From Predator to Parasite: Private Property, Neoliberalism, and Ecological Disaster
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Original Institutional Economics and Political Anthropology
Original Institutional Economics and Political Anthropology: Reflections on the nature of coercive power and vested interests in the works of Thorstein Veblen and Pierre Clastres Coauthored by: Manuel Ramon de Souza Luz; Faculty of Economics; Federal University ABC; São Paulo, Brazil [email protected] John Hall, Department of Economics, Portland State University; Oregon, USA [email protected] Abstract: Our inquiry advances a comparison of the anthropological content of Thorstein Veblen’s evolutionary perspective with the foundations of the political anthropology drawn from selected works of Pierre Clastres. We seek to establish that what can be referred to as a clastrean reference can simultaneously offer new perspectives on institutionalism, while maintaining a radical and emancipatory understanding of Veblen’s writings. In this sense, we seek to reconsider and reevaluate the role of economic surplus drawn from Veblen’s anthropology, while also offering a general and critical perspective for understanding the emergence of coercive power within societies. (94 words) JEL Classification Codes B15, B25, B41 Key Words: Coercive Power, Original Institutional Economics, Pierre Clastres, Political Anthropology, Thorstein Veblen (Front matter: 169 words) This inquiry considers contributions of Thorstein Veblen by juxtaposing them to selected contributions of Pierre Clastres, a scholar heralded as a founder of French political anthropology. Differing from Veblen, with his backgrounds in Economics and Philosophy, Clastres’ generated an anthropology founded on fieldwork investigations. These investigations abetted his constructing a theoretical synthesis that considers the nature of power and, relatedly, countervailing institutions within selected indigenous societies found across the South American continent. His body of research stresses that the classless and egalitarian character of indigenous societies was not an outcome of the comparatively modest levels of technology and the lack of accumulated surpluses. -
U-I-313/13-91 27 March 2014 Concurring Opinion of Judge Jan
U-I-313/13-91 27 March 2014 Concurring Opinion of Judge Jan Zobec 1. Although I voted for the Decision in its entirety and also concur to a certain degree with its underlying reasons, I wish to express, in my concurring opinion, my view on property taxes from the viewpoint of the constitutional guarantee of private property, especially the private property of residential real property. The applicants namely also referred to the fact that the real property tax excessively interferes with the constitutional guarantee of private property, and the Decision does not contain answers to these allegations. A few brief introductory thoughts on the importance of private property in the circle of civilisation to which we belong 2. Private property entails one of the central constitutional values and one of the pillars of western civilisation. Already the Magna Carta Libertatum or The Great Charter of the Liberties of England of 1215, which made the king's power subject to law and which entails the first step towards the implementation of the idea of the rule of law, contained numerous important safeguards of ownership – e.g. the principle that in order to increase the budget of the state it is necessary to obtain the approval of the representative body; the provision that the crown's officials must not seize anyone's movable property without immediate payment – unless the seller voluntarily agrees that the payment be postponed; it also ensured protection from unlawful deprivation of possession or (arbitrary) deprivation without a judicial decision.[1] The theory on property rights also occupies the central position in the political philosophy of John Locke, which inspired the American Revolution and was reflected in the Declaration of Independence. -
Aristotle's Economic Defence of Private Property
ECONOMIC HISTORY ARISTOTLE ’S ECONOMIC DEFENCE OF PRIVATE PROPERTY CONOR MCGLYNN Senior Sophister Are modern economic justifications of private property compatible with Aristotle’s views? Conor McGlynn deftly argues that despite differences, there is much common ground between Aristotle’s account and contemporary economic conceptions of private property. The paper explores the concepts of natural exchange and the tragedy of the commons in order to reconcile these divergent views. Introduction Property rights play a fundamental role in the structure of any economy. One of the first comprehensive defences of the private ownership of property was given by Aristotle. Aris - totle’s defence of private property rights, based on the role private property plays in pro - moting virtue, is often seen as incompatible with contemporary economic justifications of property, which are instead based on mostly utilitarian concerns dealing with efficiency. Aristotle defends private ownership only insofar as it plays a role in promoting virtue, while modern defenders appeal ultimately to the efficiency gains from private property. However, in spite of these fundamentally divergent views, there are a number of similar - ities between the defence of private property Aristotle gives and the account of private property provided by contemporary economics. I will argue that there is in fact a great deal of overlap between Aristotle’s account and the economic justification. While it is true that Aristotle’s theory is quite incompatible with a free market libertarian account of pri - vate property which defends the absolute and inalienable right of an individual to their property, his account is compatible with more moderate political and economic theories of private property. -
