The status of ethnic Germans in Slovakia in the period between the end of the World War II and commencement of their transfer out of Slovakia

Milan Olejník, Spoločenskovedný ústav SAV, Košice, [email protected]

OLEJNÍK, Milan. The status of ethnic Germans in Slovakia in the period between the end of the World War II and commencement of their transfer out of Slovakia. Individual and Society, 2002, Vol. 5, No. 1.

Decision of Czechoslovakian political representatives to transform renewed republic to state without “non-Slavonic minorities” had dramatic impact on position of German minority in Slovakia. Germans were exposed to range of precautions which led to political, economic and civil relocation of this ethnic community and resulted in transfer of majority Germans out of Slovakian territory. This paper is devoted to individual aspects of this process and its overall impact on situation of German minority in Slovakia in the years 1945-1946.

German minority. Non-Slavonic minorities. Slovakia.

The defeat of Nazi Germany had dramatic repercussions upon the status of ethnic Germans in Slovakia. The nazification of majority of Slovak Germans and their exploitation for Hitler´s aims for world domination placed members of German minority in position of perpetrator of Nazi crimes. On the basis of thesis of so called collective guilt the Germans living in Czechoslovakia were deemed to be responsible for a whole array of crimes and a decision was made to transfer1 this ethnic community out of country. In the second part of year 1944 it was clear that the Red Army will enter the territory of Slovakia. This fact prompted the decision of Nazi authorities to evacuate German population out of Slovakia.2 In the summer months o 1945, after the military operation subdued, sizeable part of the German evacuees were returning to their homes.3 However, the hopes of returnees that they will be able to reassume continuity of their previous existence shown to be futile.

The German minority group as a whole became a target of broadly based discriminatory measures, imbedded in government programme, which according to place where it was adopted, got name Košice Government Programme (KGP).4 Already before enactment of KGP there were adopted measures which a discriminatory impact upon the members of German minority. On 27th February 1945 Slovak national Council (SNC) adopted Decree no. 4 "In regard to confiscation and accelerated distribution of land property of Germans, Hungarians and traitors of Slovak nation." The mode of confiscation and distribution of confiscated land was concretized in Circular no. 24 issued by Commission for Real Estate and Land Reform (CRELR) on 10 of march 1945. According to the cited Circular, the National Committees were obliged to prepare o lists of persons whose real estate was to be confiscated. The lists had to contain also description of persons whose property was confiscated and in case of ethnic Germans the language used in family circle, membership in Deutsche Partei (German Party - GP)5, positions in GP and nationality reported during the last census.6 The National Committees were also obliged to describe measures enacted in reason to secure an orderly course of exploitation of confiscated real estates. The first territory in Slovakia, liberated by Red Army where Germans lived in high concentration, was region of Spiš. The Spiš was also the first region where confiscation of German real estates occurred. The

1 majority of German homesteads was at that time deserted. The representatives of newly-created public authorities (Local National Committees - LNC and District National Committees - DNC) from districts of Spišská Nová Ves, Kežmarok, Poprad and Levoča, met on 17th march 1945 and adopted "Principles of Settlement of Villages Deserted by Germans". The representative of CRELR, who was also presented at the meeting, informed that these measures are not yet definite in regard to the land distribution.7

An important measure, which significantly impacted the status of ethnic Germans, was the Decree of SNC no. 33 "In regard to punishment of fascist criminals, occupants, traitors and collaborators" issued on 15th May 1945. The Decree no. 33 constituted a legal base for discriminatory measures against all who associated themselves in any form with the Slovak State and its organizations, German Nazi organizations and German minority organizations in Slovakia. According to the cited Decree, anybody who participated on destruction of Czechoslovakian republic (CSR), took part on any form of suppression of Slovak Nation, fought in ranks of German Army, committed hostile acts against Slovak National Uprising (SNU) and collaborated in any form with Nazi Germany or Horthys Hungary was deemed guilty of criminal activities and could be punished. The punishment ranged from incarceration (of various duration) to death penalty.8 The punishment could be alleviated in case when a perpetrator by his (her) later activities significantly contributed to the anti-fascist resistance (especially in SNU) or participated on rescue of racially persecuted persons. In extraordinary circumstances the accused could be granted an absolution.9 According to Decree no. 33, persons who were condemned to imprisonment should be imprisoned in special concentration camps.10 The criminal acts cited in the Decree no. 33 belonged to the jurisdiction of special courts, so called "Peoples Courts". The decisions of these courts were final. The Peoples Courts had a following structure - National Court, District Courts and Local Courts.11

