A Case Study of Present Day Waterford County, Ireland

POWER IN PLACE-NAMES: A CASE STUDY OF PRESENT DAY

WATERFORD COUNTY, IRELAND

A thesis presented to

the faculty of

the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University

In partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree

Master of Arts

Jessica E. Greenwald

August 2005

This thesis entitled

POWER IN PLACE-NAMES: A CASE STUDY OF PRESENT DAY

WATERFORD COUNTY, IRELAND

by

JESSICA E. GREENWALD

has been approved for

the Department of Geography

and the College of Arts and Sciences by

Timothy Anderson

Associate Professor of Geography

Benjamin M. Ogles

Interim Dean, College of Arts and Sciences

GREENWALD, JESSICA E. M.A. August 2005. Geography

PowerU In Place-Names: A Case Study Of Present Day Waterford County,

Ireland (85U pp.)

Director of Thesis: Timothy Anderson

This study investigates the present day toponymns of Waterford County, Ireland.

By using the Land Ordnance Survey of Ireland maps, a database was created with the place names of the county. This study draws upon both traditional and contemporary theories and methods in Geography to understand more fully the meaning behind the place names on a map. In the “traditional” sense, it focuses on investigating changes in the landscape wrought by humans through both time and space (the naming of places).

In a more “contemporary” sense, it seeks to understand the power relationships and social struggles reflected in the naming of places and the geography of those names. As such, this study fills a void in the current toponymns and cartographic literature, which are both focused mainly on patterns of diffusion and power struggles in North America.

Approved:

Timothy Anderson

Associate Professor of Geography

Acknowledgements

I would first like to thank the Ohio University Geography Department. The experiences I have had as both a student and a Teaching Assistant have been truly inspiring. Secondly, I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. Timothy Anderson, and my committee members, Dr. Geoffrey Buckley and Dr. Christopher Boone. Without their watchful guidance, generous support, and many suggestions I would not have been able to complete this research. I would also like to acknowledge the Aquinas College

Geography Department. They were the ones who first opened my eyes to all that the field of Geography has to offer. Finally, I would like to thank my family: Linda, David,

Michael, and Josh. Their unwavering support, encouragement, golf outings, and much needed ice cream runs have sustained me through this process. Thank you!! 5 Table of Contents Page Abstract...... 3

Acknowledgements...... 4

List of Figures...... 6

Chapter One: Introduction ...... 7 The Gaelic Revival ...... 9 Research Premise...... 13

Chapter Two: Toponymns Literature...... 16 Traditional Cultural Geography Approach ...... 16 “New” Cultural Geography Approach...... 18

Chapter Three: The Power of Maps...... 21 The Myth of Maps and Symbolic Power ...... 21 Cartographic Encroachment...... 24 Cartographic Censorship...... 25

Chapter Four: The Study Area...... 28 The Celts ...... 28 The Vikings...... 31 The Normans...... 33 The British ...... 35 The Modern Irish Republic...... 37 History of County Waterford...... 37

Chapter Five: Methods and Data ...... 40 Primary Sources and Methods ...... 40 Results...... 43

Chapter Six: Discussion...... 46

Chapter Seven: Conclusions ...... 54 Relevance of Research...... 55

References...... 56

Appendix: Waterford County Toponymns Database...... 61 6 List of Figures Figure Page

1. Waterford County c. 2005 A.D...... 14

2. Celtic Ireland c. 650 A.D...... 29

3. Viking Ireland c. 950 A.D...... 32

4. Norman Ireland c. 1300 A.D...... 34

5. Anglo-Ireland c. 1450 A.D...... 36 7 Chapter One: Introduction

The concept of cultural diffusion has occupied a significant place in American cultural and human geography for at least five decades. Much of the early research on the settlement of the New World by such luminaries as Carl Sauer, Fred Kniffen, Wilbur

Zelinsky, and Terry Jordan dealt with the delimitation and description of the diffusion of cultural traits from the Old World to the New. Such traditional researchers, working within the so-called “landscape” tradition that dominated the subfield until the 1980s, focused on tracing patterns of past trans-Atlantic or trans-continental migrations and defining the imprint of such movements in the cultural landscape. Typical of the

Sauerian-Berkeley tradition, these “traditional” studies were pre-occupied with folk cultures, rural landscapes and material culture landscape elements with an eye toward delimiting and defining American culture regions (Sauer, 1925,1941; Kniffen, 1965;

Zelinsky, 1967; Jordan, 1974).

In the years following this landscape school of cultural geography came several decades of social unrest and political uncertainty (Mitchell, 2000). With the Cold War,

Vietnam Conflict, and human rights riots erupting all over the world, cultural geographers were coming face to face with issues that could not be explained in the traditional way. These issues were not ones to be answered by just investigating the material cultural landscape; something more had to be done. Geographers needed to find a new medium in which to explain the world around them, since what they were confronting did not fit into the confines of the Sauerian tradition of the day. The result

was a “New Cultural Geography” which focused more on the power relations that formed the modern landscape rather than the cultural paths on the landscape (Mitchell, 2000). 8 According to Don Mitchell, this New Cultural Geography had four main avenues of exploration:

First they sought to connect the very idea of landscape to its historical

development as part of the capitalist and Enlightenment transformation of Europe

in the early modern period…Second, other geographers reinvigorated the notion

of “reading” the landscape, to problemitize the whole notion of exactly what

constitutes the “text” to be read-and precisely how it is possible, in any event, to

read it. That is, work began to focus more clearly on the interpretation of the

symbolic aspects of the landscape. Third, where much traditional cultural

geography had examined rural and past landscapes, some new work… focused on

urban and contemporary scenes. Finally a sustained feminist critique of the

landscape… has been launched. (Mitchell, 2000, p. 61)

Many contemporary historical geographers influenced by the so-called New Cultural

Geography have begun to analyze cultural landscapes in a more critical way, within the context of the four principals above. Such studies seek to understand what past landscape imprints reveal about historical power relations and social struggles. They seek to understand not just how the past landscape looked, but how it was put into place. They ask the question, under whose authority were certain landscapes constructed and who stood to gain from such decisions?

Most of the contemporary geographers, both traditional and contemporary schools, have focused their research on places in the New World. This project, however, will take a different approach, by focusing on Old World Ireland. For the past one hundred and fifty years a unique cultural movement has been taking shape in Ireland, 9 making it an ideal setting for a case study looking at power relations that have been manifested on the landscape.

The Gaelic Revival

In the late 1800’s and early 1900’s Ireland began the transformation from a

British-controlled colony to the modern Republic of Ireland (Hutchinson, 2001; Hepburn,

2001.) This revitalization termed the Gaelic, or Celtic, revival “sought a moral

regeneration of the Irish nation” (Hutchinson, 2001, pg 508). What is unique about this

transformation, however, was that it was actually a movement started by the Protestant

British settlers, who had gained much power in Ireland. In an attempt to embody

characteristics of the American and French revolutions, they began this revival to assert,

and eventually gain, their independence from British control (Hepburn, 2001). Although

the final goals of the revival were eventually reached with Ireland’s self-rule in 1921 and

full independence for southern Ireland in 1949 (2001), the main champions of this

movement changed drastically. As the movement gained popularity it shifted from a

landed-elite British battle cry to the cause of the native Irish Catholic middleclass. They

used this revival not only to gain independence from the British crown but also to regain

their national and religious identity from those very British settlers who began the revival movement (Hutchinson, 2001).

This revitalization not only encompassed the political nature of Ireland, but the

nature of Ireland’s culture as well. The cultural aspects of this revival have infiltrated

into many aspects of Irish society. With a base in the field of archaeology, this Celtic 10 revival has given the Irish people not only new fashion and home decorating trends, but an entirely new outlook on the history and culture of their land.

th In 19P P century Ireland, archaeology gained acceptance as a scientific discipline in a response to the overall Celtic revival of the time (Hutchinson, 2001). During this time of nationalist discourse, archaeologists in Ireland felt they could “establish the reality of the Celts and make them ‘visible’ through their material artifacts to the Irish population

(Hutchinson, 2001, pg 506).” These new found artifacts would lend to a more complete understanding of the Celts by giving a glimpse into their daily lives. Consequently, the ancient Celts would become more of a reality to the modern Irish people and thus a stronger bond of affiliation could be made with their ancestors. Another important aspect of this revival archaeology is that it could fill in historical gaps. Since the Celts written records only appear later in their settlement of Ireland, archaeological discoveries could give insight into the early history of both the Celts and of Ireland’s early landscape.

The leader of this archaeological uprising was George Petrie. He was alarmed by an increasing Anglicization of all things Irish, including place names (2001). He sought to change London’s view of Ireland as a “backward periphery to England’s growing industrial economy (Hutchinson, 2001, pg 508).” Under Petrie’s guidance archaeological discoveries of the past became symbols of the modern Irish people. In doing this Petrie reversed some of the Anglicization and in turn brought Ireland’s Celtic roots back into

mainstream popularity. For example, replicas of ancient furniture and jewelry became the latest fashion, and ancient Celtic structures became major tourist attractions (2001).

Michael D Higgins, Minister of Irish Arts and Culture commented on Petrie’s archaeological influence in 1994. 11 For many people it is the artifact or monument itself that symbolizes the

identity of the people. The images such as those printed on the front cover of

every school child’s homework copy serve as a daily reminder of the physical

manifestation of our heritage as part of what we are- the Ardagh Chalice, the

Tara Brooch, the Monasterboice High Cross and the Borrisnoe collar… To have

visited an historic site such as Clonmacnois or Newgrange leaves one with the

knowledge –and responsibility- of knowing that we are but the latest inheritors

of a long, proud, and inspiring past. (Hutchinson, 2001, p. 512)

Even here Higgins, the Minister of Irish Arts and Culture, points out places by name in order to underscore the importance a physical representation of the Celtic past and its connection to modern Irish life. Although it was initially through archaeology that the

modern Irish and their Celtic ancestors became reconnected, other areas of cultural

revival also received increased popularity.

While the Gaelic revival touched many aspects of Irish culture, the field most

heavily affected was Education. Early on in the formation of the Republic of Ireland there was a large push to have Gaelic become the official national language (Coady and

Ó Laoire, 2002; Hepburn, 2001). The means for implementing this policy would be to teach Gaelic at school. In 1922 the Irish government made Irish a core curriculum for educational programs (Coady and Ó Laoire, 2002). The idea is that eventually all subjects would be taught in Irish. In order to employ this plan the government put into practice the policy of “positive discrimination” (2002). Under this policy a school where

Irish was taught could expect: to receive more funding per pupil and for the school in general, more money and space to hire more teachers to lower the student to teacher ratio, 12 as well as significantly larger salaries for those teachers who were fluent in Gaelic

(2002). The government also offered post graduation incentives for the students. For example, in order to pass state exams for a high school diploma, students are required to demonstrate proficiency in Gaelic (2002). Also if students were planning to go to the

National University they must a Gaelic entrance exam (2002). Finally anyone who was

newly hired for a government job of any kind had to pass a Gaelic proficiency test as part

of the interview process (2002).

While this seemed like a good policy at the time, there were still some major

problems. The first set back was that there were not enough teachers fluent in Gaelic to

place at least one instructor in every school (2002). Also there was a severe lack of

textbooks and teaching aids available in Gaelic (2002). At this point, after years of trying

to carry out the original plan, a complete switch over to Gaelic was abandoned. Most of

the post graduation incentives still remained till this day however (2002). This caused

most students to learn just enough Gaelic to pass university or government exams. This

did assure that even though Gaelic may not be the language of mainstream, every day

Ireland, Gaelic would not be completely gone forever either.