Evolutionary Economics - Geoffrey M
FUNDAMENTAL ECONOMICS - Evolutionary Economics - Geoffrey M. Hodgson EVOLUTIONARY ECONOMICS Geoffrey M. Hodgson University of Hertfordshire Business School, Hatfield, Hertfordshire Al10 0ab, UK Keywords: Evolution, Economics, Novelty, Innovation, Darwinism, Variation, Selection, Replication, Game Theory. Contents 1. Introduction 2. The Emergence of Evolutionary Economics 3. First Principles and Shared Concerns 4. Different Evolutionary Approaches 5. The Search for General Evolutionary Principles 6. Evolutionary and Mainstream Economics Compared 7. Evolutionary Economics and Evolutionary Game Theory 8. Conclusion: Prospects for Evolutionary Economics Acknowledgements Glossary Bibliography References Biographical Sketch Summary Historically, a number of approaches in economics, including works by Adam Smith, Karl Marx, Carl Menger, Alfred Marshall, Thorstein Veblen, Joseph Schumpeter, and Friedrich Hayek, have been described as ‘evolutionary’. This is legitimate, because ‘evolutionary’ is a very broad word, loosely denoting concern with transformation, innovation and development. But today the term ‘evolutionary economics’ is more typically associated with a new wave of theorizing signaled by the seminal work of Richard Nelson and Sidney Winter in their Evolutionary Theory of Economic Change (1982). Although there is not yet any consensus on core principles, this wave of evolutionary thinking has given rise to a number of policy developments and has proved to be influentialUNESCO in a number of sub-disciplines, – inEOLSS business schools and in institutions concerned with science and innovation policy. Citation and other bibliometric studies show that despite its internal diversity, modern evolutionary economics has created a global network of identifiable interacting researchers. As well as discussing these background issues,SAMPLE this essay turns to theore CHAPTERStical principles and outlines some of the shared common assumptions of this broad approach. -
Thorstein Veblen and American Social Criticism Joseph Heath Department of Philosophy University of Toronto Thorstein Veblen Is P
Thorstein Veblen and American Social Criticism Joseph Heath Department of Philosophy University of Toronto Thorstein Veblen is perhaps best thought of as America’s answer to Karl Marx. This is sometimes obscured by the rather unfortunate title of his most important work, The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899), which misleading, insofar as it suggests that the book is just a theory of the “leisure class.” What the book provides is in fact a perfectly general theory of class, not to mention property, economic development, and social evolution. It is, in other words, a system of theory that rivals Marx’s historical materialism with respect to scope, generality and explanatory power. Furthermore, it is a system of theory whose central predictions, with respect to the development of capitalism and the possibilities for emancipatory social change, have proven to be essentially correct. When stacked up against Marx’s prognostications, this success clearly provides the basis for what might best be described as an invidious comparison. For example, it is Veblen who, at the close of the 19th century, observed that “The exigencies of the modern industrial system frequently place individuals and households in juxtaposition between whom there is little contact in any other sense than that of juxtaposition. One's neighbors, mechanically speaking, often are socially not one's neighbors, or even acquaintances; and still their transient good opinion has a high degree of utility... It is evident, therefore, that the present trend of the development is in the direction of heightening the utility of conspicuous consumption as compared with leisure” (1899, ch. -
Unifying Research on Social–Ecological Resilience and Collapse Graeme S
TREE 2271 No. of Pages 19 Review Unifying Research on Social–Ecological Resilience and Collapse Graeme S. Cumming1,* and Garry D. Peterson2 Ecosystems influence human societies, leading people to manage ecosystems Trends for human benefit. Poor environmental management can lead to reduced As social–ecological systems enter a ecological resilience and social–ecological collapse. We review research on period of rapid global change, science resilience and collapse across different systems and propose a unifying social– must predict and explain ‘unthinkable’ – ecological framework based on (i) a clear definition of system identity; (ii) the social, ecological, and social ecologi- cal collapses. use of quantitative thresholds to define collapse; (iii) relating collapse pro- cesses to system structure; and (iv) explicit comparison of alternative hypoth- Existing theories of collapse are weakly fi integrated with resilience theory and eses and models of collapse. Analysis of 17 representative cases identi ed 14 ideas about vulnerability and mechanisms, in five classes, that explain social–ecological collapse. System sustainability. structure influences the kind of collapse a system may experience. Mechanistic Mechanisms of collapse are poorly theories of collapse that unite structure and process can make fundamental understood and often heavily con- contributions to solving global environmental problems. tested. Progress in understanding col- lapse requires greater clarity on system identity and alternative causes of Sustainability Science and Collapse collapse. Ecology and human use of ecosystems meet in sustainability science, which seeks to understand the structure and function of social–ecological systems and to build a sustainable Archaeological theories have focused and equitable future [1]. Sustainability science has been built on three main streams of on a limited range of reasons for sys- tem collapse. -