In summer 1945 Slovak National Council enacted further decrees, which regulated status of German minority members in Slovakia. On 3rd July 945 SNC issued Decree no. 69 "In regard to employment termination of state unreliable persons". On the basis of this decree, employers, with consent of the Local National Committee, were empowered "without regard to any other legal and contracted clauses immediately terminate employment with state unreliable person".12 On August 23rd 1945 SNC issued Decree no. 99 "In regard to employment of state and public employees", which excluded members of German minority from public employment.13 The attitudes of Czechoslovak representatives toward the members of German minority were influenced by two motives - to punish those ethnic Germans who in any form associated themselves with Nazis, or committed acts deemed hostile to CSR and transfer Germans out of Czechoslovakia (with exception of active anti-fascists). The intention to transfer ethnic Germans out of Czechoslovakia, however, depended on the consent of USA, GB and Soviet Union. Czechoslovakia was awarded this consent during the conference of these states in German city of Potsdam on beginning of August 1945. Czechoslovak president E. Beneš reacted on this positive development immediately. On 2nd August 1945 E. Beneš issued Decree of Pesident of Republic (DPR) no. 33 "In regard to Amendment of Czechoslovakian State Citizenship of German and Hungarian Nationals".14 DPR, in its philosophy and justification, transformed the thesis of "collective guilt" into a concrete legal norm, which deprived a decisive majority of ethnic Germans of their citizenship and constituted the basis for their transfer out of Czechoslovakia. The persons, who were deprived of Czechoslovak citizenship were entitled to request the return of citizenship. The Ministry of Interior (MI) and in Slovakia the Commission for the Interior (CI), were entitled to decide the merit of submitted requests individually. The cases of ethnic Germans and Hungarians who were married to persons of "Slavic" origin should have been evaluated with "good graces" and till final decision was made these persons should be treated as a Czechoslovak citizens.15

As a whole, the situation of ethnic Germans in Slovakia during the summer months of 1945 was very confused. As it was mentioned, a sizeable part of German population evacuated before arrival of Red Army. Some localities with high concentration of German inhabitants were almost utterly deserted.16 These people were coming back. In majority cases the Local National Committees and National Militia17 prevented return of evacuees to heir homes. The Germans were concentrated in various places according to local conditions. The creation of concentration camps and process of emplacement of Germans into these camps was beset by a number of difficulties. Confusion, improvisation and insufficient material support from public authorities plagued the whole process. The CI endeavored to insert into concentration of Germans a degree of unity and issued several circulars with instructions. On 18th July 1945 the III. Department of CI issued a "House Order for the Concentration Camps in Slovakia". According to these instructions the management of concentration camps had establish a detailed evidence about each inmate, inmates should undergo a health inspection and upon entry into concentration camp they should be deprived of "all things which they could get by without". The inmates should be provided with the same type of fare as regular prisoners. The inmates were banned of any kind of contact with the outside world. Exceptionally, twice per month at most, the camp management could

2 , The status of ethnic Germans in Slovakia in the period between the end of the World War II and commencement of their transfer out of Slovakia permit to inmates to send a message to closest relative (husband or wife) after inspection of its content.18

Further instructions for establishment of concentration camps contained Decree no. 105/1945 issued by SNC on 23rd August 1945. According to stated decree, CI was obliged to establish "in line with occurring needs" labor camps, in which, besides other categories of persons, should be placed also persons condemned on the basis of Decree no. 33/1945 issued by SNC. The inmates were obliged to perform "public savory" tasks.19 CI accentuated obligation of local authorities to concentrate Germans again in circular issued on 25th October 1945. CI insisted, that "Germans who returned from evacuation must be immediately apprehended, investigated and according to results of investigation submitted to respective Peoples Court, or placed into labor camp".20 The results of research done in Slovak archives indicate a gap between the endeavors of authorities to solve the "German question" and noticeable lack of interest on part of broader public in the whole matter.

