize and conduct their affairs as they see fit through self-governing private associations. Contrary to today’s practice, the Founders understood that churches, businesses, and other private associations had the right to determine all internal policies, including rules for membership, employment, and conduct, free from government interference. As long as these entities do not harm the rights to life, liberty, or property, they should be free to manage their internal affairs. After 1965, Progressives adopted a new attitude towards religion and private associations, viewing both as threats to effective or positive freedom. The redistributive agenda of early Progressivism required the violation of the natural right to property, but in general the early Progressives supported the traditional family and liberal Christianity. Post- 1965 Progressivism (in the interest of sexual liberation) explicitly attacks Christianity and rejects the older morality which supported the traditional family. To implement the new view of freedom from Christianity and moral self-restraint, government involves itself ever more pervasively in the internal affairs of churches and businesses. Since these private associations all have employees, they are thus subject to anti- discrimination provisions that actively promote affirmative action policies geared toward sexual liberation and the redistribution of resources to supposed victim groups. Private associations are not allowed to govern themselves, and businesses are often prohibited from treating religion as a positive good. Religious liberty is increasingly confined to the freedom to worship. The natural right to liberty and the specific application of that right as religious liberty and the freedom of association are denied by the contemporary Progressive view of religious liberty. Key Passages from the Readings Northwest Ordinance “Religion, morality, and knowledge being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged.” —The U.S. Constitution: A Reader, page 125 Notes on the State of Virginia, Query XVIII: Manners • Thomas Jefferson “And can the liberties of a nation be thought secure when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are of the gift of God? That they are not to be violated but with His wrath? Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just; that his justice cannot sleep forever….” —The U.S. Constitution: A Reader, page 404 CONSTITUTION 201: THE PROGRESSIVE REJECTION OF THE FOUNDING AND THE RISE OF BUREAUCRATIC DESPOTISM Farewell Address • George Washington “Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and morality are indispensable supports…. Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that National morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.” —The U.S. Constitution: A Reader, page 147 Abington v. Schempp • William Brennan “[I]t is implicit in the history and character of American public education that the public schools serve a uniquely public function: the training of American citizens in an atmosphere free of parochial, divisive, or separatist influences of any sort…. Attendance at the public schools has never been compulsory… [The Constitution reserves] such a choice to the individual parent…. The choice which is thus preserved is between a public secular education with its uniquely democratic values, and some form of private or sectarian education, which offers values of its own….” Lawrence v. Texas • Anthony Kennedy “These matters, involving the most intimate and personal choices a person may make in a lifetime, choices central to personal dignity and autonomy, are central to the liberty protected by the Fourteenth Amendment. At the heart of liberty is the right to define one’s own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life. Beliefs about these matters could not define the attributes of personhood were they formed under compulsion of the State.” Study Questions 1. Did the Founders believe that there should be any restrictions or qualifications to religious practices? In what way was the Founders’ understanding of religious liberty informed by their understanding of freedom and equality? 2. What is the relation between the importance of religion and the security of rights according to George Washington in his “Farewell Address”? 3. What are the two main elements of the Founders’ conception of religious liberty? 4. Does government have a right to interfere in the internal governance of a private association such as a church or a religiously-affiliated business? Compare and contrast the Founders’ view with that of post-1960s Progressives. CONSTITUTION 201: THE PROGRESSIVE REJECTION OF THE FOUNDING AND THE RISE OF BUREAUCRATIC DESPOTISM Discussion Questions 1. Why would the Declaration of Independence identify four different roles performed by God in relation to society? What is the significance of each of these four roles? 2. Is there a conflict between civil rights and religious liberty in the Constitution? 3. Are biblical religion and post-1960s Progressivism (or Liberalism) fundamentally opposed to each other? 4. Did the Founders intend for the Constitution’s Establishment Clause to mean that there must be a “wall of separation” between church and state? © 2012 Hillsdale College Press. Learn more about the Constitution at constitution.hillsdale.edu..