Although the language revival fell short in becoming the everyday language of

Ireland; the entire cause was not seen as a failure. Early in the 1970’s there arose a new

grassroots push in favor of the Gaelic language (2002). This time, however, the cause

had a different overall goal:

Development of high levels of bilingualism such that the language would be

used as an everyday medium of communication was not critical to defining

group identity and differentiation. Learning the language as an exercise in 13 marking some kind of political symbolic use was now underscored. Learning

Irish from this point onwards could be seen to be part of an engagement in some

kind of political symbolism, rather than an effort in learning the language with

the aim of acquiring it like any other. (Coady and Ó Laoire, 2002, p. 156)

By making Gaelic a national symbol instead of the national language was the key difference this time around. Since English was the emerging language of the global economy Ireland saw no need to abandon it as their everyday language (Houston, 2003).

There was still lingering resentment for English being the language of Ireland’s former occupier and split with Northern Ireland. By making Gaelic a national symbol, the Irish felt they had more of a claim to their unique identity and past (2003). This realization allowed for Ireland’s economic goals of being a part of the global economy to not conflict with their nationalist language and identity goals. Today the Gaelic language can be seen in Irish music, political party statements, as well as speeches and toasts at both formal and informal gatherings. It is just one of several national symbols to have arisen out of the much larger Celtic revival. The people of Ireland are embracing these new symbols and their own language to reverse the Anglicization of their country and to carve out their unique identity in the world.

Research Premise

This particular study will analyze the toponymns of Waterford County, Ireland

(Figure 1) within the context of both the Sauerian landscape tradition and the more critical methodology of the New Cultural Geography. Do the toponymns (place names) of Ireland reflect its historic settlement patterns? If so, what are these patterns of change? 14 Figure 1. Waterford County c. 2005 A.D.

Finally, what power relations and social struggles influenced and affected the name changes? By combining the ideas of cultural diffusion with those of landscape as a manifestation of power relations and social struggle, it is hypothesized that the toponymns of Waterford County will reflect the historic settlement patterns of the area, and that the pattern of change will indicate a linguistic diffusion from the place of origin of the group in power. If this hypothesis is correct, the toponymns in the county should

consist of, in descending order, place names of Celtic origin (since it is the Irish who are 15 in control of the area today), followed by British, Norman, and finally Viking place names.

This study employs both traditional and contemporary methodologies and ideas in cultural and historical geography to more fully understand the meaning of place names in

Waterford County, Ireland. In the “traditional” sense, it focuses on investigating changes in the landscape wrought by humans through both time and space (the naming of places).

In a more “contemporary” sense, it seeks to understand the power relationships and social struggles reflected in the naming of places and the geography of those names. As such, this study fills a void in the current toponymns and cartographic literature, which are focused mainly on patterns of diffusion in North America. In applying both the idea of diffusion and the idea of the landscape as a manifestation of power to “Old World”

Ireland a new direction is being undertaken within this important subfield of geography. 16 Chapter Two: Toponymns Literature

The basis of this study will be modeled after research done by N. Ó Muraíle. He argues that there is a wealth of information about Ireland’s tumultuous past that is just waiting to be uncovered in place name investigation (Ó Muraíle, 2001). He also argues that past cultural diffusions, as well as power struggles, are manifested in place names.

One of his main examples is of the pre-historic people the Celts conquered and how the

Celts all but wiped out their existence by writing them out of the landscape (2001).

There are also several other notable studies on toponymns that contain concepts related to the overall research questions. Separated into two groups, they cover the ideas stemming from traditional cultural geography as well as the so-called “new” cultural geography.

Traditional Cultural Geography Approach

The approach of “traditional” cultural geographers is to look at patterns on the landscape within the context of diffusion. It is their argument that when a group migrates to a new area their cultural traits diffuse along with them. Although many of these cultural diffusionists have used North America as their study area, the same kind of concept is applicable to Ireland, an area that has also experienced distinctive waves of migration.

One of the first scholars that conducted research on toponymns was R.H.

Whitbeck (1911). Although many of his writings pre-date Carl Sauer, Whitbeck can rightly be classified as a traditional cultural geographer. His toponymn research focused mainly on the five original cultural “regions” in the eastern United States: New England, 17 New York, New Jersey, Virginia, and Kentucky/ Tennessee (1911). His main conclusions were twofold. First, he claimed that place names provided a clue to the national, religious, political, and industrial conditions of the day. Place names reflect the cultural norms and connections of the inhabitants of an area, such that place names are reflective of the current group occupying an area. Whitbeck’s second overall conclusion is that the way the surrounding environment is constructed also plays a part in a place name. His examples are in places in New England where there is a township system; many villages are simply named after their larger township. Similarly, in Virginia, where there was a plantation system, the place names in rural areas were usually derived from the natural environment.

Another geographer who studied toponymns on the landscape was R.C. West

(1954). Although West’s study area was also in North America, his conclusions tended to support the ideas of the Saurian cultural geographers. In his study, he points out that

place names are just as significant to the cultural landscape as “house types, field

patterns, and modes of transport” (West, 1954). He also found that place names reveal

clues as to the diffusion of people through time and space. His main evidence was how

the term “bayou” in the southern United States spread via the diffusion of French settlers.

He points out how sometimes a cultural place name can become a generic place name as

its use filters out into other culture regions, such as was the case with “bayou” being employed as far north as southwest Michigan (1954).

Adrian Room (1988) is yet another toponymn scholar rooted in the ways of traditional cultural geography. In his research he is quick to point out that most place names refer to a specific aspect of the physical geography of an area (1988). That is why 18 many places include words such as “river,” “mountain,” or “island” in their names. As for other toponymns not referring to physical geography, Room ascertains that they are reflective of the social demographics of that area (1988). An example would then be that

if an area had a large immigrant population, it would be very common to have places

named after the immigrants’ point of origin. In other words, place names diffuse along

with other cultural traits when groups of people settle a new area.

“New” Cultural Geography Approach

The “new” cultural geography approach has emerged in just the past few decades.

The basis of this way of thinking is that there really is no such thing as “culture,” it is

merely a set of constructed norms and identities and that societal problems and struggles

result primarily from inequities in power and control and the struggles between those

who have it and those who do not (Mitchell, 2000). It follows that only those who were

strong enough to have held some amount of power in their time have shaped the landscape. As for those not holding any power, they have been pushed to both the margins of history and have had less power in shaping the cultural landscape. The following scholars have all presented evidence that place names are just one example of this kind of power manifestation.

One scholar who actually preformed research on place names in Gaelic Scotland was C.W.J. Withers (2000). Clearly writing within the scope of the new cultural geography, his research pertains to how the act of naming is a social process (2000). He asserts that the naming and mapping of an area is a “reflection of social power,” meaning that in the Gaelic areas of Scotland many of the native Gaelic place names were “lost in 19 translation,” when the English came to perform their Ordnance Surveys of the land

(Withers, 2000, pg. 532). He argues that the British employed this name imposition in

Scotland willfully so that they could exert more control over the area. This conclusion, he points out, shows how examining a map alone may be misleading as to the original or common name of an area. So, “mapping Gaelic Scotland, in the past and to some degree now, should be thought of…as a matter of expressing power through the ‘shifting ground’ that is the map” (Withers, 2000, pg 550).

A second cultural geographer who could be easily identified with the school of

“new” cultural geography and who studied place names in North America was E.J.W.

Miller (1969). In his research, however, he makes a very unique distinction, arguing that

there are two different kinds of naming processes, one folk and one official (1969). The

folk naming process usually occurs when people first settle an area. There are certain

necessities that need to be named right away in order to avoid confusion. One of his

examples was how there may be many names for a stream along its entire course because

each group of local settlers named it something different. The reason they did this was

due to the fact that since running water was such a vital part of any settlement, the stream

needed to be easily identified (1969). The official process was implemented when a

governing body finally came in to map a large area. That way the official naming

process gave birth to instances such as the names of entire mountain ranges, spanning

many smaller communities. Whereas each local community had names for “their”

mountains, the official body in charge would name all of the mountains collectively,

again for the sake of easy identification (1969). 20 More support for this double naming process comes from the works of R.A.S.

Macalister (1970). He introduces evidence that many place names in Ireland where changed (“tortured”) by the original British land surveyors, accounting for the

Anglicization of Celtic place names in modern Ireland. His most revealing evidence, however, comes when dealing with the counties of Ireland. He states: “County names should always be given in their English forms. For counties are an English innovation and their names, being usually derived from the anglicized form of the chief town, have no meaning in Irish (Macalister, 1970, pg. xv).” He later goes on to comment that the modern day Irish culture (with place names as a part of that culture) has evolved through a long series of immigration waves, and was not formed by just one group of adaptive people (1970).

Another relevant study, but unlike the geographical perspectives of the others, is

derived from a completely unique perspective. The researcher, Seamus Heaney, was

formally educated to be a theological poet, but his main interest was cultural geography.

Heaney grew up in Northern Ireland under British control, but at the same time was very

attached to his Irish Celtic heritage. It was through this attachment to Celtic culture that

he started looking at the place names that were scattered on the landscape. He discovered

that there were many hidden stories about the historic power struggles in the region by

looking at the change of place names through time. In many instances the British

anglicized many place names so they could use them as a sign of their overall control.

By changing a place name they in essence could “endow that place with an alternant

reality (Dau, 2003, pg. 32) meaning that the British wanted a reality in which the Irish

never had or never would have any control. 21 Chapter Three: The Power of Maps

In today’s society maps are very commonplace and available to all. When travelers need directions they can go to an on-line database and retrieve a customized map with the click of a mouse. Weather maps appear everyday on the nightly news.

Every corner gas station sells maps of the surrounding area. To most people, these maps are taken for granted. The maps are seen as a scientific and unbiased image of the landscape. They seem to be a neutral document, free from subjectivity. As far back as the sixteenth century translators of the Protestant Bible were adding in maps to reinforce their belief in the Bible as literal truth (Harley, 1988a). Even in cartography classes students are taught that a map, as long as it has scale and direction, can be considered a scientific tool. But what does this really mean? The connotation in the world of today is that anything “scientific” is free from emotion, politically neutral, and factual. In other words something, like a map, when branded as “scientific” is considered to be the indisputable truth. But is that really what a map is? Does that piece of paper that is seemingly impossible to fold really only tell you how to get from one place to another?

Or can that map tell us more about the society that created it? This chapter will explore those questions by addressing three issues: The Myth of Maps and Symbolic Power,

Cartographic Encroachment, and Cartographic Censorship.

The Myth of Maps and Symbolic Power

According to Brian Harley (1989a, 1989b, 1992) maps are anything but value-free images. He argues: “Maps [should] cease to be inert records of morphological landscapes or passive reflections of the world of objects, but [should be] regarded as 22 refracted images contributing to dialogue in a socially constructed world” (Harley, 1988a, pg 278). It is in this context that maps cannot be seen as true or false, right or wrong

(Harley 1988a). Maps show a reader not only the best highway to take downtown, but also expose the reader to a myriad of other symbols commenting of that societal environment. For it is in that symbolic representation and selectivity that the map’s deeper value and social commentary is revealed (1988a, 1988b).

In addition to Brian Harley, several other cartographic scholars lend their support in favor of this position. Matthew Sparke also comments on how maps are “a part of wider social dynamics” (Sparke, 1995, pg 4). In his research, he takes special note of the map-reader also being a map critic. He writes: “The critic points to the cover up effected by the map’s paper-thin authority and…reveals the hidden truth (Sparke, 1995, pg 4).”

By using the term “cover up”, Sparke insinuates that not only are maps more than what they seem but they are deliberately made to subtly hide reality. Thus, he maintains that rather than accept maps as they are on the surface, we should re-examine their complexities (1995).

Barbara Belyea’s research also “leads us to question the orthodox definition of maps as images of the world” (Belyea, 1992, pg 7). While she agrees with Harley, she goes on to point out something on which he failed to elaborate. Belyea argues that the meaning of a map changes as much and as often as the society that created it (1992).

Therefore maps must continually be reinterpreted based on the continually changing power relations accompanying those maps. This means that one map does not hold just one meaning. According to Belyea, over time that map meaning will change based on how the larger society that created it has changed. 23 Additional scholarly concurrence comes from the research of Margaret Pearce.