Private Property Rights, Economic Freedom, and Well Being
Working Paper 19 Private Property Rights, Economic Freedom, and Well Being * BENJAMIN POWELL * Benjamin Powell is a PhD Student at George Mason University and a Social Change Research Fellow with the Mercatus Center in Arlington, VA. He was an AIER Summer Fellow in 2002. The ideas presented in this research are the author’s and do not represent official positions of the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. Private Property Rights, Economic Freedom, and Well Being The question of why some countries are rich, and others are poor, is a question that has plagued economists at least since 1776, when Adam Smith wrote An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. Some countries that have a wealth of human and natural resources remain in poverty (in Sub-Saharan Africa for example) while other countries with few natural resources (like Hong Kong) flourish. An understanding of how private property and economic freedom allow people to coordinate their activities while engaging in trades that make them both people better off, gives us an indication of the institutional environment that is necessary for prosperity. Observation of the countries around the world also indicates that those countries with an institutional environment of secure property rights and highPAPER degrees of economic freedom have achieved higher levels of the various measures of human well being. Property Rights and Voluntary Interaction The freedom to exchange allows individuals to make trades that both parties believe will make them better off. Private property provides the incentives for individuals to economize on resource use because the user bears the costs of their actions. -
Property and Ownership
Property and Ownership Gerald Gaus 1 PRIVATE PROPERTY: FUNDAMENTAL OR PASSÉ? For the last half century, thinking within political philosophy about private property and ownership has had something of a schizophrenic quality. The classical liberal tradition has always stressed an intimate connection between a free society and the right to private property.1 As Ludwig von Mises put it, “the program of liberalism....if condensed to a single word, would have to read: property, that is, private ownership....”2 Robert Nozick’s Anarchy, State and Utopia, drawing extensively on Locke, gave new life to this idea; subsequently a great deal of political philosophy has focused on the justification (or lack of it) of natural rights to private property.3 Classical liberals such as Eric Mack — also drawing extensively on Locke’s theory of property — have argued that “the signature right of any rights-oriented classical liberalism is the right of self-ownership.”4 In addition, Mack argues that “we have the same good reasons for ascribing to each person a natural right of property” in “extrapersonal objects.”5 Each individual, Mack contends, has “an original, nonacquired right … to engage in the acquisition of extrapersonal objects and in the disposition of those acquired objects as one sees fit in the service of one’s ends.”6 Essentially, one has a natural right to become an owner of external property. Not all contemporary classical liberals hold that property rights are natural, but all insist that strong rights to private property are essential for a free society.7 Jan Narveson has recently defended the necessity in a free society of property understood as “a unitary concept, explicable as a right over a thing owned, against others who are precluded from the free use of it to which ownership entitles the owner.”8 GAUS/2 The “new liberal” project of showing that a free society requires robust protection of civil and political rights, but not extensive rights of private property (beyond personal property) has persistently attacked this older, classical, liberal position. -
Instinct and Habit Before Reason: Comparing the Views of John Dewey, Friedrich Hayek and Thorstein Veblen
Instinct and Habit before Reason: Comparing the Views of John Dewey, Friedrich Hayek and Thorstein Veblen Geoffrey M. Hodgson 2 July 2005 Published in Advances in Austrian Economics The Business School, University of Hertfordshire, De Havilland Campus, Hatfield, Hertfordshire AL10 9AB, UK http://www.herts.ac.uk/business http://www.geoffrey-hodgson.ws Address for correspondence: Malting House, 1 Burton End, West Wickham, Cambridgeshire CB1 6SD, UK [email protected] KEY WORDS: Darwinism, reason, intentionality, habit, instinct, Veblen, Dewey, Hayek ABSTRACT This article compares the views of Veblen, Dewey and Hayek on the roles and relations between instinct, habit and reason. From a Darwinian perspective, it is shown that Veblen had a more consistent and developed position on this issue than others. While Dewey embraced instinct and especially habit in his early works, these concepts gradually disappeared from view. Despite their shared opposition to the rising behaviorist psychology, the works of both Dewey and Hayek bear the marks of its hegemony. Consequently, at least in the context addressed here, the works of Veblen deserve reconsideration. Instinct and Habit before Reason: Comparing the Views of John Dewey, Friedrich Hayek and Thorstein Veblen Geoffrey M. Hodgson „But in fact men are good and virtuous because of three things. These are nature, habit or training, reason.‟ Aristotle, The Politics (1962, p. 284) Among species on Earth, humans have the most developed capacity for reason, deliberation and conscious prefiguration.1 However, humans have evolved from other species. Their unique attributes have emerged by the gradual accumulation of adaptations. Our capacity for reason did not appear as a sudden and miraculous event. -