Unlike Czech part of CSR, where negative attitude against Germans was deeply rooted and cases of open hatred and violence were not exceptional, majority of Slovaks had an ambivalent attitude toward to Germans. On one side there was, unquestionably, feelings that price for Nazi crimes should be paid. On the other side Germans living in Slovakia were far less numerous than German population of Czechland, and ethnic Germans had, despite privileged position in many areas, only minority status. Besides, Hitler had interest to portrait Slovakia as and a "model" state, an example for arrangement between Third Reich and other small European countries. For these reasons the complains of F. Karmasin, leader of ethnic Germans in Slovakia, who was unsatisfied with seemingly secondary position of German community, were ether ignored by Nazi authorities, or he was advised to abstain from conflicts with Slovaks. As a result, restrictive measures implemented against Germans after defeat of Germans were accepted with lack of enthusiasm not only on part of public, but also by some of the public authorities. In a situational report issued by District National Committee in Kremnica is reported that "many of ours (Slovaks) were infected by a massive German propaganda and consequently, in political dialogues many Slovaks are still lacking decisive anti-German stand".21 The fact that "perpetrators of fascist regime" received help from certain segments of Slovak public is supported by circular of Headquarters of National Security (HNC), according to which "It was detected that many of such elements (Germans) are still in hiding in various places throughout Slovakia. These elements were not yet apprehended because there are persons who supports them in hiding, offering them for traitorous pay food, lodging and other necessary things. We are appealing to whole Slovak public of anti-fascist thinking to report every person who is suspected of above mentioned criminal doing, or who is in hiding".22 The target of criticism became not only private persons but also institutions who were entrusted with concentration of Germans into camps. For example the district headquarters of National Security in city of Kežmarok criticized fact that "Many Local and District National Committees are not cooperating with the National Security units in cleansing Slovakia from Germans, Hungarians and other traitors and collaborators.. In some cases this non-cooperation can be judged as sabotage".23

Another factor negatively impacting the quality of work of local authorities was low discipline in keeping terms for enactment of adopted decrees and measures. In circular issued by CI on 18th October 1945 is stated that "District National Committees and Local National Committees are not upholding the terms reserved for realization of various agenda. Some of these institutions even decrees, measures instructions and circulars ignoring." CI warned that "In cases of repetition of such mistakes, it will be necessary to made a personal changes in DNC".24 An important document, exempting ethnic Germans from discriminatory measures including placement into concentration camps was, so called attest of national reliability. These attests could be awarded to German antifascist, members of mixed marriages and persons who reported Slovak nationality during censuses enacted before year 1945. The benevolent awards of these attest, practiced by some institutions, became also target of criticism. For example DNC in city of Kežmarok, in circular addressed to all LNC in its district, criticized alleged practice of award of these attest to Germans and Hungarians and warned, that "every misuse of authority in this sense will be judged criminal".25 On the other side, political parties26 (especially Communists), various left oriented organizations and individuals who profited from confiscation of German property were vocal supporters of stern measures against Germans and requested their speedy transfer out of Slovakia. Fore example LNC in Smokovce dispatched on 23th May 1945 a letter to DNC in Poprad in which informed about the return of German inhabitants of village and asked for prevention of such returns, because "this incomprehensible occurrence is alarming the public, namely the Slovaks who German villages resettled".27

The "cleansing of Slovakia" requested on various occasions also public institutions. The delegates of first congress of national committees which took place in August 1945 in city of Banská Bystrica, declared that it is "In the interest of security of nations of Czechoslovak Republic and in the interest of general security... to cleanse renewed Czechoslovakia of treacherous and destructive German minority".28