She too talks about the “power of maps” (Pearce, 2004, pg. 24). Her focus is on how colonists of New England used altered maps in order to claim more and more Native

American land. Her research supports Harley’s assertion that maps are neither true nor false. According to Pearce, perceived accuracy of a map depends on the audience, and that one map may be perceived differently by different parties (2004).

In the early colonial expansion of Europe, the states used maps to gain power over space on paper before they actually asserted their control over that space in reality. This sort of symbolic power can be thought of as Anticipatory Imperialism. Harley captures this concept best when he wrote:

[Colonial boundaries drawn on maps] provide perhaps the most

spectacular illustrations of how an anticipatory geography served to frame

colonial territories in the minds of statesmen and speculators back in

Europe. Maps were the first step in the appropriation of territory. Such

visualizations from a distance became critical in choreographing the

colonial expansion of early modern Europe. (Harley, 1992, p. 532)

It was in this period that the myth of maps representing a “true knowledge” base was first initiated. Harley goes on to note how “maps were recognized as a visual language communicating proprietorial or territorial rights in both practical and symbolic senses”

(Harley, 1988b, pg 59). Thus by gaining power over maps, the state gained power over people.

24 Cartographic Encroachment

One of the main ways in which colonial powers implemented anticipatory imperialism was through cartographic encroachment. According to Pearce (2004) this is the technique of manipulating place names and boundary lines with the goal of increasing colonial lands. In her research, centered n New England, Pearce found that re-defining place names was the method employed most often. This redefinition was not necessarily a change in the linguistic symbol itself, but rather a spatial change in what that label represented. For example, a native place name that originally referred to one specific hill was redefined in colonial maps to refer to a much larger region (2004). In Pearce’s words:

This process not only changed the meaning and definition of Native place names,

it also effectively erased entire Native toponymic landscapes by collapsing then

into a single word, a word which had once referred to a single place within a web

of places. (Pearce, 2004, p. 28)

In this situation colonialists felt free to settle land that was not rightly theirs. When

Native Americans contested these settlements, however, they did not hold the power to substantiate their claims. Since the colonial maps were considered the official and binding maps of the time, Native claims were quickly discredited and discounted (2004).

Thus their efforts to combat this encroachment were futile, and the colonial states knew

it. Over time this redefinition also produced another common outcome. Once a region

was redefined to one toponymn, it was easily replaced with an English name (2004).

The practice of boundary manipulation was also a main tool of encroachment

used by the English. According to Pearce (2004) this could be implemented under the 25 guise of defining colonial towns with specific axial dimensions. For example, encroachment by axis happened when side-by-side towns were given defined parameters such as “y” by “z” miles. These boundaries were then supposed to start where the other town’s boundary stopped. The ploy of this tactic, however, was that the surveyors of the time did not possess equipment that was accurate enough to accurately designate the assigned boundaries (2004). So in reality no one knew where one town started and one town stopped. This fluctuation then “ensured the linear elasticity of the axial distances…with infinite potential for stretching into additional regions of Native territory” (Pearce, 2004, pg 30).

Cartographic Censorship

Cartographic manipulation also came in the form of what has been termed

“cartographic silences” (Harley 1988a, 1988b; Pearce, 2004; Sparke, 1995). As with any form of communication, meaning is still carried even in the apparent absence of anything on the surface (Tubbs and Moss, 2000). For example, even though a blank space may appear on a map does not mean that there is nothing in that area. Today, as well as in the past, maps are subject to cartographic censorship in one form or another. For instance, almost all high-level military bases are conveniently missing from common, everyday maps that are dispersed around the world. That way an enemy could not use such a map against the very society that created it. Further, even USGS topographical maps are censored so that they do not include such things as nuclear waste dumps that may prove damaging to an area (Harley, 1988a). 26 The key to this component of state cartographic censorship for this specific case study was more specifically toponymic silence. This concept refers to native place names being removed from maps all together and a blank space being left instead (Harley,

1988b; Pearce, 2004). This way colonists were free to assume this land belonged to the state’s colony, instead of having it explicitly designated as land belonging to the native population. This place name omission led to a later replacement of the native name with a name in the vernacular language of the colonizing group (Pearce, 2004). In the end this process attempted to effectively erase the native population from the landscape, even if they still occupied the area.

A final aspect of cartographic censorship in colonial Europe was the limitation of overall access to this perceived knowledge base. Even before this time in ancient Europe cartography was considered to be the “science of princes” (Harley, 1988a, pg 281). Just by owning a map meant that a person was a part of the social elite of that time. Harley emphasizes “maps themselves, whether cast in bronze or chipped in stone, were designed to make more permanent a social order in which there were freeman and slaves and for which the territorial division of land was the basis of status” (Harley, 1988a, pg 285).

Matthew Sparke’s research also touches on an example of access censorship with regard to early native maps in Newfoundland, Canada. Sparke (1995) argues that in classifying native maps as artifacts the maps have become censored. With that label access has been limited and the early native maps have been edited out of mainstream cartographic images. As Sparke writes about native maps in Newfoundland he states:

“the map’s treatment as an artifact has suppressed attention to its lively and contested context. Such suppression, I will argue, effectively silences [the] surveyor’s voice” 27 (Sparke, 1995, pg 7). Of key importance to Sparke was that the voice in question was a solitary one coming from an already suppressed native people. So while he recognizes this classification as an outward act of preservation, he also notes the irony of how the

native map in reality is being censored further. Thus the “resistant voice” that speaks out

from this “artifact” map has been censored from mainstream culture today, just as it was

in colonial times (1995).

Not only is this access censorship done for military and political reasons, but it

also existed for economic reasons too. Harley (1988b) cites many examples of states

limiting access to maps and nautical charts which documented territories in the New

World that held promising economic prospects. Since maps were the means for planning

an economic venture on the other side of the Atlantic, access was strictly restricted. The

Hudson Bay Company, of England, even held their maps so secret that their archives of

the New World were almost completely off limits until the late eighteenth century

(1988b).

It is mainly owing to this limited access censorship that native and minority

populations were never privy to the official maps of their land. Consequently, the claim

to their land could not be adequately substantiated since their maps were not recognized by those in power (Pearce, 2004). They also were not able to know that they were effectively being erased from the landscape until many years later. In essence since native populations in early colonial times did not have access to power, they had no way to shape their own destinies, let alone shape the landscape around them. 28 Chapter Four: The Study Area

The specific study area for this research is Waterford County, along the southern coast of Ireland. This area is of particular significance to this project because it has experienced strong impacts from all four major cultural migrations (or invasions) in the history of Ireland. Waterford’s geographic location plays a major role in not only how local history, but also national history, comes to pass. Due to the nature of this research it is imperative to have a historical perspective of Waterford County, as well as Ireland as a whole. Understanding who was in power, and when, will lead to a better understanding of the place names of Waterford County. The following chapter explores the several groups who imposed their power over Ireland throughout the centuries as well as a more detailed history of Waterford County.

The Celts

While there were many pre-historic groups of people in Ireland, the Celts were considered the “original” Irish people, but little is known about their origins. The prevailing theory is that they came to Ireland by way of Britain and France before the

Christian era (Weisser, 1999; Davis, Goodby, Hadfield, and Patten, 2003). It was beginning in this time that the Celts established their dominance over the entire island

(Figure 1). As they spread throughout the entire land mass they developed a reputation as a warrior people, conquering all other pre-historic settlements in their path. This reputation became so well known throughout the world that they are even mentioned in the classic works of Aristotle and Polybius (Foster, 1989: Davis et al., 2003). They were 29 Figure 2. Celtic Ireland c. 650 A.D. 30 also reputed to be skilled metallurgists, being experts in working with iron. Their political system was loosely based around small tribal kingdoms and their religion was lead by pagan priests called druids (Weisser, 1999). Other than this, scarcely little is known about the Celts until around the time of St. Patrick. From pre-historic times until about 300 A.D. Celtic culture developed in relative isolation.

It was during that time of isolation that the Roman Empire expanded as far north as England. The only reason that the Romans left Ireland alone (even though it is only a mere 50 miles away) was due to Ireland’s dubious reputation for being a cold and wet swamp land. With Ireland receiving upwards of 300 days of rainfall a year (Abbot, 1998) and being located only about 15˚ away from the artic circle, the Romans saw this piece of land as a waste of their time (Weisser, 1999). Moreover, the Roman nautical vessels were unable to traverse Ireland’s slow, shallow rivers, and thus the most efficient transportation method of the day was rendered useless (Weisser, 1999). So while the rest of Europe was forced under complete control of the Romans’ sword, Ireland’s only, albeit very significant, influence of this time was through the cross of the Catholic

Church (Foster, 1989; Weisser, 1999). The Celtic connection to the Vatican came through St. Patrick. After becoming a priest in England, Patrick made it his life’s mission to establish Christianity in Ireland. His work was so successful that he and his successors eventually completely replaced the ancient pagan Druid religion with Christianity and established monasteries all over Ireland. Unlike what would normally be expected in an imposed ideological change, the Celts absorbed this new ideology, and thus highly influenced Celtic culture as it is thought of today.

31 The Vikings

The next group to invade Ireland and maintain an era of control was the Vikings of Scandinavia (Foster, 1989; Weisser, 1999; Davis et al., 2003). Unlike the Romans, the

Vikings were not as swayed by Ireland’s reputation as a cold and wet swamp land, but rather were encouraged by Ireland’s new reputation for being “a land of saints and scholars” (Weisser, 1999). The Vikings also had different ships that were easily able to navigate the slow, shallow rivers of the island (Davis et al., 2003). Even though only a relatively small number of Vikings actually came to Ireland they still managed to pillage the Catholic Church as well as set up several administrative centers from which control could be exerted (Figure 2). The Celts, however, as descendants of ancient warriors, did not submit to this invasion silently The Battle of Clontarf in 1014 changed the tide and

Ireland once again came under the control of the Celts (Weisser, 1999; Davis et al.,

2003). Although defeated, the Vikings did not return to Scandinavia. Instead, since they were already so invested in their settlements (personally, socially, and economically) they stayed and eventually became absorbed into the larger Celtic culture.

The Vikings did leave several important lasting imprints on the landscape and on

Celtic culture. First, Viking administrative centers became Ireland’s first urban settlements (Weisser, 1999). The Vikings laid down the basic roadway transportation infrastructure connecting the coast to inland communities. They also incorporated these port cities into known trade routes with the rest of Europe. Second, after converting to

Christianity, they allowed for a traditional structuring of the Catholic Church (ex: Parish,

Diocese, and Archdiocese) to take hold in these urban centers. This Viking imprint alone

32 Figure 3. Viking Ireland c. 950 A.D.

33 was enough to give the Church an enormous increase in their influence and power in

Ireland that lasts to the present day (Weisser, 1999).

The Normans

The next invasion of Ireland by outside cultural influences followed closely on the heels of the end of the conflict with the Vikings. The Normans, who were more or less

“Frenchified Scandinavians,” invaded Ireland around the year 1069 (Weisser, 1999). The

Normans’ first stop was the colonization of England (Foster, 1989; Weisser, 1999), but just two years later they turned their sights on Ireland, marking the beginning of the

Ireland-Britain connection, and what the native Irish deem “seven and a half centuries of plain and fancy hell” (Weisser, 1999) for their country. The Normans attempted to take over every part of the landmass, and in fact almost succeeded (Figure 3). It was this

Norman invasion that radically altered the Irish landscape both visually and socially. It was the Normans who built the castles, introduced the feudal system, introduced a monetary unit, set up a legal system (trial by jury), and imposed a new governmental structure (mayors, town councils, etc.), creating a system that mirrored that of medieval

England (1999).