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 109-120 Tucker Book Review
    BOOK REVIEWS Libertarianism—A Primer. By David Boaz. New York: The Free Press, 1997. Libertarianism: A Reader. David Boaz, ed. New York: The Free Press, 1997. What It Means to Be A Libertarian. By Charles Murray. New York: Broadway Books, 1997. Reviewed by Jeffrey Tucker* he American anti-statist intellectual tradition includes a wide variety of thinkers, from left utopians to secessionist T agrarians to right anarchists. Seemingly small theoret- ical differences between them can produce hugely different an- swers to the all-important question: what is to be done? Murray Rothbard’s primary contribution to this tradition was to firmly tie anti-statism to a strict adherence to property rights, rights which the state tramples on by its very existence, and rights which are best protected and enforced by private parties. The answer to the question of what is to be done follows clearly: gov- ernment power must be curbed and eliminated, to be replaced by private association. But modern libertarians haven’t always fol- lowed up on this radical Rothbardian project. Some libertarian writers—let’s call them left-libertarians—prefer to concentrate on the personal liberties associated with this political doctrine, while submerging property-centered social theory and a radical critique of the State, especially of the imperial state, within a larger laundry list of other aspects of libertarian policy. David Boaz’s primer may not be the prime example of ap- plied left-libertarianism (the post-Goldwater works of Karl Hess better deserve this moniker) but it nonetheless fits comfort- ably in that category. The reader is left with no doubt about where Boaz stands on lifestyle issues (drugs, sex, speech, etc.) and the policy concerns of the punditry class (how this or that program can be improved), but is left to speculate on precisely how strict Boaz’s utopia would be with regard to the protection of property rights, or how or on what level of society those rights would be enforced.
    [Show full text]
  • Hauerwas and the Law: Framing a Productive Conversation
    07_KAVENY (DO NOT DELETE) 11/19/2012 3:59 PM HAUERWAS AND THE LAW: FRAMING A PRODUCTIVE CONVERSATION CATHLEEN KAVENY* I INTRODUCTION The title of this symposium is “Theological Argument in Law: Engaging with Stanley Hauerwas.” When I discussed the project with colleagues specializing in Christian theological ethics, they were interested, even intrigued. Truth be told, however, they were also rather skeptical. Why the skepticism? It is universally acknowledged that Hauerwas is both engaged and engaging, actively involved in wide-ranging conversations with academics, pastors, doctors, and—yes—even lawyers. Furthermore, no one would deny that arguments rooted in the Christian theological tradition have made their way into American law over the years. Indeed, in 1892, a Supreme Court opinion unselfconsciously proclaimed that “this is a Christian nation.”1 “A Christian nation”? Ah-ha! Many Christian theologians would say there is the problem in a nutshell. Throughout his career, Stanley Hauerwas has tirelessly protested all efforts to embed Christianity, as either an intellectual system or social group, into the framework of worldly power. Such efforts, in his view, inevitably corrupt the thought and the practices of Christians, twisting both toward the goal of sustaining the kingdoms of this world, rather than building the kingdom of God that was inaugurated by the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ. Unlike the “peaceable kingdom” of Jesus, earthly kingdoms are inherently built on violence—not only the violence of warfare, but also the threats of coercive force that ultimately and undeniably back any system of positive law.2 The law, in other words, describes and implements the operating system of the strikingly unpeaceable secular world.
    [Show full text]
  • Kant's Doctrine of Religion As Political Philosophy
    Kant's Doctrine of Religion as Political Philosophy Author: Phillip David Wodzinski Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/987 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2009 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of Political Science KANT’S DOCTRINE OF RELIGION AS POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY a dissertation by PHILLIP WODZINSKI submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2009 © copyright by PHILLIP DAVID WODZINSKI 2009 ABSTRACT Kant’s Doctrine of Religion as Political Philosophy Phillip Wodzinski Advisor: Susan Shell, Ph.D. Through a close reading of Immanuel Kant’s late book, Religion within the Boundaries of Mere Reason, the dissertation clarifies the political element in Kant’s doctrine of religion and so contributes to a wider conception of his political philosophy. Kant’s political philosophy of religion, in addition to extending and further animating his moral doctrine, interprets religion in such a way as to give the Christian faith a moral grounding that will make possible, and even be an agent of, the improvement of social and political life. The dissertation emphasizes the wholeness and structure of Religion within the Boundaries of Mere Reason as a book, for the teaching of the book is not exhausted by the articulation of its doctrine but also includes both the fact and the manner of its expression: the reader learns most fully from Kant by giving attention to the structure and tone of the book as well as to its stated content and argumentation.