3 Similarly, the participants conference of Coordinative Committee of Resistance Fighters which was organized in city of Poprad on 15th December 1945 with "indignation" acknowledged, that some institutions are employing "persons with the anti-Czechoslovakian attitudes, even Germans and Hungarians" and emphasized the need to place in all institutions and public organs only "reliable and well deserving Slovaks".29 The transfer of Germans out of Slovakia requested also representatives of Democratic Party. For DP to refute this request in existing political and social condition was, at that time, unthinkable. It would be a political suicide. However, members of Democratic party differed dramatically from Communists and leftist organizations. The emphasis on civic values and establishment of law respecting practices influenced also the attitudes toward Germans. There were occurrence when members of Democratic party intervened for ethnic Germans. For example, leadership of Democratic Party in city of Kežmarok requested discharging of ethnic Germans form concentration camp in Veľká Lomnica, because imprisoned person were not members of German Party and were not associated with pro-Nazi activities during the Slovak State.30 In another occasion, communists periodical Východoslovenská pravda, accused members of DP of helping German inhabitants of town of Smolník, to obtain bogus attests of mixed marriages and this was to gain a status of national reliability.31

The request to transfer ethnic Germans out of Slovakia surprisingly absented also at the first congress of Democratic party, which took place in city of Turčianský Sv. Martin during 7th and 8th July 1945. In the final resolution party adopted primarily requests to respect for security and upholding of human rights and abolishment of press and mail censure, but invectives against Germans and Hungarians, customary in leftist declarations, were omitted.32 Unlike Democratic party, Communist Party of Slovakia (CPS) was in its request to "cleanse" Slovakia of non-Slavic minorities very pervasive. At almost all meeting and public gathering of any kind, this request was vocally presented. There are numerous documents preserved in Slovak archives attesting to this . For illustration, the participants of district conference of CPS in Banská Bystrica (1st July 1945) adopted a resolution in which requested "removal out of Slovakia Germans and Hungarians who settled in Slovak territory after autumn 1938 as well as all ethnic Germans and Hungarians who agreed with the fascist regime".33 Delegates of district conference of CPS in city of Žilina requested "in the shortest possible time to division of land of Germans, Hungarians and traitors".34 Delegates of district conference in city of Zvolen accentuated the need to "definitely solve the question of Hungarians and Germans, who sinned against Slovak nation, national uprising and Czechoslovak Republic".35 The declaration adopted at district conference in city of Trenčín contain a request for "...realization of transfer of Germans and fascist Hungarians out of Slovakia and exchange of remaining Hungarian population for our Slovak brothers living in Hungary".36 The radical anti-German rhetoric was not confined only to the local organizations of CPS. The central leadership of CPS fully supported the intention to transfer majority of members of German minority out of Czechoslovakia. Already in June 1945 the Presidium of CPS came to conclusion, that it is necessary to "take a measures, with the utmost decisiveness, to secure that all Germans living on Slovak territory, with exception of active anti-fascists, will be placed in concentration camps".37 CPS agreed with postulate of "collective guilt" and supported implementation of restrictive policy against Germans and Hungarians on ethnic principle. This was in direct controversy with one of the essential thesis of Marxist -Leninist ideology - thesis about the proletarian internationalism, which refuted ethnic or national divisions as a capitalist anachronism. However, chance to weaken any potentially anti-communist force in Slovak society and to gain a political capital by giving confiscated German and Hungarian land to landless Slovaks led communists to negate on their cherished principles.