34 Figure 4. Norman Ireland c. 1300 A.D.

35 The British

After the Normans eventually left Ireland and England, the native Irish did retake some of their lands and reestablish political control over most of the country. However, the English monarchy soon assumed control of Ireland and any land that the oppressed

Irish people did assume control over immediately became England’s domain. Conversely, due to the fact that the monarchy was more focused on ongoing conflicts with Scotland and France they did not pay much attention to Ireland at first, leaving the administration to the Earl of Kildare (1999).

In the beginning the English sphere of direct influence was limited to The Pale

(Figure 4). The Pale, however, became the site of the origin of the conflicts that still exist in Ireland today with respect to the Protestants (English) versus the Catholics

(native Irish/Celts). Inside The Pale precautions were taken by the British to avoid being absorbed by the Celtic culture as the Vikings were. For example, the Statues of Kilkenny stated that in The Pale a person had to speak English and follow all English customs- everything Irish was banned (1999). In 1485, when the English began their world colonization efforts, they also moved and increased their sphere of influence in Ireland.

It was in this period that the English influence became solidified in the six northern-most counties of Ireland, thus creating the separation of present day Ireland from Northern

Ireland (Ulster), which remains a British holding today (Weisser, 1999). 36 Figure 5. Anglo-Ireland c. 1450 A.D.

37 The Modern Irish Republic

Before the Irish Declaration of Independence was read on Easter Sunday, 1916

(Hutchinson, 2001), the people of Ireland faced many hardships. For example, there was the infamous potato famine of the 1840’s (De Blij and Muller, 2002). Resulting in over one million deaths and another two million emigrations, Ireland lost nearly one-third of its population as a result of the famine (2002). The after-effects of this famine, coupled with the instability of a new government and religious warfare, retarded Ireland’s economic development until recently. It has been only in recent decades that the

European service sector came to Ireland to take advantage “of Ireland’s well-educated but

not highly paid labor pool” (De Blij and Muller, 2002, pg 82). This boom in the

economy earned Ireland the nickname the “Celtic Tiger”. Tourism has become the

second most important part of the modern Irish economy. This is largely a result of the

country’s relatively cheap real estate prices compared to mainland Europe (2002).

Although religious and political uprisings between the Irish and British still occur,

tensions seem to be lessening over time. Membership in the European Union has also

assured Ireland a somewhat more stable future as compared to its rather violent and

unsure past.

History of County Waterford

After examining the history of Ireland as a whole, it is important to illustrate how

Waterford County has been a strategic location throughout that history, and thus ideally

suited for this case study in toponymns. According to one source, the first proven settlers

arrived in Waterford about 9,000 years ago (Total Ireland, 2001). These settlers were 38 nomadic Mesoliths who migrated from the European mainland via the much narrower

English Channel. It is theorized that the first point of arrival in Ireland for these Pre-

Celtic settlers was in fact present-day Waterford County (2001). Even though these settlers engaged in a nomadic way of life, they did construct permanent structures. There are thirty-two known structures throughout Waterford County dating to approximately

4,500 years ago (2001).

It was not until 795AD that the Vikings first began their raids along Ireland’s southern coast (Ireland Information Guide, 2005). The Vikings’ first official presence in

Waterford occurred when they established a “Longport” in 853AD (2005). This was the first time the Vikings established a somewhat permanent presence in Ireland instead of just venturing onto the island to raid, pillage, and plunder. With sheltered bays used to harbor the Viking fleet and a close proximity to the existing trade routes of Europe, the

Longport became a key geographic location yet again. One problem the Vikings did face was that the native Irish did not welcome their presence, and for about fifty years staged rebellions in an attempt to regain control. However, due to the strategic position of

Waterford, the Vikings increased their presence in the area. In 914AD the Vikings finally established Ireland’s first city, the city of Waterford (2005).

The Vikings held control of Waterford until the Battle of Clontarf, when the Celts regained control of Ireland. For approximately the next one hundred years Ireland was divided into regional kingdoms, ruled by local kings. This relative peace lasted only until

1137 AD when one of these local kings, Diarmuid MacMorrogh, sought to become king of all Ireland (2005). To accomplish this quest he would have to capture and control all of the other regional kingdoms of the island. His campaign stalled, however, when he 39 came to Waterford and found the local king too strong to defeat. At this point

MacMorrogh made a truly fateful decision that was to impact the entire future of Ireland.

MacMorrogh forged an alliance with Richard de Clare (Strongbow), the Second Earl of

Pembroke (2005). This marked the first time that Norman controlled England stepped into the politics of Ireland. The alliance, originally struck up to capture Waterford and instate a native Irishman king, had a disastrous outcome. MacMorrogh was in the end double-crossed and the Normans used this alliance as an open invitation to extend their power from England to Ireland as well (2005).

In 1171, Waterford was again the setting for another landmark event in the history of Ireland (2005). Henry II was the first English king to ever set foot in Ireland, and his first stop was Waterford. He brought with him not only the English navy, but also a decree that Waterford would now be considered a colonial city of England (2005). The resident Irish in Waterford did not take kindly to this English imposition. As time went on Waterford joined other cities of Ireland in the Confederation of Kilkenny that attempted to undermine and cease the British rule of Ireland (2005). Also, to the great ire of the English monarchy, the citizens of Waterford also remained overwhelmingly

Catholic.

Despite the local (and national) disdain for the English, Waterford County

th continued to progress. In the 18P P century, the city of Waterford was Ireland’s second largest port and population center. In keeping with the city’s tradition of being the site of historical firsts for Ireland, Thomas Frances Meager first flew the modern Irish tri- colored flag over Waterford Mall (2005). 40 Chapter 5: Methods and Data

Primary Sources and Methods

For this specific case study, a database of all the place names in Waterford

County had to be constructed. The main sources in creating this database were maps from the Ordnance Survey of Ireland that were published in 2003. Five maps in all were procured from the Ordnance Survey of Ireland in order to ensure complete coverage of

Waterford County. These maps are the Irish equivalent of the USGS topographical maps.

At a scale of 1:50,000 these maps contain much more detail than the USGS maps, and are thus more ideally suited for this study.

Although critics may claim that since these maps come from a government sponsored organization the data may be biased, such worries are unwarranted for this case study. Two main factors attest to the use of these maps for this project. First, in referring back to Brian Harley’s research, all maps include at least some bias since they

are human-produced images (Harley 1988a, 1988b, 1992). It is that very bias and content

that lies just beneath the surface of a map that is at the very core of this study. Second,

the unique history of the Ordnance Survey itself that makes these maps an ideal primary

source.

At first the Ordnance Survey, founded in Ireland in 1824 (Ordnance Survey,

2005), was just an extension of the British-funded and controlled group of the same

name. Early on in its existence the group’s main commission was to update colonial

maps of Ireland for taxation purposes (2005) since the British government was interested

in asserting more control over the island. Already by 1846, the entire island was mapped

at a scale of six inches to one mile, and was the first country in the world to boast such an 41 accomplishment (2005). Over this period of about twenty years, the agency carried out this assignment in a British controlled environment. As time went on, however, and discontent with the British in power increased, more Irish natives slowly gained leadership positions within the Ordnance Survey. John O’Donovan, an Irish historical place name pioneer, was among those leading the British funded mapping agency

(Hutchinson, 2001). Not only did this new leadership continue to provide topographical and geological maps of Ireland, but they also initiated another branch of cartography in the Ordnance Survey. They began the historical mapping of the Pre-Norman Irish landscape, and also took it upon themselves to rework early British colonial maps as well

(2001). Once the British government recognized this change in leadership and shift in direction it was too late. They had already lost any control and influence that they once held over the Ordnance Survey. Due to this loss, they quickly terminated funding for the organization in the late 1840’s (2001). Until 1916, the Ordnance Survey survived mostly under private funding, and after the Republic of Ireland’s independence was assimilated into the new government where it remains till this day (Ordnance Survey, 2005). Since then, the maps produced by the Ordnance Survey have been considered the official national maps of Ireland. Due to the unique circumstances and political process surrounding the establishment of this mapping agency that increases the need for the interpretation of their maps of modern day Ireland.

The database collected for this project focused specifically on place names referring to areas of human habitation in Waterford County. Places such as small neighborhoods, villages, towns, major cities and their suburbs, and general regions were all included. After the initial name collection, the next aspect of the project required the 42 determination of the linguistic origin of each place name. During this process any variation of the individual place name was also recorded. Three main sources were consulted in this process. The most comprehensive source was Irish Place Names by

Deirdre Flanagan and Laurence Flanagan, which was published in 2002. This book represents some of the most extensive and specific work done on Irish place names since

John O’Donovan’s pioneering research in the field in the late 1840’s. This book is comprised of two main sections, both of which were relevant to this case study. The first section is a dictionary of common Irish place name elements. Not only did the authors define and give examples of these elements, but they also commented on how variations of the elements would appear. For example, they would list any variation of the element that would come from the Anglicization of that element (2002). The second section is more of a place name dictionary for place names all across Ireland, including place names of foreign origin. From this section the meaning of a place name or a specific place name element could be determined.

The second primary source was a British Isles place name dictionary by Adrian

Room, published in 1988. While this source focuses mainly on English place names throughout the British Isles, he too differentiates between English and Irish place name elements (Room, 1988). In the first section of his book, Room provides an extensive list of place name prefixes and suffixes. He indicates the origin of the said element and also gives examples of how each element can be implemented. For instance, he notes how the prefix “Rath-“ is a common Irish prefix that often denotes an ancient ecclesiastical site

(1988). Room then provides a place name dictionary in the second half of the book. In 43 addition to a name definition, he also makes a note of when the name was first recorded if that information was available.

Finally, the third primary source used in this research was by T. Jones Hughes

(1970). While his main preoccupation was the difference in the use of the Irish word

“baile” and the English word “town” (which mean the same thing), he makes two other notable distinctions as well. First he distinguishes between what place name elements typically refer to natural features on the landscape, and which ones refer to cultural, or man-made features (1970). Secondly, he includes many maps in his research showing the distribution of many commonplace name elements, with a discussion of all of them, not just “baile” and “town” (1970).

Thus, after each source was consulted, and each name verified in one-way or another, the database was complete.

Results

Throughout Waterford County there were 1,052 unique place names. Out of that total some names actually appeared on the map more than once, but with a qualifier attached. For example, “Ballykerin” materializes on the map three separate times as

“Ballykerin Upper,” “Ballykerin Middle,” and “Ballykerin Lower.” For research purposes “Ballykerin” was just recorded once in the database with a note to point out any accompanying qualifiers. Other examples of qualifiers are directionals (North, South,

East, and West), “Beg,” “More,” “Little,” “Big,” “Mountain,” and “Hill.”

Out of these 1,052 place names, 910 are Irish in origin. With that group compromising of 87% of the total names in Waterford County, it is the clear majority. 44 Even with that said the data do require further clarification. While many of the Celtic place names contain the common Celtic place name elements, on the map many of those names are presented in an anglicized form. For example, elements common to Celtic place names include: “Baile,” “Carriag,” “Cill,” and “Cnoc” (Room, 1988). On the map, however, those elements appear as: “Bally,” “Carrick,” “Kill,” and “Knock” respectively.

Out of all the Irish toponymns, 899, or 99%, are presented in the anglicized version.

The second largest group of place names found in Waterford County was names that were English in origin. Out of the 1,052 total names, only 137, or 13%, were of

English linguistic origins. Common English place name elements included: “acre,”

“castle,” “field,” “grange,” “hill,” “land,” moore,” “mount,” “town,” “ville,” and “wood”

(Hughes, 1970). In the case of Waterford County- and as is the case in the entirety of

Ireland (1970)- the use of the element “town” appeared the most often. “Town” as a place name suffix appeared a total of 41 times. All of the English toponymns were scattered throughout the county with no discernable spatial pattern.