    [Show full text]
  • NEW Spirit and Secularity
    NAHME - CHAPTER 3 DRAFT- NOT FOR CITATION Chapter 3 Race, Religion, and Identity: the (Theo-)Politics of Kantianism and the Predicament of German Jewish Liberalism In the century since their first, limited experience of emancipation in 1812, many German Jews gained an increasing awareness of the strengths and weaknesses of appealing to civic rights and individual freedoms to seek recognition in German public institutions. On the one hand, these liberal ideals of freedom and equality, duty and obligation to the rational legal state (Rechtstaat) gave German Jews a sense of belonging to the German Fatherland and held up the image of the rights-bearing citizen as an ideal to strive toward. But on the other hand, as we saw in the previous chapter, the Jewish Question was also increasingly framed as a problem implicit in the developing discourse of liberalism and gave rise to an anxiety over the secularization of political and moral public discourse about values, norms, and social ideals in Wilhelmine Germany. The Jewish Question, as I argued, was both an epistemological and a political predicament. Whether all “Germans” acknowledged Jews as belonging to a community and fraternity of national identity is less important, however, than the diversity in normative goals represented by the introduction of a liberal philosophical worldview in Imperial Germany as the means for articulating a still inchoate national identity. And because the Jews, like many of their compatriots, participated in a collective imagining of what a “civic” identity could be, their engagement with both the liberalism and idealism of the late nineteenth century gives voice to the significant influence of 197 NAHME - CHAPTER 3 DRAFT- NOT FOR CITATION this intellectual worldview on the broader social and cultural moment.
    [Show full text]
  • The Need for Revival
    Scholars Crossing SOR Faculty Publications and Presentations 1982 The Need for Revival Edward Hindson Liberty University, [email protected] Ed Dobson Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/sor_fac_pubs Recommended Citation Hindson, Edward and Dobson, Ed, "The Need for Revival" (1982). SOR Faculty Publications and Presentations. 144. https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/sor_fac_pubs/144 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars Crossing. It has been accepted for inclusion in SOR Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of Scholars Crossing. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Holy Terror fanatically use any and every means to make converts; those continued from page 9 who make extreme and ridiculous statements in the name of God, etc. True Fundamentalists must reject and denounce Can W~ for what it really is - a bitter diatribe against religion! "We such extremists as not representative of biblical Christianity. _ There cannot live as machines," the authors say, "programmed by We must be careful to say only what the Word of God says Scriptures ... surrendered to Christ and computers" (p. 347). and no more. Also, we must pledge ourselves to be fair and \1 the chur At least one Catholic leader, Monsignor George Higgins, is accurate in the way we treat secular humanists, in spite of ',never be reported (Charleston Daily Mail, Sept. 28, 1982) to have their ridiculous and prejudiced treatment of us. Millions of jlit is too I ithe "La( resigned from the People for the American Way because of people freely attend our churches every week, not out of !cannot II Lear's sponsorship of Holy Terror, with its cultic constraint, but because of their deep personal commit­ l "simplistic ..
    [Show full text]
  • Dorrien-Vitae
    ! Gary Dorrien Reinhold Niebuhr Professor of Social Ethics, Union Theological Seminary Professor of Religion, Columbia University Birthdate: March 21, 1952 Marital: Widower (Married to Brenda L. Biggs from 1979 to 2000) Children: Sara Biggs Dorrien, born January 2, 1986 Ordination: Ordained to Episcopal priesthood, December 18, 1982 Previous Position: Parfet Distinguished Professor, Kalamazoo College EDUCATION B.A., Summa Cum Laude, Alma College 1974; M.Div., Union Theological Seminary 1978; M.A., Princeton Theological Seminary 1979; Th.M., Princeton Theological Seminary 1979; Ph.D., Union Graduate School 1989, D.Litt., MacMurray College, 2005; D.D., Trinity College 2010. BOOKS Logic and Consciousness: The Dialectics of Mind, Hastings Press, 1985. The Democratic Socialist Vision, Rowman & Littlefield, 1986. Reconstructing the Common Good: Theology and the Social Order, Orbis Books, 1990, 1992; Wipf and Stock, 2008. The Neoconservative Mind: Politics, Culture, and the War of Ideology, Temple University Press, 1993, 1994. Page 2! - Vita of Gary Dorrien Soul in Society: The Making and Renewal of Social Christianity, Fortress Press, 1995. The Word as True Myth: Interpreting Modern Theology, Westminster John Knox Press, 1997. The Remaking of Evangelical Theology, Westminster John Knox Press, 1998. The Barthian Revolt in Modern Theology: Theology Without Weapons, Westminster John Knox Press, 2000. The Making of American Liberal Theology: Imagining Progressive Religion, 1805-1900, Westminster John Knox Press, 2001. The Making of American Liberal Theology: Idealism, Realism and Modernity, 1900-1950, Westminster John Knox Press, 2003. Imperial Designs: Neoconservatism and the New Pax Americana, Routledge, 2004. The Making of American Liberal Theology: Crisis, Irony and Postmodernity, 1950-2005, Westminster John Knox Press, 2006.
