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Informe Coyuntural N°7 ISSN 2422-6262 Informe Coyuntural N°7 Diciembre 2015 – Febrero 2016 Comunidades kurdas Consejo de Cooperación del Golfo Irán Israel Palestina Siria ISSN 2422-6262 Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales Universidad Nacional de La Plata Calle 48 entre 6 y 7 - 5° Piso - (1900) La Plata [email protected] (54)(221)423-0628 Contacto: [email protected] Medio Oriente Unlp Departamento de Medio Oriente Mariela Cuadro Coordinadora Doctora en Relaciones Internacionales por la Universidad Nacional de La Plata, Argentina. Licenciada en Sociología por la Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina. Becaria Post-doctoral de la Comisión Nacional de Investigación en Ciencia y Técnica (CONICET), Argentina. Coordinadora-investigadora del Departamento de Medio Oriente del Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Docente de la Cátedra Sociología del Medio Oriente en la Universidad de Buenos Aires, del Seminario Medio Oriente en la Universidad Nacional de La Plata y de Teorías de Seguridad Internacional en la Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales. Iván Latzke Blake Secretario Licenciado en Ciencia Política por la Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina. Maestrando en Relaciones Internacionales, UNLP. Secretario del Departamento de Medio Oriente del Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales, UNLP. Docente de la Cátedra Sociología del Medio Oriente, UBA. Kevin Ary Levin Miembro Licenciado en Sociología (FSOC-UBA). Docente de nivel medio. Miembro del Departamento de Medio Oriente (IRI-UNLP), del CERES y del Equipo de Asistencia Sociológica a las Querellas dentro de la Cátedra de Análisis de las Prácticas Sociales Genocidas (FSOC-UBA). Andrea Palmisciano Miembro Licenciada en Ciencia Política por la Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina. Estudiante de la Maestría en Relaciones Internacionales Europa - América Latina de la Università di Bologna. Miembro del Departamento de Medio Oriente (IRI- UNLP). Ignacio Rullansky Miembro Lic. en Sociología, UBA. Becario doctoral del CONICET. Estudiante del Doctorado en Ciencias Sociales de la UBA y estudiante avanzado dentro de la Maestría de Ciencia Política del IDAES, UNSAM. Investigador del IDAES, del DeMO, IRI-UNLP, y sub director del CERES Ana Schinder Miembro Miembro investigadora del Departamento de Medio Oriente (IRI- UNLP). Licenciada en Ciencia Política de la UBA. Docente de Ciencias Sociales y Ayudante de Cátedra de la materia Sociología de Medio Oriente – UBA. Guido Turdera Miembro Licenciado en Sociología por la Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina. Miembro de la materia Sociología de Medio Oriente en la Universidad de Buenos Aires. Investigador en el Departamento de Medio Oriente del Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata. INDICE Comunidades Kurdas 7 Kevin Ary Levin Consejo de Cooperación del Golfo 18 Mariela Cuadro Irán 48 Iván Latzke Blake Israel Ignacio Rullansky, Nayla Sol Garcilazo y 58 Zacarías Abuchanab Palestina 83 Guido Turdera Siria 93 Andrea Palmisciano Comunidades Kurdas Informe Coyuntural N°7 Diciembre 2015 – Febrero 2016 Comunidades kurdas de la región Kevin Ary Levin Panorama general La población kurda se encuentra en situaciones muy diversas a lo largo de los cuatro países donde reside de forma predominante: Turquía, Irak, Siria e Irán. Es debido a estas circunstancias divergentes que es conveniente, a los fines de este informe, analizar los últimos acontecimientos relevantes vinculados a los kurdos desde un análisis por país, describiendo de forma conjunta las dimensiones políticas, sociales, militares y económicas donde corresponda de acuerdo a esta división. En términos generales, algunos de los sucesos más relevantes a lo largo del período fueron el operativo militar organizado por el gobierno turco en ciudades en el sudeste del país con el fin de erradicar la presencia de militantes kurdos y los avances en la lucha contra el Estado Islámico por parte de kurdos en Irak y en Siria. En ambos temas, jugó un rol importante la relación entre las diferentes facciones políticas existentes al interior del pueblo kurdo y la interacción entre estos grupos y los Estados en los que se encuentran, así como con otros Estados de la región. Turquía El período transcurrido se caracterizó desde su comienzo por intensificadas tensiones entre el gobierno turco y las comunidades kurdas en su territorio, lo cual es una constante desde fines de julio del 2015, cuando fracasó el proceso de paz de dos años y medio entre el gobierno turco y el Partido de los Trabajadores de Kurdistán (PKK por sus siglas en kurdo). El gobierno turco culpa al PKK por ataques terroristas en su territorio mientras que el PKK ubica la culpa por el fracaso de las negociaciones en el gobierno de Recep Tayyip Erdogan, al que también acusa de colaborar con el Estado Islámico en perjuicio de los kurdos sirios e iraquíes. En particular, hubo numerosos casos de atentados, enfrentamientos armados y operativos militares, particularmente en la región sudoriental 8 Informe