Locke Vs. Rousseau: Revolutions in Property Stephen Pierce La Salle University, [email protected]
The Histories Volume 15 | Issue 1 Article 7 2019 Locke vs. Rousseau: Revolutions in Property Stephen Pierce La Salle University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Pierce, Stephen (2019) "Locke vs. Rousseau: Revolutions in Property," The Histories: Vol. 15 : Iss. 1 , Article 7. Available at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories/vol15/iss1/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Scholarship at La Salle University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The iH stories by an authorized editor of La Salle University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Locke vs Rousseau: Revolutions in Property By Stephen Pierce The writings of 18th-century political theorists John Locke and Jean Jacques Rousseau were critical to the Age of Enlightenment period of the 18th century. These writings influenced two of the significant Atlantic Revolutions in both America and France especially when it came to the topic of property. This paper will talk about the differences between both theorists when it comes to property, along with government structures. It will start with John Locke’s theories on property and how property influenced the actions of the American Revolution. Then how Rousseau’s ideas on property influenced the French Revolution. Finally, what both theorists agree/disagree on. John Locke writes in the Second Treatise of Government that in the state of nature man is in perfect freedom to do whatever they want. It is anarchic, but it has some sense of morality, unlike Thomas Hobbes state of nature depicted in his work Leviathan. -
Liberalism, Empowerment and the Contradictions of Development Jason Hickel* Department of Anthropology, London School of Economics, UK
Third World Quarterly, 2014 Vol. 35, No. 8, 1355–1373, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2014.946250 The ‘girl effect’: liberalism, empowerment and the contradictions of development Jason Hickel* Department of Anthropology, London School of Economics, UK The ‘girl effect’–the idea that investment in the skills and labour of young women is the key to stimulating economic growth and reduc- ing poverty in the global South – has recently become a key develop- ment strategy of the World Bank, the IMF, USAID and DFID,in partnership with corporations such as Nike and Goldman Sachs. This paper examines the logic of this discourse and its stance towards kinship in the global South, situating it within the broader rise of ‘gender equality’ and ‘women’s empowerment’ as development objectives over the past two decades. Empowerment discourse, and the ‘capability’ approach on which it is based, has become popular because it taps into ideals of individual freedom that are central to the Western liberal tradition. But this project shifts attention away from more substantive drivers of poverty – structural adjustment, debt, tax evasion, labour exploitation, financial crisis, etc – as it casts blame for underdevelopment on local forms of personhood and kin- ship. As a result, women and girls are made to bear the responsibility for bootstrapping themselves out of poverty that is caused by external institutions – and often the very ones that purport to save them. Keywords: development; women’s empowerment; gender equality; girl effect; neoliberalism Introduction The 2009 meeting of the World Economic Forum included, for the first time ever, a plenary session on adolescent girls. -
Technology Driven Inequality Leads to Poverty and Resource Depletion T ⁎ M
Ecological Economics 160 (2019) 215–226 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Ecological Economics journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ecolecon Analysis Technology driven inequality leads to poverty and resource depletion T ⁎ M. Usman Mirzaa,b, , Andries Richterb, Egbert H. van Nesa, Marten Scheffera a Environmental Sciences, Wageningen University, Netherlands b Environmental Economics and Natural Resources Group, Sub-department of Economics, Wageningen University, Netherlands ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Keywords: The rapid rise in inequality is often seen to go in-hand with resource overuse. Examples include water extraction Inequality in Pakistan, land degradation in Bangladesh, forest harvesting in Sub-Saharan Africa and industrial fishing in Technology Lake Victoria. While access to ecosystem services provided by common pool resources mitigates poverty, ex- Social-ecological systems clusive access to technology by wealthy individuals may fuel excessive resource extraction and deplete the Poverty trap resource, thus widening the wealth gap. We use a stylised social-ecological model, to illustrate how a positive Dynamic systems feedback between wealth and technology may fuel local inequality. The resulting rise in local inequality can lead Critical transitions to resource degradation and critical transitions such as ecological resource collapse and unexpected increase in poverty. Further, we find that societies may evolve towards a stable state of few wealthy and manypoorin- dividuals, where the distribution of wealth depends on how access to technology is distributed. Overall, our results illustrate how access to technology may be a mechanism that fuels resource degradation and conse- quently pushes most vulnerable members of society into a poverty trap. 1. Introduction at first and then drops as gains are distributed more evenly in developing economies, giving rise to an inverted U shaped curve (Kuznet, 1955).