    [Show full text]
  • The Brookings Institution
    LIBERALISM-2009/04/16 1 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION THE FUTURE OF LIBERALISM? Washington, D.C. Thursday, April 16, 2009 PARTICIPANTS: Moderator: WILLIAM GALSTON Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution Featured Speaker: ALAN WOLFE Professor and Director Boise Center for Religion and American Public Life at Boston College Panelists: E.J. DIONNE, JR. Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution ROSS DOUTHAT Senior Editor, The Atlantic * * * * * ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 LIBERALISM-2009/04/16 2 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. GALSTON: Well, ladies and gentlemen, people are still trickling, or should I say surging in. This is a wonderful crowd and a great tribute to the topic, and especially the author of the book that we’re gathered to discuss today. A few preliminaries; I should begin by introducing myself. I’m Bill Galston, a Senior Fellow in Governance Studies here at Brookings. And equally important, I should begin by introducing the series of which this event today is such a distinguished addition. The series is called Governing Ideas. Many of you have attended previous events, some of you haven’t, so forgive me for the repetition. The basic idea behind the Governing Ideas series is this: At Brookings and at think tanks around town, we spend an enormous amount of time debating public policy, and it’s right and proper that we do that, but we’re sometimes tempted to overlook that there is a context within which the discussion of public policy takes place.
    [Show full text]
  • Essays on Decency, Law, and Pornography
    to his task. A literary critic and author of A plementary ethic needs legal support, “it Place at the Table, he writes neither as a his- may be supported—not for the sake of virtue torian, although he is a good one, nor from but for the sake of preserving the moral envi- within the gilded circle of professional the- ronment that liberty and property need.” ology. He has grown up in the age of funda- Compulsion, then, is necessary to maintain mentalist ascendancy; he has had an adult a free society. religious experience that caused him to join In Clor’s view, the trouble with today’s lib- the Episcopal Church, of which he is a eral political theory lies in the shift from knowledgeable and devout member; and, in Locke’s emphasis on the rule of law to a new addition to having read and understood the emphasis on personal autonomy. Liber- literature of fundamentalism, he writes read- tarians, including John Stuart Mill and able, at times even elegant, prose. Friedrich Hayek, radicalize the liberty prin- Bawer offers sophisticated theological and ciple. They assume—wrongly, in the cultural portraits of Pat Robertson, James author’s view—that morals legislation is Dobson, and other Christian Right leaders, unnecessary because individuals exercise as well as their less-known allies and prede- their freedom wisely. Meanwhile liberal the- cessors. In a distinction that at times orists, including Ronald Dworkin, John becomes too simplistic, he contrasts their Rawls, and Stephen Macedo, radicalize the exclusive fundamentalism (“The Church of equality principle. While the libertarians Law”) with inclusive liberal Christianity take good character for granted, the egalitar- (“The Church of Love”).
    [Show full text]
  • Animals, Theology, and Abortion
    University at Buffalo School of Law Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship Spring 1-1-1991 The Politics of Virtue: Animals, Theology, and Abortion Elizabeth B. Boyer University at Buffalo School of Law Alan Freeman University at Buffalo School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/journal_articles Part of the Legal Theory Commons, and the Religion Law Commons Recommended Citation Elizabeth B. Boyer & Alan Freeman, The Politics of Virtue: Animals, Theology, and Abortion, 25 Ga. L. Rev. 923 (1991). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/journal_articles/756 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLE THE POLITICS OF VIRTUE: ANIMALS, THEOLOGY AND ABORTION Elizabeth Mensch* Alan Freeman** * Professor of Law, SUNY at Buffalo School of Law;, B.A., 1965, New School for Social Research; M.A.T., 1967, Cornell; J.D., 1978, Buffalo; L.L.M., 1979, Harvard. ** Professor of Law, SUNY at Buffalo School of Law;, A.B., 1964, Brown; LLB., 1967, New York University. The authors are very grateful for the insightful and challenging comments we have re- ceived from friends and colleagues who took the time to read our lengthy manuscript. Thanks to Gregory Alexander, Michael Ariens, Milner Ball, Beth Buckley, Ruth Colker, Tom Disare, Lucinda Finley, Marjorie Girth, Mary Ann Glendon, Trina Grillo, George Hezel, Christopher Lasch, Isabel Marcus, Michael McConnell, Gary Peller, Michael Perry, Stephanie Phillips, Richard Posner, Jack Schlegel, Howard Vogel, Joan Williams and Steven Winter.