Despite "benevolent" attitude of Slovak public and some public institutions to strict adherence to discriminatory policies against Germans, the situation of German population in Slovakia, especially situation of Germans placed in concentration camps, was very difficult. The aim to place the German population into concentration camps had a negative impact upon the realization of the whole process. The decisive majority of camps established throughout of Slovakia was created without adequate organizational, personal and material backing. An illustrative example of condition in majority of camps can be concentration camp in city of Kežmarok. The camp was established on the basis of decree no. 580/1945 issued by CI on 9th May 1945. The camp was activated on 29th May 1945 premises of Tokoly castle in Kežmarok. According to the camp report from 15th December 1945, 743 persons (335 men and 408 women) were placed in camp. Inmate were of all age categories - there were 38 children of age up to 6 years and 232 youngsters between age 6-20 years. The cited report contains numerous entries which are documenting the unsatisfactory situation in Tokoly concentration camp. The castle is characterized as a building with vet and dark rooms with insufficient capacity to accommodate all inmates. The structure of fare was also termed as barely sufficient. Daily food rations consisted from 120 grams of bread and black coffee for breakfast, bean or potatoes soup for lunch and beans, potatoes or cabbage for dinner. Children till six years of age received 200 grams of milk pre day. Since inception of concentration camp the inmates had no meat. There was utter lack of clothing. According to report "inmates have only their

4 , The status of ethnic Germans in Slovakia in the period between the end of the World War II and commencement of their transfer out of Slovakia own clothing and shoes and many of them looks like beggars". The critical situation was also in regard to other supplies. Camp was not equipped with a sufficient amount of beds and mattresses, wood for heating was lacking and medical supplies were unavailable.38 The situation did not improved noticeably even during the first half of 1946. In camp report from 15th August 1946, in part dealing with the conditions of inmates is written: "The fact, that the food is very monotonous, that inmates are not receiving clothing and shoes, that camp has not washing facilities and that inmates are in danger of loosing their health, is very detrimental to discipline and security conditions in camp".39

The described critical situation in Tokoly concentration camp was not exceptional. Similar difficulties experienced more or less all concentration camps throughout Slovakia. Among the most burdening problems belonged the unsuitability and insufficiency of logging facilities, unsatisfactory hygienic conditions and lack of proper food. Besides general scarcity, which was aftermath of war depravations, in many cases described difficulties were aggravated by laxity and occasionally flagrant reluctance of local institutions to provide concentration camps with supplies. To this unsatisfactory situation reacted 6th Department of Headquarters of National Security (HNS) in circular addressed to leaderships of all concentration camps, in which accentuated necessity to secure for inmates essential need. HNS also asked Local and District National Committees to assist camps with food supplies. If this way of supplying camps with food was impossible, individual camps should request Mandatory Office of SNC for food supplies. HNS requested units of National Security and District national Committees to realize regular inspection in concentration camps in reason to alleviate the worst inadequacies in supplying camps with food. HNS criticized also cases of "thefts, violent acts committed against inmates and sexual offences of various kinds" and pointed out "a sad fact that these offenses were perpetrated by security personnel".40 In some case the inefficiencies in supplying of camps reached a catastrophic measures. For example the district headquarters of National Security in Gelnica, in report dispatched to District national Committee in Gelnica, sated that "in the concentration camp in Turzov is lacking provisions to such an extend, that in case of absence of help, the inmates will start dying".41

Because the hygiene in many camps was utterly insufficient, the inmates suffered from infectious diseases. The epidemics plagued not only camps but were becoming a source of infection for a broader environment. The Local National Committee of Petržalka dispatched a memorandum, addressed to SNC in which informed about the dangerous situation in concentration camp established on 10. may 1945 in this locality. The representatives of Local National Committee in cited memorandum, informed that the camp was "insufficiently supplied with food and hygienic needs, which resulted in outbreak of infectious diseases. The lack of medical personnel and medicines caused quick spread of epidemics, threatening not only camp but also the town. Lately, 92 cases of death occurred, which are caused by this epidemic".42 The authors of memorandum urgently requested removal of concentration camp from Petržalka. The similar outbreak of epidemic plagued concentration camp in town of Piargy, were 1 800 persons was incarcerated. The main reason for outburst of epidemic, in judgment of unit of National Security in city of Kremnica, was the absolute lack of food. The inmates were feeding themselves "mostly on forest berries, fruits and various rubbish".43 Because the whole families were placed in concentration camps, the victims of diseases were becoming namely old people and children. The HNS reported to SNC, that it is almost impossible to provide the camps with proper food for children.