Coyuntural N°7 Diciembre 2015 – Febrero 2016 del país, donde existe una fuerte presencia kurda. Estos incluyeron la movilización de 10.000 tropas y tanques del ejército turco, la imposición de toques de queda a partir del 14 de diciembre en las ciudades kurdas de Cizre y Silopi y la muerte de militantes y civiles en esa región bajo la bandera de la lucha contra el terrorismo del PKK. “Todos esos pueblos serán limpiados de elementos terroristas. Si es necesario, barrio por barrio, casa por casa, calle por calle”, afirmó el Primer Ministro turco, Ahmet Dautoglu, el 15 de diciembre1. Ankara decidió adicionalmente implementar cortes de energía, agua y cobertura telefónica para así debilitar el poder de los militantes kurdos y debilitar su atractivo entre su base social. Habitantes de la zona informaron a medios de comunicación que los tiroteos y otros ataques del gobierno turco se realizaban de forma indiscriminada y al azar y que se negó el acceso a atención médica de emergencia, provocando así una importante crisis humanitaria. Además de la violencia en su región austral, el gobierno turco emprendió ataques contra objetivos del PKK en el norte de Irak, donde Ankara señala existe la presencia de bases terroristas que amenazan su seguridad. Este accionar provocó también respuestas a nivel local e internacional: mientras que se organizaron protestas en Istanbul y Diyarbakir (la capital de facto de la región principalmente kurda de Turquía), reprimidas con gas lacrimógeno y balas de goma, el segundo partido de oposición en el país, el Partido Democrático Popular (HDP por sus siglas en turco), que cuenta con fuerte base kurda, llamó al PKK a resistir la agresión de Ankara. Debido al cambio en la modalidad de los enfrentamientos armados, que pasaron de áreas rurales a zonas más densamente pobladas, militantes kurdos construyeron a lo largo del período trincheras y barricadas en pueblos kurdos. Este cambio fue calificado por el periódico oficialista turco Daily Sabah como un intento por parte del PKK de “iniciar una nueva guerra urbana en Silopi, Cizre y otras ciudades del sudeste”, aclarando también que debido al error de cálculo del PKK sobre su capacidad real de enfrentarse al gobierno turco en esta modalidad, las trincheras urbanas se convertirían en “su propio cementerio político”2. Sin embargo, como escribió el periodista Mehul Srivastava en Financial Times, el cambio de estrategia puede revelar un choque generacional entre los militantes kurdos: de la misma forma que los ataques organizados por kurdos contra objetivos vinculados al 1 http://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/7122/turkey-assault-kurds 2 http://www.dailysabah.com/columns/ibrahim-kalin/2015/12/22/trenches-as-pkks-political-graveyards 9 Informe Coyuntural N°7 Diciembre 2015 – Febrero 2016 gobierno turco en los últimos meses fueron realizados por jóvenes radicalizados que no responden a las órdenes del ya institucionalizado PKK, las trincheras y la modalidad de guerrilla urbana parecen reflejar un conflicto que se vuelve más difícil de resolver a medida que se ven nuevas estrategias adoptadas por la generación joven, influenciada por la lucha de los kurdos en Siria contra el Estado Islámico y por el fracaso de los intentos de diálogo con el gobierno. Dada esta situación, incluso si se reanudaran las negociaciones entre Ankara y el PKK, no se garantizaría necesariamente la paz. Esto se refleja en el accionar del grupo llamado Halcones de la Libertad de Kurdistán (TAK por sus siglas en kurdo), formado en el 2004 en oposición a la postura más conciliadora del PKK. El 17 de febrero, el TAK organizó un atentado con explosivos que asesinó a 60 personas e hirió a 60, incluyendo militares y civiles. Como consecuencia de esto, el HDP estimó que hay más de 200 mil personas desplazadas por los combates. El 6 de febrero, el Ministro de Interior, Efkan Ala, anunció que la operación, que produjo según él la muerte de “718 terroristas” desde mediados de diciembre, estaba “99,5% completa”3, anunciando también un plan de reconstrucción para las zonas afectadas. Entre las respuestas por lo acontecido en el sur del país entre la población kurda, se puede destacar, por un lado, el llamado de Amnesty International exigiéndole al gobierno turco finalizar los toques de queda en zonas kurdas “y otras medidas arbitrarias que han dejado a los residentes sin acceso a atención de salud de emergencia, agua y electricidad durante períodos prolongados” y afirmando que estas medidas “se asemejan cada vez más a castigos colectivos”4; y, por otro lado, una carta firmada por cerca de 1.500 académicos de Turquía y del exterior que llamaba al gobierno a poner fin a la violencia de forma inmediata y donde declaran que “no seremos cómplices de este crimen y prometemos que sostendremos nuestra postura en presencia de partidos políticos, el Parlamento y el público internacional”5. El periódico New York Times informó que el 12 de enero, 27 de los académicos que habían participado del petitorio fueron detenidos brevemente por ser acusados de difundir propaganda terrorista e insultar al Estado.
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