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Antisemitism in Contemporary Poland

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Antisemitism in Contemporary Poland Antisemitism in Contemporary Poland Marek Kucia* I. INTRODUCTION Poland is one of the most significant countries in Jewish history. In the Middle Ages, the Jews found a safe haven in the Kingdom of Poland. In subsequent centuries, they grew into a large community that contributed to the country’s welfare and developed a vibrant culture. In the 19th century, 80 percent of the world’s Jewry were living on the territories of what was then the Commonwealth of Poland and Lithuania. Because of migrations in the 19th and 20th centuries, many Jews in Israel, America, and other countries have roots in Poland. In the period between the World Wars, three million Jews were living in the Republic of Poland. Constituting 10 percent of the country’s population, they were the largest Jewish community in Europe. In 1939-1945, more than 90 percent of the Jews of Poland perished in the Holocaust. The annihilation of six million European Jews occurred largely in what had been Poland. The Nazi German death camps of Auschwitz, Bełżec, Kulmhof, Majdanek, Sobibór, and Treblinka operated there. After World War II, Poland became a country with hardly any Jews. The Jewish community declined, as a result of migration, from 240,000 in 1946 to 40,000 according to estimates—or 1,000 by self-identification—in 2002.1 II. REPORTED POLISH ANTISEMITISM Despite its rich and tragic Jewish past and low number of Jews today, Poland—now an established member of the free world (a member of NATO since 1999 and the European Union since 2004)—is reported to be a rather antisemitic country. For example, a survey that was carried out for the Anti-Defamation League in 2009 found that 55 percent of Poles share the antisemitic opinion that “Jews have too much power in the business world” (see Figure 1). It is of little consolation that the results in Hungary and Spain were higher. III. RESEARCH The question of the extent and character of antisemitism in today’s Poland and how it has changed in recent years are issues that I addressed in a sociological research project * Director, Institute of Sociology, Jagiellonian University, Kraków, Poland. 1 The number of Jews registered at local Jewish committees in Poland in 1946 was 244,000. The American Jewish Year Book (2003) gave the figure of 40,000 Jews in Poland. A total of 1,055 people identified themselves as Jews in the national census in 2002. 305 © Marek Kucia, 2013 | doi 10.1163/9789004265561_029 Marek Kucia - 9789004265561 This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NCDownloaded 4.0 license. from Brill.com09/26/2021 03:32:40PM via free access 306 MAREK KUCIA Figure 1: Anti-Defamation League Survey 2009: “Jews have too much power in the business world” (percentage responding “probably true”) Source: Anti-Defamation League (2009). carried out in January and June 2010.2 The project consisted of two parts—quantitative and qualitative. The quantitative part consisted of a survey that was designed by me and conducted by the Polish member of the Taylor Nelson Sofres network OBOP on January 7-10, 2010 through face-to-face interviews with a country-wide random sample of 1,001 respondents representative of the population of Poland aged over 15 years. The maxi- mum statistical measurement error was +/- 3 percent for the estimate of 95 percent. The qualitative part of my research project consisted of three focus group interviews that my students and I conducted in June 2010 with different groups of Catholics in different locations: (a) members of the Club of Catholic Intelligentsia in Kraków (six persons); (b) members of the Family of Radio Maryja in Rzeszów (nine persons); and (c) Catholic intellectuals in Lublin (five persons).3 In designing the survey and analyzing its results, I drew on Polish sociological re- search into antisemitism from 1992, 1996, and 2002. The 1992 and 2002 projects were conducted by Ireneusz Krzemiński, a professor of sociology from the University of Warsaw, and his teams from the Institute of Sociology at the University of Warsaw and the Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw (Krzemiński 1993, 1996, 2004). The surveys were carried out by the PBS opinion polling organization on samples of 1,011 (in 1992) and 1,098 (in 2002) respondents representative of Poland’s population aged over 18 years. The 1996 survey was designed and analyzed by Helena Datner (1997), a sociolo- gist from the Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw who was also a core member of Krzemiński’s team in 1992. Datner’s survey was conducted by the CBOS polling organi- 2 The research project “Auschwitz in the social consciousness of Poles, 2010 A.D.” was financed by the Polish government, the Ministry of Science and Higher Education, grant no. NN116445837. The project concerned antisemitism and the changing perception of Auschwitz in Poland since my Auschwitz research of 2000 (Kucia 2001a, 2001b, 2005). 