With the close of summer months of 1945, another difficulty ensued - a need to supply the camps with sufficient amount of heating materials. This was crucial especially for camps located in Spiš region. The Spiš is a territory adjacent to Tatras mountains and winters there are very cold. Because the sizeable part of camps was established in old stone buildings (for example already mentioned Tokoly castle) the need for heating was essential. Besides heating, acute need arose for worm winter clothing. Almost all Germans were placed in camps during summer months ane had only light clothing. Because there were no doubts that inmates could not survive witnte without proper worm clothing, CI dispatched a circular to all camps located in Slovakia, in which requested for information in regard to need for winter articles. The representatives of individual camps could request winter clothing, shoes and blankets, for the "most needy" inmates.

At the beginning of 1946, due to catastrophic conditions existing in many camps, CI decided to remove all children younger than 14 years "without regard to nationality, adherence or origin" from the concentration camps. The children could remain in camps in cases when their parents explicitly requested to have children with them in camp. Otherwise, the authorities invested with welfare of dependent children were liable to place minors in proper facilities. It was decided, that the children whose parents or close relatives were unknown will be send to International Red Cross. Under-age who were to remain in camps should have been separated from adults and should undergo "special re-education". An illustration of a little attention given to the "German issue" in Slovakia was fact that at

5 the beginning of 1946 CI had no evidence of number of concentration camps established on Slovak territory. For this reason 8. January 1946 CI requested all DNC and headquarters of NS to report existence of any camps in their district. CI also requested the leaderships of camps to elaborate a report contained all relevant information in regard to situation in cams and send these, twice monthly, to MOI. There is necessary to mention the activities of so called Peoples Courts, which became a main instrument in judging and punishing the acts committed by Germans, Hungarians and Slovaks, who were deemed by Slovak authorities to be of criminal nature. Till 31st December 1948 a total of 22 278 cases were brought to theses courts. To punishments of various degree were sentenced 8 962 persons, 13 316 persons were set free. From the ethnic structure point of view sentenced were 2 815 Slovaks, 4 946 Hungarians, 1 095 Germans and 106 persons of other nationalities.44 As we can see, the proportional share of sentenced Germans (12,31%) compared to total number of Germans living at that time in Slovakia was very large. Actually the punishments meted by courts were only of symbolic nature. According to decree of Mandatory Office of Justice issued 14th September 1946, the punishments should be revoked in cases when condemned persons were selected for transfer out of Czechoslovakia. Only in cases when exceptional interest to punish certain person existed, condemned person should be punished. In reality a decisive majority of condemned ethnic Germans was transferred out of Czechoslovakia before their sentence run out.

After year 1945 the members of German minority living in Slovakia became as a whole a victims of number of restrictive measures and deprivations. Besides anti-German propaganda and indiscriminate blame for Nazi crimes, preparations for their transfer out of country dislocated this ethnic community from economic, political and social life. However, unlike in Czech part of state, Slovak public acted in relations toward to Germans without expressions of hatred and thirst for revenge. A certain degree of indifference was noticeable. A lax attitude not only among public but also from site of institutions and local authorities was frequently criticized by representatives of Slovak political life and security authorities. Numerous archive documents confirms this. For example, District Headquarters of National Security in city of Kežmarok informed, that "numerous national committees are not cooperating with national security units in purging Slovakia of Germans, Hungarians and other traitors and in some cases this can be evaluated such as sabotage".45 DNC in city of Kremnica in its situational report informed, that "many of Slovaks are still influenced by enormous German propaganda and they are lacking strict anti-German attitude".46