In all of Waterford County there were only three place names of Norse, or

Scandinavian Viking, origin. The very name of “Waterford” itself is an anglicized version of the original Viking name “Vadrefjord,” which refers to the point on the river where rams were loaded onto boats for export (Room, 1988). With only a few exceptions, the rest of the remaining Norse names in Ireland also refer to coastal features or are near waterways (Flanagan and Flanagan, 2002). For example, “Helvick” is on

Waterford’s coastline and is the Norse name meaning “rock-shelf bay” (2002). Also while the meaning of “Reisk” is unknown it is situated on a tributary of the Suir River, a major river in the southern part of Ireland. 45 Finally, there are two place names of French origin in Waterford County. While one refers to a family name, the other was established during the Anglo-Norman times.

“Pallis” was derived from the French word “palis,” which means “stockade” (2002).

While this toponymn occurs several other times throughout Ireland, its usage is restricted to the southern counties only (2002). 46 Chapter 6: Discussion

From only a cursory analysis of the results from this case study one main point stands out. A map definitely carries more meaning and content than what appears on the surface. This is in agreement with the research of Harley (1988a, 1988b, 1992), Sparke

(1995), Belyea (1992), and Pearce (2004). In this case, the maps of Waterford County say much more about the inhabitants’ past and present than just what is the best way to the coast. By just investigating one symbol on the map, the symbol that is language, a rich and complicated picture of this society comes into view.

First, the numerical distribution of the linguistic origins of the toponymns of

Waterford County is very revealing. Following along the research of leading traditional geographers (Jordan, 1974; Kniffen, 1965; Room, 1989; Sauer, 1925,1941; West, 1954;

Zelinsky, 1967) the idea of place name diffusion can be seen in Waterford County. In

Waterford County, place name variation tends to follow the historic settlement pattern of the area, with only minor discrepancies. The Celts were the first group of people with a somewhat significant population to inhabit the area and are also a group with very few place names still in their original unmodified Gaelic language. This may be due in part to their existence at such an early period of history. At this time the Catholic Church was the only real form of population organization that existed in all of Ireland and most of the population lived in rural locales (Foster, 1989; Weisser, 1999). So the place names that did exist may only be known to a small group of people.

The second group to come along in the history of this area, the Vikings, only has three surviving place names. I would argue that there are two possible explanations for this exceptionally low number. First, the Vikings came to Ireland in moderately small 47 numbers (Davis, Goodby, Hadfield, and Patten, 2003). Because of those small numbers, the Vikings only had a few major settlements in Ireland, mainly confined to the coastlines

(Appendix 2). Even though they exercised much power over the Celts, they did not occupy a large amount of territory, so in reality they had to introduce a minimum number of place names in the first place. Secondly, what happened to the Viking population after they lost control of the area constitutes a unique set of circumstances. The Vikings were the exceptional group in that once they lost control of Ireland they remained in the area; they did not retreat to their homeland. I would ascertain that once they had become absorbed into the larger Celtic culture they would become more likely absorb the Celtic language as a part of that process. In an attempt to blend in completely, which they later effectively did, they may have switched many of their original place names to words of

Celtic origins. That may be why that in all of Ireland there are no more than fifty original

Viking place names present (Flanagan and Flanagan, 2002).

The Anglo-Normans, the third group in Ireland’s historic settlement pattern, have two names to their credit. Originally from France (Weisser, 1999) the Normans are attributed these names are of French linguistic origin. Historically, the Normans were not in control of Ireland very long and for the most part kept the surviving Viking place names intact (Flanagan and Flanagan, 2002). Also, I would assert that since they had colonized and gained control of England before they set their sights on Ireland they might have incorporated words of English linguistic origin into their place names. According to

Room (1988) the Anglo-Normans’ language was a combination of French (from the

Normans) and old German from the (Angles). This hybrid language eventually drew 48 more upon the Germanic side and evolved into the English language (Room, 1988;

Hughes, 1970).

Since the English basically inherited their control of Ireland from the Normans once they had retreated it probably did not take much effort to completely anglicize the place names of the area they inherited. Further, due to the quick turnover time between the Normans and the English, it is still difficult today to determine the exact linguistic differences between the place names attributed to each group (1988). As mentioned earlier, there are 120 place names that are decidedly descended from the English language (whether it is Old English from the Normans or English from the British).

However, this small number is somewhat misleading with respect to the scope of their

influence on place names in Waterford County. Over time the Irish words have been “re-

translated” to fit into the phonetics of the English language; and some of their meanings

have been lost in that switch. Coinciding with what Withers (2000) concluded about

Gaelic names in Scotland, the place names may have been “lost in translation,” when the

English came to perform their Ordnance Surveys of the land. Even though 1120 place

names in the county are originally of Celtic origin, 1107 of them have been anglicized.

Since historically the British have had control of Ireland for most of the modern age, this

is not altogether surprising. Accordingly, if all of the names that have undergone English

influence are combined (the English names and the anglicized Celtic names) the English

linguistic influence incorporates 1227 of the place names of Waterford County – a

staggering 98.6% of the total toponymns.

In the end, the place names of Waterford County diffused along the lines of power

rather than the straight diffusion lines as presented in the research of the traditional 49 cultural geographers who could trace routes on a map (Sauer 1925, 1941; Jordan, 1974;

Kniffen, 1965; Zelinsky, 1967). It is the group in power, or control, of the entire area that makes decisions of how the landscape will form, and how the past landscape will be viewed.

Another valuable point of discussion brought about by the results from the

Ordnance Survey maps follows along the assertions of Whitbeck, who argued that the way the surrounding environment is constructed also plays a part in place name formations (1911). Although stemming from research done along the lines of the traditional school of cultural geography, his assertion is still applicable when examining power relations behind the landscape of the map. In this study of Waterford County this is definitely the case. Implementing the colonizing technique of Cartographic

Encroachment as defined by Pearce (2004), the English imposed the land-segmenting scheme of dividing up the country into counties. A New Cultural Geographer who shares this opinion was Macalister, who wrote that “County names should always be given in their English forms. For counties are an English innovation and their names, being usually derived from the anglicized form of the chief town, have no meaning in Irish”

(Macalister, pg. xv, 1970). In the case of Waterford County, ”Waterford” derived from the Anglicization of the Viking word “Vadrefjord”, and was subsequently applied to an area designated by British cartographers of the colonial period.

It does not appear that the technique of Cartographic Censorship was refined in

Waterford County to the extent that it was implemented in the New World colonies. Had this not been the case, the native place names within the boundary of Waterford County would have been erased from the landscape completely (Harley, 1988b; Pearce, 2004). A 50 different type of censorship was employed, however, when the native place names were anglicized. In essence it was the Gaelic language itself that was censored and made to be perceived as undesirable for the locals rather than the actual places themselves. It was this kind of colonial mapping of Ireland that set the stage for the colonial mapping of the

New World colonies. This environment gave the early British cartographers practice in encroachment and censorship techniques, something that many leading cartographic scholars do not imply (Sparke, 1995, and Pearce, 2004). I would argue that it was in

Ireland where the British cartographers found that they could not achieve total control of an area by just anglicizing existing place names. Based on the continual uprisings of the native Irish people (www.irelandinformationguide.com), the British knew they would have to try something different with their future colonies. Although neither the cartographic techniques used in Ireland or in the New World imparted a lasting “alternant reality” (Dau, 2003, pg. 32), where the British ended up with permanent, lasting control, the effects of their attempts have lasted to this day.

Why is it that in the end these cartographic techniques and English impositions (a foreign land segmenting system, toponymn variation) still appeared on the present day

Waterford County maps? The answer is that there are still more hidden contents on the

Waterford County maps that are beginning to challenge these old imperialistic cartographic techniques. To recognize those more subtle messages emerging from the maps, we must return to the toponymn work of Miller (1969), who argued for the two different naming processes: the folk and the official process (1969). His definition of the official process being when a governing body came in to map a large area (1969) definitely fits in this case. However, I would argue for a slightly different variation in the 51 folk process definition. I would argue that in this case the folk process of naming is the grassroots effort of the population to override the prevailing official name. With these definitions, for instance, on the Waterford County maps it can be seen that these two naming processes are colliding in the same area. For example, for many of the place names referencing areas of larger population, alongside the anglicized version of the toponymn appears the proper Celtic version of the name as well. It is this seemingly trivial discovery of the maps of Waterford County that is in reality the most revealing about the present day power struggles and political issues facing the Irish people today.

The explanation for these phenomena comes from the Gaelic revival, through which the emergence of the Gaelic language as a national symbol that can be seen on the maps of

Waterford County. It is the apparently small gesture of placing the original Celtic toponymn next to the anglicized version that manifests one of Don Mitchell’s “culture wars” (2000) in front of the very eyes of the map-reader. This phenomenon is in reality the most revealing about the present day power struggles and political issues facing the

Irish people today, and this is just the beginning. Currently there are a couple main initiatives in Ireland in regards to place name revival. Specifically in Waterford County, a Place Names Committee was established in 2001 (Waterford County Council, 2003).

This committee is responsible for:

Promoting suitable names for residential developments in County

Waterford… [suitable names are] Irish or bilingual names, which reflect local

place names, history, and heritage…the overall aim of An Coiste

Logainmneacha (Place Names Committee) is to ensure as far as possible that

names will reflect the rich Irish culture and heritage that is an integral part of 52 Contae Phort Lairge (Waterford County). The importance of place names in

our society cannot be underestimated, and by ceasing to use, or ignoring, the

rich variety of indigenous place names… we are in danger of loosing a vital

part of our heritage forever. (Waterford City Council, 2001)

A more general place name movement is taking hold in Ireland in the Gaeltacht

Region. This region is in the Western most counties of Ireland and is home to the largest percentage of native Gaelic speakers. Presently, on March 28, 2005 an order went into effect requiring all place names in this area of Ireland to be Celtic in origin only

(Waterford Today, 2005). This action was headed by a regional place names committee whose job is to “sort out the mess [that the English created] and they intend to research all the names and revert to the correct place names (Waterford Today, 2005, pg 1).”

Since April all place names and street signs of this area have been reverted back into their original Celtic toponymns (De Pasquale, 2005). While critics of this movement say this is just “sustaining the death grip on this language (De Pasquale, 2005, pg 1)”, the local residents of the Gaeltacht area have noted evidence to the contrary. The local residents claim that this is a necessary measure for the continued existence of the Gaelic language.

They even ascertain that because of this movement, students and other tourists are increasingly visiting this area to be immersed in the original language of their culture.

According to De Pasquale (2005), popularity for the Gaelic language has increased since this movement was initiated; even the ratings and popularity of all Gaelic radio and television stations have increased.

There is even international support coming to the likes of the more localized language revivals. Just this past June 13 the entire European Union showed their support 53 by recognizing Irish as an official language (2005). In turn, this is causing a surge in the translation business due to the subsequent need for the translation of thousands of

European Union documents into Gaelic (2005).

The main point that this case study is making, however, is that all of these current events have been documented before. As recently as 2003 when the Ordnance Survey published the maps of Waterford County this Gaelic Revival has been noted. The subtle tribute of the seemingly incongruous placement of the original Celtic place name next to the anglicized version of the toponymn has marked how this Irish cultural movement is being incorporated into the perceived landscape. 54 Chapter Seven: Conclusions

In summary, four main conclusions can be drawn from this case study. The first is the idea from traditional cultural geography that place names do in fact diffuse along cultural migration patterns. For this particular case of Waterford County, remnants of their historical settlement pattern are manifested on the present day map. Second, the premise from the new cultural geography that current power relations and struggles can be seen in the landscape also holds true. In this case the Gaelic revival stands as an example of the modern day power struggle that is being manifested in the maps of

Waterford. Third, the anticipatory imperialism techniques of Cartographic Encroachment

(Pearce, 2004) and Cartographic Censorship (Sparke, 1995) did take place in Waterford

County. The encroachment technique was implemented when the English set up their land segmenting system defining areas as counties. By only taking the name of the largest city in the area and applying it to a larger region, they redefined the spatial meaning attached to that name. The technique of cartographic censorship was implemented through the Anglicization of original Irish toponymns. It was through this

act that the Gaelic language itself became the censored object. Finally, the dual naming

process also occurred in Waterford County. This can be seen through the reality of places in Waterford being listed with two names, one English and one Irish.