3 The Clubs of Catholic Intelligentsia bring together moderate Catholics. The one in Kraków is sponsored by Cardinal Dziwisz, former personal secretary to Pope John Paul II. The Families of Radio Maryja are listeners of Radio Maryja—an extreme nationalist and traditionalist Catholic radio station, known for spreading antisemitic views, established and headed by Father Rydzyk. The Lublin intellectuals were graduates or faculty of the Catholic University of Lublin, and funders or supporters of Archbishop Życiński, one of the most open-minded and anti-antisemitic members of the Polish Roman Catholic clergy. Marek Kucia - 9789004265561 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 03:32:40PM via free access ANTISEMITISM IN CONTEMPORARY POLAND 307 zation on a sample of 1,097 respondents representative of Poland’s adult population (18 years and above). The main objective of my survey was to determine the level of three kinds of anti- semitism: (a) modern antisemitism, expressed in the opinion that Jews have too much power or influence; (b) religious antisemitism, which consists of the belief that Jews are culpable in Christ’s death; and (c) what I call post-Holocaust antisemitism, expressed in the opinion that it is good that there are hardly any Jews in Poland as an effect of the Holo- caust. Modern antisemitism was measured by the questions that were designed by Datner and used in her and Krzemiński’s surveys: 1. Do you agree with the statement that Jews in our country have too much influ- ence on…? (a) political life (b) economic life (c) press, radio, and television 2. Do you agree with the opinion that Jews have too much influence in the world? The three items in the first question (used in 1992, 1996, and 2002) probed the political, economic, and media-related antisemitism at domestic level, while the second question (asked in 1992 and 2002) measured what may be termed international antisemitism. Each of these four items was given a four-grade scale to choose one answer: “strongly agree,” “somewhat agree,” “somewhat disagree,” or “strongly disagree,” with a few other options: “I don’t know, I am not interested,” “I am undecided,” or “difficult to say.” The four items together constituted the index of modern antisemitism and anti- antisemitism as designed by Datner (1996). The positive answers (“strongly agree” or “somewhat agree”) to the four items constituted the scale of modern antisemitism: from four positive answers standing for strong modern antisemitism to no positive answers indicating no modern antisemitism. Analogically, the negative answers (“strongly disagree” or “somewhat disagree”) to the four items allowed one to construct the scale of modern anti-antisemitism: from four negative answers meaning strong rejection of modern antisemitism to no negative answers expressing no rejection of antisemitism. Religious antisemitism was assessed by means of a question that Datner designed for the 1992 survey and Krzemiński also used in 2002: Sometimes one hears the opinion that Jews have so many troubles because God pun- ished them for the crucifixion of Christ. Do you agree with this opinion or not? To measure post-Holocaust antisemitism, I designed the following question: One sometimes hears the opinion: “It is true that the Holocaust—the annihilation of Jews—was a major crime, but it is good that as an effect of it there are hardly any Jews in Poland.” Do you agree or disagree with this opinion? As in the case of modern antisemitism, respondents to the questions concerning the two other kinds of antisemitism were able to choose an answer from the same four-grade scale. In addition, there was the “difficult to say” option. The qualitative part of the research was intended to deepen selected results of the survey. The participants in the focus group interviews were asked, inter alia, to discuss Marek Kucia - 9789004265561 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 03:32:40PM via free access 308 MAREK KUCIA what they thought when they heard the various questions that measured antisemitism, particularly what they meant by the word “Jews.” IV. RESULTS 1. General findings The survey revealed the following (see Figure 2): Figure 2: Antisemitism and anti-antisemitism in Poland, 2010 (percentage agreeing or disagreeing with antisemitic statements) 1. A minority of Poles agree with various antisemitic opinions, that is, the majority of Poles are not antisemitic. 2. However, antisemitic opinions are fairly widely spread in Poland. a. In particular, there are many supporters of international antisemitism, which is expressed through the opinion that “Jews have too much influence in the world.” Forty-five percent of Poles agree with this statement. On a positive note, it is the only antisemitic opinion that has more supporters than opponents (33 percent). b. Many Poles—34 percent in each case—agree with the opinions that show domes- tic political and economic antisemitism, that is, that the “Jews in our country have too much influence on political life [and] economic life.” Also, 27 percent of Poles agree with the statement of domestic media-related antisemitism, namely that “Jews in our country have too much influence on the press, radio, and tele- vision.” c.
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