    [Show full text]
  • Liberal Christianity Transcript
    Liberal Christianity Transcript Date: Tuesday, 14 March 2006 - 12:00AM Location: Barnard's Inn Hall LIBERAL CHRISTIANITY Professor Keith Ward 1. Liberal Christianity grew, first of all in Germany, as a response to the eighteenth century Enlightenment, with its call to subject everything to rational criticism, with its enthusiastic embrace of the new scientific method, and with its adoption of new critical attitudes to past historical records. A liberal Christian is one who accepts the propriety of close empirical observation and experiment in establishing truths about the physical cosmos, and the propriety of critical enquiry and argument based on consideration of available evidence in weighing claims about historical facts. Non-liberal Christians reject either or both of these positions. They may, for example, deny the theory of evolution on the ground that it is not in the sacred text, or deny that historical methods of investigation can be applied to the Bible. Liberal Christians may have a wide range of views on the content of their faith, but they will be affected by critical science and history to some extent. The problem of liberal Christianity is the problem of how extensive such affects will be. At the radical end of the spectrum are those who think science and history have sole sovereignty over all factual questions. Then religious faith would not speak of facts at all. No questions about the origin, causal structure, and end of the universe will be relevant to Christian faith. Even the historical life of Jesus will be irrelevant to faith. Insofar as the existence of God, or at least of a God who makes any difference to the universe, is taken to be a fact, Christian faith will be in no position to say that God exists.
    [Show full text]
  • PCC-Update-Spring-13.Pdf
    PENSACOLA CHRISTIAN COLLEGE Update| Spring 2013 PCCinfo.com PRESIDENT’S COLUMN From the President Dr. Troy A. Shoemaker s Pensacola Christian College the learning environment, but also A looks forward to its 40th year serve to prepare individuals for suc- this fall, we are thankful for its rich cess in today’s technological world. heritage. Our history is marked by Fifth, to serve the need for ad- humble beginnings, faithful leader- vanced training, attention must be ship, and God’s wonderful blessing; given to the expansion of distance and as we move into our fifth decade, and correspondence delivery for- it is exciting to see the possibilities mats, especially on the graduate and before us. seminary levels. During my first year as president, Sixth, the vision includes strong it has been a distinct privilege to promotion of the spiritual emphasis, develop understanding and clarity in character, and unique qualities and planning for the college. At inaugura- culture of PCC. Both prospective and tion in October, I shared the following current students need to see that PCC ideas as part of our vision for PCC. has something they can get nowhere First, the vision includes renewed else: the opportunity to grow person- attention to principles, policies, and ally in an academic rich environment procedures that impact our spiritual that is conducive to spiritual devel- ministry, academics, and student life. opment. It is healthy to step back and look at The last objective is to support how our policies and procedures ac- the various areas of this diverse in- tually support our guiding principles.
    [Show full text]
  • Pragmatism and Christian Realism in the Political Thought of Reinhold Niebuhr : an Analysis and Evolution of American Liberalism James Doughty
    Pragmatism and Christian Realism in the Political Thought of Reinhold Niebuhr : An Analysis and Evolution of American Liberalism James Doughty To cite this version: James Doughty. Pragmatism and Christian Realism in the Political Thought of Reinhold Niebuhr : An Analysis and Evolution of American Liberalism. Philosophy. Université Michel de Montaigne - Bordeaux III, 2017. English. NNT : 2017BOR30026. tel-01707895 HAL Id: tel-01707895 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01707895 Submitted on 13 Feb 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Université Bordeaux Montaigne École Doctorale Montaigne Humanités (ED 480) THÈSE DE DOCTORAT EN ÉTUDES ANGLOPHONES Pragmatism and Christian Realism in the Political Thought of Reinhold Niebuhr An Analysis and Evolution of American Liberalism Présentée et soutenue publiquement le 08 décembre 2017 par James DOUGHTY Sous la direction du Professeur Arnaud Schmitt Membres du jury Patrick DI MASCIO, Maître de conférences HDR, Aix-Marseille Université Blandine PONT-CHELINI, Professeure, Aix-Marseille Université Anne DEYSINE, Professeure émérite des Universités, Université Paris Ouest Nanterre Arnaud SCHMITT, Professeur, Université de Bordeaux 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements p. 5 Introduction p. 7 Liberalism: Its Origins and Evolutions p. 31 1.0.0 Liberal Theory: From Europe to the American Colonies p.
    [Show full text]