By employing techniques defined in both Traditional and New Cultural

Geography this case study has explored and answered the following questions. Do the toponymns (place names) of Ireland reflect its historic settlement patterns? The answer here is an unequivocal yes. If so, what are these patterns of change? The change comes in the form of place name diffusion and variation through power assertion. Finally, what 55 power relations and social struggles influenced and affected the name changes? In this case it was the overall struggle to keep power or to gain it that affected the toponymns on the map. Sparke points out how studies like this must keep coming forward. He states

that “attention is drawn to the problem that there will always be something [to be read in

the map], and that the critic must always remain alert to any complacency that may

follow (Sparke, 1995, pg 4).” In other words the map is always shifting and changing,

and with that so too are the power relations and the society that the map is supposed to

represent.

Relevance of Research

The relevance of this research is three fold. First, this case study fills a void in the

current research. Most studies of this kind are pre-occupied with places in North

America. By setting a case study in Old World Ireland, an alternate cite is being

provided to test the existing cultural geography theories. Second, this study combats the

myth of maps as “scientific” tools. By showing that there is more to be found in a map

than just surface data, it encourages a more critical approach to further map use and

interpretation. Finally, it is an example of how the principals of Traditional and New

Cultural Geography can be combined to investigate both the physical and symbolic

landscape. By asking not only the questions of what and where, but also how and why,

we can expect a better understanding to the world around us. 56 References

Abbot, P. (1998). Pre-Norman History. Retrieved June 4, 2004, from

http://www.irelandstory.com/

Belyea, B. (1992). Images of Power: Derrida/Foucault/Harley. Cartographica, 29(2), 1-9.

Cappoquin Community Centre. (2005). Map of Waterford. Retrieved July 21, 2005 from

http://www.cappoquin.org/waterfordmap.shtml

Coady, M., & Ó Laoire, M. (2002). Mismatches in Language Policy and Practice In

Education: The Case of Gaelscoileanna in the Republic of Ireland. Language

Policy, 1, 143-158.

Dau, D. (2003). Seamus Heaney’s Religious Redress. Literature & Theology, 17(1), 32-

43.

Davis, A., Goodby, J., Hadfield, A., & Patten, E. (2003). Irish Studies. London: Arnold

Publishers.

De Blij, H.J., & Muller, P.O. (2002). Geography: Realms, Regions, and Concepts. New

York: John Wiley & Sons Inc.

DePasquale, R. (2005, June 30). In Ireland, Few Safe Havens for an Ancient Tongue.

The Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved from

http://news.yahoo.com/s/csm/20050630/wl_csm/oirish_1

Flanagan, D., & Flanagan, L. (2002). Irish Place Names. Dublin: Gill & Macmillan Ltd.

Foster, R. F. (1989). The Oxford Illustrated History of Ireland. New York: Oxford

University Press.

Harley, J.B. (1988a). Maps, Knowledge, and Power. (D. Cosgrove & S. Daniels, Eds.).

The Iconography of Landscape. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 57 Harley, J.B. (1988b). Sliences and Secrecy: The Hidden Agenda of Cartography in Early

Modern Europe. Imago Mundi, 40, 57-76.

Harley, J.B. (1992). Re-reading the Maps of the Columbian Encounter. Annals of the

Association of American Geographers, 82(3), 522-536.

Hepburn, A.C. (2001). Language, Religion and National Identity in Ireland since 1880.

Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 2(2), 198-220.

Houston, R.A. (2003). ‘Lesser-used’ languages in historic Europe: models of change

th th from the 16P P to the 19P P centuries. European Review, 11(3), 299-324.

Hughes, T.J. (1970). Town and Baile in Irish Place-Names. (N. Stephens & R. Glasscock,

Eds.). Irish Geographical Studies. Belfast: The Department of Geography, The

Queen’s University of Belfast.

Hutchinson, J. (2001). Archaeology and the Irish rediscovery of the Celtic past. Nations

and Nationalism, 7(4), 505-519.

Ireland Information Guide. (2005). History of Ireland. Retrieved May, 31, 2005 from

http://www.irelandinformationguide.com/History_of_Ireland

Jordan, T. G. (1974). Antecedents of the Long-Lot in Texas. Annals of the Association of

American Geographers, 64(1), 70-86.

Kniffen, F. (1965). Folk Housing: Key to Diffusion. Annals of the Association of

American Geographers, 55(4), 549-577.

Macalister, R. A. S. (1970). Ireland in Pre-Celtic Times. New York: Benjamin Blom, Inc.

Miller, E. J. W. (1969). The Naming of the Land in the Arkansas Ozarks: A Study in

Culture Processes. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 59 (2),

240-251. 58 Mitchell, D. (2000). Culture Wars: Culture is Politics by Another Name. Cultural

Geography: A Critical Introduction (pp.16-28). Oxford: Blackwell.

Ó Muraíle, N. (2001). Settlement and Place-names. ( P .J. Duffy, D. Edwards, & E.

FitzPatrick, Eds.) Gaelic Ireland c. 1250- c. 1650: Land, Lordship, and

Settlement. Dublin: Four Courts Press.

Ordnance Survey Ireland. (2005). History. Retrieved May 31, 2005 from

http://www.osi.com/about/history.shtml

Ordnance Survey Ireland. (2003a). Discovery Series: Carlow, Kilkenny, Waterford, and

Wexford [Map]. Dublin: Ordnance Survey Ireland.

Ordnance Survey Ireland. (2003b). Discovery Series: Cork, Limerick, Tipperary, and

Waterford [Map]. Dublin: Ordnance Survey Ireland.

Ordnance Survey Ireland. (2003c). Discovery Series: Cork, and Waterford [Map].

Dublin: Ordnance Survey Ireland.

Ordnance Survey Ireland. (2003d). Discovery Series: Cork, Limerick, Tipperary, and

Waterford [Map]. Dublin: Ordnance Survey Ireland.

Ordnance Survey Ireland. (2003e). Discovery Series: Waterford [Map]. Dublin:

Ordnance Survey Ireland.

Pearce, M. W. (2004). Encroachment by Word, Axis, and Tree: Mapping Techniques

from the Colonization of New England. Cartographic Perspectives, 48, 24-38.

Room, A. (1988). Dictionary of Place-Names in the British Isles. London: Bloomsbury

Publishing Limited.

Sauer, C. O. (1941). Foreward to Historical Geography. Annals of the Association of

American Geographers, 31(1), 1-24. 59 Sauer, C. O. (1925). The Morphology of Landscape. University of California

Publications in Geography 2(2), 19-54.

Sparke, M. (1995). Between Demythologizing and Deconstructing the Map:

Shanawdithit’s New-found-land and the Alienation of Canada. Cartographica,

32(1), 1-21.

Total Ireland.com. (2001). County Waterford. Retrieved June 4, 2004 from

http://www.totalireland.com/waterford/

Tubbs, S, & Moss, S. (2000). Human Communication. Boston: McGraw-Hill Higher

Education.

Waterford City Council. (2001). Place Names Committee. Retrieved June 6, 2005 from

http://www.waterfordcoco.ie/council/web/Display/article/84/17/?lang=en.

Waterford Today. (2005). Cupla Focal- Logainmneacha. Retrieved June 6, 2005 from

http://www.waterford-today.ie/index.php?id=13188&what=2&issue=236.

Weisser, H. (1999). Ireland: An Illustrated History. New York: Hippocrene Books, Inc.

West, R. C. (1954). The Term ‘Bayou’ in the United States: A study in the Geography of

Place Names. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 44(1), 63-

74.

Whitbeck, R. H. (1911). Regional Peculiarities in Place Names. Bulletin of the American

Geographical Society, 43(4), 273-281.

Withers, C. W. J. (2000). Authorizing Landscape: ‘Authority,’ Naming, and the

Ordnance Survey’s Mapping of the Scottish Highlands in the Nineteenth

Century. Journal of Historical Geography, 26(4), 532-554. 60 Zelinsky, W. (1967). Classical Town Names in the United States: The Historical

Geography of an American Idea. The Geographical Review, 57, 463-495. 61 Appendix. Waterford County Toponymns Database

This database contains all of the place names that were compiled from the five

Ordnance Survey of Ireland Maps (2003a, 2003b, 2003c, 2003d, 2003e). The first column contains the toponymn as it appeared on the map. The second column contains any alternative form of the name that either occurred directly on the map or was found in the research sources. The third column represents the linguistic origin of the toponymn.

The fourth column refers to which of the three main sources the name, or name element, was found in. They are coded as follows:

1 - Flanagan, D., & Flanagan, L. (2002). Irish Place Names. Dublin: Gill &

Macmillan Ltd.

2- Room, A. (1988). Dictionary of Place-Names in the British Isles. London:

Bloomsbury Publishing Limited.

3- Hughes, T.J. (1970). Town and Baile in Irish Place-Names. (N. Stephens & R.

Glasscock, Eds.). Irish Geographical Studies. Belfast: The Department of

Geography, The Queen’s University of Belfast.

The fifth column notes whether or not the word has been Anglicized. This means that if there is a “Yes” noted then the name that appeared on the map was altered to fit into

English phonetics. If there is a “No” noted then the word is in its original linguistic form.

“NA” is marked for words that are originally English, meaning that an Anglicized form would be “Not Available.” Finally, the last column gives the meaning of a toponymn, or a specific toponymnic element.