In some cases Germans were receiving help from people who sympathized with their difficult situation or did it for material gain. The Headquarters of national Security published a public notice, in which stated that "It was detected, that still too many of these elements (Germans) are hiding at different places in Slovakia. Fact that these elements were not apprehended is caused by persons who are giving shelter, food and other necessary support to them. We are appealing to the Slovak public of anti-fascist sentiment to inform about every such a person. Those who such elements hide, will be considered as accomplices and will tried in peoples courts".47 The appalling conditions in many concentration camps motivated inmates to look for ways to escape. The escapes from camps were numerous and were constant topic of criticism from central security authorities. The escapes were possible mainly due to lax attitude and in some cases outride indifference of leadership of camps to such events. CI, in circular from 15th December 1945 criticized scant attention given to this problem and ordered chiefs of camps to report such escapes immediately and not, as was written in cited circular "after several days or even weeks".48 In some cases chiefs of camps, for various reasons, released inmates from camps and then reported them as escapees. CI warned chiefs of camps to abstain from such practices, otherwise will commence disciplinary action against them.49

Slovak local authorities were also very benevolent in awarding so called attests of national reliability. These documents could be given only to members of German minority who proved to be active anti-fascists. However, the proof could be matter of subjective evaluation or could be gained on the base of testimonies of persons who could be positively inclined to person requesting such a document. In circular issued by CI on 11th January 1946 is written, that some Local National Committees issued to Hungarians and Germans attests of national reliability and also confirmed that these persons are of Slovak nationality. In such cases a stern disciplinary action will be undertaken and perpetrators of such misdeeds will be treated as saboteurs.50 The court proceedings against Germans attracted also only a miniscule attention from site of Slovak public. The Nazi crimes, in judgement of many Slovaks, were committed by leaders of Nazi organizations and common Germans were rather victims than criminals. In many cases Slovaks refused to be a members of these courts and ignored their appeals for cooperation. CI reflected on this attitude in circular issued on August 25th 1945 and criticized fact that "many citizens, in fear of some impossible revenge, or on the grounds of unjustified softness, are reluctant to report collaborators, fascist exponents and are refusing to testify in peoples courts. Also many citizens are

6 , The status of ethnic Germans in Slovakia in the period between the end of the World War II and commencement of their transfer out of Slovakia shirking from their duty to serve on peoples courts and this way to fulfill their civic duty".51 Very unpopular was namely denunciation, no matter how arduously authorities tried to portrait it as a "civic duty". On the whole, the measures enacted against members of German minority agitated broad Slovak public only to a limited degree. With exception of staunch anti-Germans, members of leftist organizations and people who profited from confiscated German property, Slovak public shown a little interest in policies leading to detention and consequent transfer of Germans out of Slovakia. Germans themselves, traumatized by war events and stigmatized as a adherents to Nazism, became passive subjects of these measures.