62 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Abbeyside English 2 NA "Abbey" refers to a Monastery Acres English 3 NA "Acre" is an English element Adamstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Addrigoole Irish 1 Yes "Place Between a Fork" Adramone Irish 1 Yes "-mone" means "Bog" Aglish An Eaglais Irish 1 Yes Refers to a Church Ahanaglogh Irish 1 Y "Ahan" refers to a ford Ahaun Athan Irish 1 Yes "Ahaun" refers to a ford Ahuanboy Irish 1 Yes "Ahaun" refers to a ford Amberhill English 3 NA "Hill" is an English element An Cuilin Irish 1 No "Cuil-" means "Corner" An Cuan Irish 1 No "Corner" or "Nook" Annestown Bun Abha English 3 NA "Town" is an English element Ardaguna Irish 1 Yes "Ard" means "Height" Ardeenloun Irish 1 Yes "Ard" means "Height" Ardmore Aird Mhor Irish 2 Yes "Great Height" Ardnahow Irish 1 Yes "Ard" means "Height" Ardnamult Head Ard na Molt Irish 1 Yes "Ard" means "Height" Ardocheasty Irish 1 Yes "Ard" means "Height" Ardoginna Irish 1 Yes "Ard" means "Height" Ardpaddin Irish 1 Yes "Ard" means "Height" Ardsallagh Irish 1 Yes "Ard" means "Height" Ashtown English 1 Yes "Town" is an English element Aughmore Irish 1 Yes "Augh" means "Field" Aughnabrone Irish 1 Yes "Augh" means "Field" Aughnacurraveel Irish 1 Yes "Augh" means "Field" Baile na nGall Irish 1 No "Homestead of the stones" Ballaghavorraga Irish 1 Yes "Ballagha" means "Pass" Balleighteragh Irish 1 Yes ""Balleigh" means "Homestead" Ballinab Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballinaha Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballinaleucra Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballinamona Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballinanchor Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballinaspick Baile an Easpaig Irish 1 Yes "Homestead of the Bishop" Ballinattin Baile na Aitheann Irish 1 Yes "Homestead of the Gorpse" Ballindaggan Baile an Daingin Irish 1 Yes "Homestead of the Fortress" Ballindud Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballindysert Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballingarra Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballingarry Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballingowan Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballingowna Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballinkina Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballinlevane Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" 63 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Ballinlough Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballinroad Baile an Roid Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballintaylor Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballintlea Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballintoor Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballinure Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballinvella Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballinwillin Irish 1 Yes "Ballin-" means "Homestead" Ballyanhemery Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyard Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballybeg Baile Beag Irish 1 Yes "Small Homestead" Ballyboy Baile Atha Bui Irish 1 Yes "Homestead of the yellow ford" Ballybrack Baile Breac Irish 1 Yes "Speckled Homestead" Ballybregin Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballybrennock Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballybrusa Brucetown Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballycahane Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballycanvan Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballycarnane Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballycashin Baile Ui Chasisin Irish 1 Yes "O Caisin's Homestead" Ballyclement Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyclohy Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballycoarda Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballycoe Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballycondon Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyconnery Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballycraddock Baile Chreadoig Irish 1 Yes "Homestead of the Clay" Ballycrompane Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballycullane Baile Ui Choileain Irish 1 Yes "O Choileain's Homestead" Ballycurrane Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballycurreen Baile Ui Churraoin Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballydasoon Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballydavid Baile Dhaibhi/ Dhaith Irish 1 Yes "Doibhi's/ Dhaith's Homestead" Ballydermody Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballydermodybog Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballydonagh Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballydowane Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballydrislane Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyduff An Baile Dubh Irish 1 Yes "Black Homestead" Ballydurn Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyea Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyeafy Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyeelinan Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballygagin Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballygalane Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" 64 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Ballygally Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballygambon Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballygarran Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballygarret Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyglan Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyguiry Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballygunner Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyhamlet Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyhander Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyhane Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyharrahan Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyheadon Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyheeny Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyhest Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyhoo Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyhussa Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyin Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballykennedy Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballykerin Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballykeroge Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballykilmurry Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballykinsella Baile an Chinsealaigh Irish 1 Yes "O Cinsealaigh's Homestead" Ballyknock Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballylane Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballylaneen Baile Ui Fhlaithnin Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballylangadon Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyleane Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyleen Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballylegat Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballylemon Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballylenane Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballylinch Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballylough Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballymabin Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballymacarbry Baile Mhac Cairbre Irish 1 Yes "MacCarbre's Homestead" Ballymacart Baile Mhac Airt Irish 1 Yes "MacArt's Homestead" Ballymacaw Baile Mhic Dhaith Irish 1 Yes "MacDaith's Homestead" Ballymacmague Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballymakee Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballymartin Irish 1 Yes "MacGiolla Mhartain's Homestead" Ballymoat Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballymoodranagh Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballymorris Baile Mhuiris Irish 1 Yes "Muiris's Homestead" Ballymuddy Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballymulalla Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" 65 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Ballymurrin Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynabanoge Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynabola Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynaclash Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynaclogh Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynacourty Baile na Cuirte Irish 1 Yes "Homestead of the Mansion" Ballynacurra Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynadeige Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynadogh Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynafina Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynafineshoge Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynagaul Baile na nGall Irish 1 Yes "Homestead of the Stones" Ballynageeragh Baile na gCaorach Irish 1 Yes "Homestead of the Sheep" Ballynagigla Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynagleragh Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynagorkagh Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynaguilkee Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynaharda Baile na hArda Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynahila Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynakill Baile na Cille Irish 1 Yes "Homestead of the Church" Ballynalahessery Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynameelagh Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynamertinagh Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynamintra Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynamona Baile na Mona Irish 1 Yes "Homestead of the Bog" Ballynamoyntragh Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynamuck Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynamult Beal na Muilt Irish 1 Yes "Homestead of the Wether" Ballynamultina Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynaneashagh Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynaparka Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynaraha Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynarrid Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynasisala Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynaskeha Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynatray Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyneal Baile Ui Neill Irish 1 Yes "O Neill's Homestead" Ballyneety Baile an Fhaoitigh Irish 1 Yes "De Faoite's Homestead" Ballynerroon Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynevin Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynevoga Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynicole Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballynoe Baile Nua Irish 1 Yes "New Homestead" Ballynulalla Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyogarty Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" 66 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Ballyphilip Baile Philib Irish 1 Yes "Philib's Homestead" Ballyquin Baile Ui Choinn Irish 1 Yes "o Coinn's Homestead" Ballyrafter Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyrandle Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyreilly Baile Ui Raghallaigh Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyristeen Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyrobin Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyroe Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyrohan Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyrussel Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballysagart Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballysagartbeghill Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballysallagh Baile Salach Irish 1 Yes "Dirty Homestead" Ballyscanlan Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyshoneen Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyshonock Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyslough Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballythomas Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballytrisnane Baile Throsnain Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballytruckle Balie Throcail Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyvad Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyvadden Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyvallikin Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyvalloona Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyvecane Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyvellon Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyvohalane Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyvoony Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyvoreen Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Ballyvoyle Baile Ui Bhaoill Irish 1 Yes "O Baoill's Homestead" Ballywelligan Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Barnakile Irish 1 Yes "Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top Barrack Irish 1 Yes "Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top Barracree Irish 1 Yes "Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top Barracreemountain Irish 1 Yes "Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top Barranafaddock Irish 1 Yes "Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top Barranaleaha Barr na Leithe Irish 1 Yes "Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top Barranalira Irish 1 Yes "Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top Barranamanoge Irish 1 Yes "Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top Barranashingaun Irish 1 Yes "Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top Barranastook Barr na Stuac Irish 1 Yes "Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top Barravakeen Irish 1 Yes "Bar-" or "Barr-" means Top Barristown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Barrysmountain English 3 NA "Mountain" is an English element Bawnabraher Irish 1 Yes "Bawn-" means Cow Fortress 67 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Bawnacarrigaun Irish 1 Yes "Bawn-" means Cow Fortress Bawnacommera Irish 1 Yes "Bawn-" means Cow Fortress Bawnagappul Irish 1 Yes "Bawn-" means Cow Fortress Bawnagarrane Irish 1 Yes "Bawn-" means Cow Fortress Bawnard Irish 1 Yes "Bawn-" means Cow Fortress Bawnatanavoher Irish 1 Yes "Bawn-" means Cow Fortress Bawnbrack Irish 1 Yes "Bawn-" means Cow Fortress Bawndaw Irish 1 Yes "Bawn-" means Cow Fortress Bawnfoun Irish 1 Yes "Bawn-" means Cow Fortress Bawnfune Irish 1 Yes "Bawn-" means Cow Fortress Bawnlaur Irish 1 Yes "Bawn-" means Cow Fortress Bawnmore Irish 1 Yes "Bawn-" means Cow Fortress Bawnnavinnoge Irish 1 Yes "Bawn-" means Cow Fortress Beallough Irish 1 No "Beal-" means "Mouth" Bellaheen Irish 2 Yes "Bella-" means "Estuary" Belleville English 3 NA "Ville" is an English element Benvoy Irish 2 Yes "Ben-" means "Peak" or "Mountain" Bewley English 2 NA "-ley" is English for "Woods" Bishopscourt English 3 NA "Court" is an English element Bishopstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Black English 1 NA "Black" is an English element Blackball Head English 1 NA "Black-" is an English element Blackbog English 3 NA "Bog" is an English element Blackhill Wood English 3 NA "Wood" is an English element Blackknock Irish 1 Yes "Black Hill" Bog English 3 NA "Bog" is an English element Boggagh English 3 NA "Bog" is an English element Bohadoon Irish 1 Yes "Boha-" means "Road" Boherard Bothar Ard Irish 1 Yes "High Road" Boherawillin Irish 1 Yes "Willin's Road" Boherboy Bothar Bui Irish 1 Yes "Yellow Road" Boola Buaile Irish 1 Yes "Boola" means "Milking Place" Boolabeg Irish 1 Yes "Boola" means "Milking Place" Boolabrien Irish 1 Yes "Boola" means "Milking Place" Boolacloghagh Irish 1 Yes "Boola" means "Milking Place" Boolakiley Irish 1 Yes "Boola" means "Milking Place" Boolattin Irish 1 Yes "Boola" means "Milking Place" Boolavonteen Irish 1 Yes "Boola" means "Milking Place" Bridgequarter English 1 NA "Quarter" is an English element Bridgetown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Briska Brioscach Irish 1 Yes "Brittle Land" Broemountain English 3 NA "Mountain" is an English element Brooklodge English 3 NA "Lodge" is an English element Brownstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Brownswood English 3 NA "Wood" is an English element 68 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Bunmahon Bun Machan Irish 1 Yes "Mouth of the river Machain" Butlerstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Caher Cathair Irish 1 Yes "Stone Fort" Caherbaun Irish 1 Yes "Stone Fort" Caherbrack Irish 1 Yes "Stone Fort" Cahergal Cathair Geal Irish 1 Yes "White Stone Fort" Caheruane Irish 1 Yes "Stone Fort" Callowclough Irish 1 Yes "Holm Stone Castle" Cappagh Ceapach Choinn Irish 1 Yes "Plot of Land" Cappoquin Ceapach Choinn Irish 2 Yes "Conn's Plot" Carrickadustara Irish 1 Yes "Carrick-" means "Rock" Carrickahilla Irish 1 Yes "Carrick-" means "Rock" Carrickanure Irish 1 Yes "Carrick-" means "Rock" Carrickarea Irish 1 Yes "Carrick-" means "Rock" Carrickaready Irish 1 Yes "Carrick-" means "Rock" Carrickatober Irish 1 Yes "Carrick-" means "Rock" Carrickavarahane