Notes

1 A heated discussion is going on in regard to appropriate definition of transfer of Germans out of Czechoslovakia. Czech and Slovak politicians and historians are almost without exception using the term transfer or displacement (odsun). The German historians to the contrary are emphasizing the violent, compulsory aspect of the transfer and are using terms expulsion, banishment (Austreibung, Vertreibung). In this paper the term transfer will be used in line with temporary terminology and language of various government agencies. The author, however, is abstaining from commenting or judging the whole process. The true nature of these events is characterized by the archive documents used in this paper. 2 Gabzdilová, S.: Evacuation of the German population out of Slovakia at the end of the World War II. In: Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné, teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied, roč. 5, 2001, č. 4, www.saske.sk/cas/4-2001/index.html 3 Gabzdilová, S.: Situácia nemeckej menšiny na Slovensku pri návrate z evakuácie na jar a v lete 1945. In: Historický časopis, roč. 49, 2001, č. 3, s. 453-476. 4 The complete text of KGP is published in: Dokumenty moderní doby. Praha 1978. 5 The German Party was a political party of German minority members during the Slovak State. It was organized similarly as the Hitlers Nazi Party and to be a member of GP was considered by Slovak authorities to be a criminal act. 6 Úradný vestník, year 1945, no. 2, pp. 22-26. 7 Cesta ke Květnu. Vznik lidové demokracie v Československu. Part I., volume 2. Praha 1965. 8 Nariadenie SNR č.. 33, § 1. Zbierka nariadení SNR, roč. 1946, čiastka 11. 9 Ibid, § 6. 10 Ibid, § 8. 11 Ibid, § 9-27. 12 Zbierka nariadení SNR, ročník 1945, čiastka 13. 13 Ibid, part 17. 14 According to DPR no. 33, Czechoslovakian citizens of German or Hungarian origin, who by decision of foreign power gained German or Hungarian citizenship, at the day of this act they lost the Czechoslovakian citizenship. Other Czechoslovak citizens of cited nationalities lost their citizenship at the day if issuance of this decree (10th August 1945). The Germans and Hungarians who at the time of increased danger of CSR reported themselves to be Czechs or Slovaks and citizens of German and Hungarian origin who did not committed hostile acts against CSR and actively fought liberation of Czechoslovakia or suffered under Nazi terror should have the Czechoslovak citizenship preserved. 15 Úradný vestník, ročník 1945, č. 29, p. 657. 16 For ilustration: from the city of Poprad almost 90% of members of German minority were evacuated. Chalupecký, I.: Dejiny Popradu. Košice 1998, p. 319. 17 Unlike Local and District National Committees, the National Militia (NM) were active only for a limited period of time. CI abolished NM in August 1945. 18 Slovak National Archive (SNA), fond (f.) Povereníctvo vnútra, Legislatívny odbor, box 20. 19 Zbierka nariadení SNR, ročník 1945, čiastka 17. 20 Ibid. 21 SNA Bratislava, f. Povereníctvo vnútra, Bezpečnostný odbor, box 1. 22 State District Archive (SDA) Poprad, f. Obvodné úrady národného výboru Slovenská Ves, box 4. 23 SDA Poprad, f. ONV Poprad, box 3. 24 SDA Poprad, f. Obvodné úrady národného výboru Slovenská Ves, box 1. 25 SNA Bratislava, f. MOI, Labor Camps, box 105. 26 On Slovak territory were after renewal of Czechoslovakian Republic allowed only two political parties - Communist Party of Slovakia (CPS) and Democratic Party. 27 SDA Poprad, f. ONV Poprad, box 2. 28 Národné výbory, vol. I., Bratislava, 1st October 1945, no. 2. 29 SDA Poprad, f. ONVC Poprad, box 50. 30 State County Archive (SCA) Košice, f. Demokratická strana, i. j. č. 169/1945. 31 Východoslovenká pravda, 7. 9. 1945.

7 32 SNA Bratislava, f. Ústredný výbor Komunistickej strany Slovenska (ÚV KSS) - Generálny tajomník (GT), box 2160, i. u. 268. 33 SNA Bratislava, f. ÚV KSSS - GT, box 2123, i. u. 74/6. 34 Ibid, i. u. 74/7. 35 Vartíková, M.: Komunistická strana Slovenska. Dokumenty z konferencií a plén 1944-1948. Bratislava 1971, p. 162. 36 Ibid. 37 Hlas ľudu, Prešov, 24. 6. 1945. 38 Archive of Ministry of Interior of Slovak Republic (A MI SR) Levoča, f. E 10. 39 Ibid. 40 SNA Bratislava, f. Povereníctvo vnútra, Bezpečnostný odbor, box 444. 41 SDA Spišská Nová ves, f. Okresný národný výbor Gelnica, box 3. 42 SNA Bratislava, f. Povereníctvo vnútra, Bezpečnostný odbor, box 442 43 SDA Žiar nad Hronom so sídlom v Kremnici, f. Okresný úrad (OÚ) Kremnica 1923-1945,box 528. 44 Šutaj, Š.: Maďarská menšina na Slovensku v rokoch 1945-1948. Bratislava 1993, pp. 127-128. 45 SDA Poprad, f. ONV Poprad, box 3. 46 SNA Bratislava, f. PV Bezpečnostný odbor, box 1. 47 SDA Poprad, f. OÚ MNV Slovenská Ves, box 4. 48 SNA Bratislava, f. PV, Prezídium, box 69. 49 SNA Bratislava, f. PV, Pracovné tábory, box 4. 50 Ibid., box 105. 51 SDA Poprad, f. ONV Poprad, box 3.

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