Irish 1 Yes "Carrick-" means "Rock" Carrickavrantry Irish 1 Yes "Carrick-" means "Rock" Carrickbarrahane Irish 1 Yes "Carrick-" means "Rock" Carrickbeg Carraig Bheag Irish 1 Yes "Small Rock" Carricknabrone Irish 1 Yes "Carrick-" means "Rock" Carrickphierish Irish 1 Yes "Carrick-" means "Rock" Carrickphilip Ceapach Philib Irish 1 Yes "Carrick-" means "Rock" Carricksaggart Irish 1 Yes "Carrick-" means "Rock" Carriganard Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carrigane Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carrigavoe Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carrigbrack Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carrigcastle Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carrigeen An Carraigin Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carrigeennageragh Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carrigeennahaha Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carriglass Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carriglea Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carriglong Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carrigmoorna Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carrignagower Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carrignanonshagh Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carrigroe Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carrigseegowna Irish 1 Yes "Carrig-" means "Rock" Carronadroleen Irish 1 Yes "Carron-" means "Pile of Stones" Carronahyla Irish 1 Yes "Carron-" means "Pile of Stones" Carronbeg Irish 1 Yes "Carron-" means "Pile of Stones" Carrondavderg Irish 1 Yes "Carron-" means "Pile of Stones" Carrowgarriff Irish 1 Yes "Carrow-" means "Quarter" 69 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Carrowleigh Irish 1 Yes "Carrow-" means "Quarter" Carrowncashlane Irish 1 Yes "Carrow-" means "Quarter" Carrowntassona Irish 1 Yes "Carrow-" means "Quarter" Castlecraddock English 3 NA "Castle" is an English element Castlelands English 3 NA "Castle" is an English element Castlemiles English 3 NA "Castle" is an English element Castlequarter English 3 NA "Castle" is an English element Castlereagh English 3 NA "Castle" is an English element Castletown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Cheekpoint Pointe na Sige Irish 1 Yes "Streak Point" Cherrymount English 3 NA "Mount-" is an English element Churchquarter English 3 NA "Quarter" is an English element Churchtown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Cladagh Irish 1 Yes Means "Shore" or "Beach" Clashabeema Irish 1 Yes "Clash-" means"Ravine" Clashanahy Irish 1 Yes "Clash-" means"Ravine" Clashbrack Irish 1 Yes "Clash-" means"Ravine" Clashdog Irish 1 Yes "Clash-" means"Ravine" Clasheenanierin Irish 1 Yes "Clash-" means"Ravine" Clashganny Irish 1 Yes "Clash-" means"Ravine" Clashmore Clais Mhor Irish 1 Yes "Big Ravine" Clashnadarriv Irish 1 Yes "Clash-" means"Ravine" Clashnagoneen Irish 1 Yes "Clash-" means"Ravine" Clashnamonadee Irish 1 Yes "Clash-" means"Ravine" Clashroe Irish 1 Yes "Clash-" means"Ravine" Clogh Cloichin Irish 1 Yes "Stone Castle" Cloghadda Irish 1 Yes "Clog-" means "Stone Castle" Cloghaun Irish 1 Yes "Clog-" means "Stone Castle" Cloghbog Irish 1 Yes "Clog-" means "Stone Castle" Clogheen Cloichin Irish 1 Yes "Little Stone Castle" Cloghraun Irish 1 Yes "Clog-" means "Stone Castle" Cloghernach Clocharnach Irish 1 No "Stony Place" Clonagam Irish 1 Yes "Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow" Clonanav Irish 1 Yes "Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow" Cloncoskoran Irish 1 Yes "Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow" Clondonnell Irish 1 Yes "Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow" Clonea Cluain Fhia Irish 1 Yes "Pasture of the Deer" Clonfadda Irish 1 Yes "Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow" Clonkerdin Irish 1 Yes "Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow" Clonmel Culain Meala Irish 1 Yes "Pasture of Honey" Clonmore Culain Mhor Irish 1 Yes "Large Pasture" Clonmoyle Irish 1 Yes "Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow" Cloonbeg Irish 1 Yes "Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow" Clooncogaile Irish 1 Yes "Clon-" is "Pasture" or "Meadow" Close English 3 NA "Close" is an English element 70 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Commons English 3 NA "Commons" is an English element Cool Cul Irish 1 Yes "Back" Cooladalane Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolagadden Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolagortboy Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolahest Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolanheen Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolatoor Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolbagh Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolbeggan Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolbooa Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolbunnia Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolcormuck Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Cooldrishoge Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolfinn Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolgower Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolishal Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolnabeasoon Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolnacreena Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolnagoppoge Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolnagour Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolnahorna Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolnalingady Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolnamuck Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolnanav Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolnaneagh Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolnasmear Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolnasmuttaun Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolowen Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolrattin Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolroe An Chuil Rua Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Cooltegin Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Cooltubbrid Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolum Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Coolydoody Irish 1 Yes "Cool-" means "Back" Corbally Corrbhaile Irish 1 Yes "Odd Homestead" Corradoon Irish 3 No "Corr-" means "Hill" Corragina Irish 3 No "Corr-" means "Hill" Corranduff Irish 3 No "Corr-" means "Hill" Corrannaskeha Irish 3 No "Corr-" means "Hill" Coumaraglinmountain Irish 1 Yes "Coum-" means "Hollow" Coumfea Com Fia Irish 1 Yes "Coum-" means "Hollow" Coummahon Irish 1 Yes "Coum-" means "Hollow" Coumnagappul Irish 1 Yes "Coum-" means "Hollow" Coumshingaun Irish 1 Yes "Coum-" means "Hollow" 71 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Countygate English 3 NA "County" is an English element Coxtown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Creggane Irish 1 Yes "Creg-" means "Rock" Crobally Cruabhaile Irish 2 Yes "Bally-" is "Town" or "Homestead" Cross Crois Irish 1 Yes "Cross" Crossery English 1 NA "-ery" is English for "Ford" Crossford English 2 NA "-ford" is an English element Cullencastle English 2 NA "Castle" is an English element Currabaha Irish 3 Yes "Curra-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curradarra Irish 3 Yes "Curra-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curraduff Irish 3 Yes "Curra-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curragh Currach Irish 1 Yes "Marsh" Curraghacnav Irish 3 Yes "Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curraghataggart Irish 3 Yes "Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curraghateskin Irish 3 Yes "Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curraghballintlea Irish 3 Yes "Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curraghduff Irish 3 Yes "Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curraghkiely Irish 3 Yes "Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curraghmore Currach Mor Irish 1 Yes "Big Marsh" Curraghmoreen Irish 1 Yes "Little Big Marsh" Curraghna-Garraha Irish 3 Yes "Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curraghnagree Irish 3 Yes "Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curraghnamaddree Irish 3 Yes "Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curraghphilippen Irish 3 Yes "Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curraghroche Irish 3 Yes "Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curragraig Irish 3 Yes "Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curraheen Irish 3 Yes "Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Curraheenavoher Irish 3 Yes "Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Currahreigh Irish 3 Yes "Curragh-" is "Swamp" or "Marsh" Currane Corran Irish 1 Yes "Cresent Shaped Place" Curraun Corran Irish 1 Yes "Cresent Shaped Place" Cush of Grange English 3 NA "Grange" is an English element Davmore English 2 NA "More" is an English element Deelishmountain English 3 NA "Mountain" is an English element Deerpark English 3 NA "Park" is an English element Derry Doire an Bhile Irish 1 Yes "Oak Grove" D'Loughtane French 1 No Personal Name Doon Dun Irish 1 Yes "Fort" Dooneen Dunin Irish 1 Yes "Little Fort" Dowersknock Irish 1 Yes "Knock" means "Hill" Drehidkeal Droichead Irish 1 Yes "Drehid" means "Bridge" Drohidnawillin Droichead Irish 1 Yes "Drehid" means "Bridge" Dromina Dhrom Eidhneach Irish 1 Yes "Ridged Land" Dromona Irish 1 Yes "Drom-" means "Ridge" Dromore Irish 1 Yes "Drom-" means "Ridge" 72 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Drumcannon Irish 1 Yes "Drum-" means "Ridge" Drumgorey Irish 1 Yes "Drum-" means "Ridge" Drumgullane Irish 1 Yes "Drum-" means "Ridge" Drumlohan Irish 1 Yes "Drum-" means "Ridge" Drumroe Irish 1 Yes "Drum-" means "Ridge" Drumrusk Irish 1 Yes "Drum-" means "Ridge" Drumslig Irish 1 Yes "Drum-" means "Ridge" Duagh Dubhath Irish 1 Yes "Black Ford" Ducarrig Irish 1 Yes "Carrig" means "Rock" Duckspool English 1 NA "-pool" is an English element Duffcarrick Irish 1 Yes "Carrick" means "Rock" Dunabrattin Irish 2 Yes "Dun-" means "Fort" Dungarvan Dun Garbhan Irish 2 Yes "Garbhan's Fort" Dunhill Dun Aill Irish 1 Yes "Fort Cliff" Dunmoon Dun Moin Irish 1 Yes "Mon's Fort" Dunmore Dun Mor Irish 1 Yes "Big Fort" Dunsallagh Dun Salach Irish 1 Yes "Dirty Fort" Durrow Daru Irish 1 Yes "Oak Plain" Dysert Diseart Irish 1 Yes "Hermitage" Eaglehill English 3 NA "Hill" is an English element Englishtown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Faha An Fhaiche Irish 1 Yes "Green" Fahafeelagh Irish 1 Yes "Faha-" means "Green" Farranalahesery Irish 1 Yes "Farran-" means "Plough Land" Farranalounty Fearann an Lontaigh Irish 1 Yes "Farran-" means "Plough Land" Farranbullen Irish 1 Yes "Farran-" means "Plough Land" Farrangarret Irish 1 Yes "Farran-" means "Plough Land" Feagarrid Feith Ghairid Irish 1 Yes "Short Stream" Fennor Fionnuir Irish 1 Yes "Place by White Water" Fews Fea Irish 1 Yes "Woods" Finisk Fionnuisce Irish 1 Yes "White Water" Flowerhill English 3 NA "Hill" is an English element Foilanprisoon Irish 1 Yes "Foil-" means "Cliff" Fortwilliam English 2 NA "Fort" is an English element Fountain English 3 NA "Fountain" Fourmilewater English 3 NA "Mile" is an English element Foxhole English 1 NA "Fox" is English element Fox's Castle English 2 NA "Castle" is an English element Furraleigh Foradh Liath Irish 1 Yes "Grey Mound" Gardenmorris English 1 NA "Morris' Garden" Garra Irish 1 Yes "Clump" or "Grove" Garrahylish Irish 1 Yes "Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove" Garrananaspick Irish 1 Yes "Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove" Garranbaun Irish 1 Yes "Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove" Garranmillon Irish 1 Yes "Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove" 73 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Garranturton Irish 1 Yes "Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove" Garrarus Irish 1 Yes "Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove" Garraun Irish 1 Yes "Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove" Garravoone Irish 1 Yes "Garra-" means "Clump" or "Grove" Garrison English 3 NA "Garrison" Garrybrittas Irish 1 Yes "Garry-" means "Garden" Garryclone Irish 1 Yes "Garry-" means "Garden" Garrycloyne Irish 1 Yes "Garry-" means "Garden" Garryduff Irish 1 Yes "Garry-" means "Garden" Garrynageragh Irish 1 Yes "Garry-" means "Garden" Garrynagree Irish 1 Yes "Garry-" means "Garden" Garrynoe Irish 1 Yes "Garry-" means "Garden" Gates English 3 NA "Gates" Gaulstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Geogrgestown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Gibbethill English 3 NA "Hill" is an English element Glen Gleann Trasnain Irish 1 Yes "Valley" Glenabbey Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenaboy Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenagarra Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenaknockaun Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenaleeriska Gleann an Fhiorusce Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenary Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenasaggart Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenassy Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenavaddra Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenaveha Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glencarin Gleann an Chairn Irish 1 Yes "Valley of the Cairn" Glencullen Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glendalligan Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glendalough Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glendaw Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glendeish Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glendine Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenfooran Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glengoagh Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenhouse Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenlicky Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenmorrishmeen Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glennafallia Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glennagad Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glennaglogh Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glennaneane Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glennanore Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glennaphuca Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" 74 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Glennawillin Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenpatrick Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenribbeen Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenshask Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Glentaun Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glentaunatinagh Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glentaunemon Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Glenwilliam Irish 1 Yes "Glen-" means "Valley" Gortaclade Irish 2 Yes "Gort-" means "Field" Gortahilly Irish 2 Yes "Gort-" means "Field" Gortavicary Irish 2 Yes "Gort-" means "Field" Gorteen An Goirtin Irish 2 Yes "Little Field" Gortnadina Gort na Duimhche Irish 2 Yes "Gort-" means "Field" Gortnalaght Irish 2 Yes "Gort-" means "Field" Gortnapeaky Irish 2 Yes "Gort-" means "Field" Gowlaun Slaibh an Ghabhlain Irish 1 Yes "Fork" Graigariddy Irish 1 Yes "Graig-" means "Hamlet" Graigavalla Irish 1 Yes "Graig-" means "Hamlet" Graignagower Irish 1 Yes "Graig-" means "Hamlet" Graigue Graig Irish 1 Yes "Hamlet" Graiguearush Irish 1 Yes "Graigue-" means "Hamlet" Graigueavurra Irish 1 Yes "Graigue-" means "Hamlet" Graiguenageeha Irish 1 Yes "Graigue-" means "Hamlet" Graigueshoneen Irish 1 Yes "Graigue-" means "Hamlet" Grange An Ghrainsigh Irish 1 Yes "Monastic Grange" Grantstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Greenan Grianan Irish 1 Yes "Sunny/ Important Place" Greenane Grianan Irish 1 Yes "Sunny/ Important Place" Gurteen Goirtin Irish 1 Yes "Little Tilled Field" Hacketstown Baile an Aiceadaigh English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Harristown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Harrowhill English 2 NA From "Harrow on the Hill, London" Headborough English 1 NA "Borough" is an English element Helvisk Heilbhic Norse 1 No "Rock-Shelf Bay" Hunter English 3 NA "Hunter" Hunthill English 2 NA "Hill" is an English element Inchindrisla Irish 1 Yes "Inch-" means "Island" Inchinleama Irish 1 Yes "Inch-" means "Island" Island English 1 NA "Island" Islandhubbock English 1 NA "Island-" is an English element Islandikane English 1 NA "Island-" is an English element Islandtarsney English 1 NA "Island-" is an English element Janeville English 3 NA "Ville" is an English element Joanstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element 75 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Johnstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Kealfoun Irish 1 Yes "Keal-" means "Slender" Kealroe Irish 1 Yes "Keal-" means "Slender" Keiloge Irish 1 Yes "Keal-" means "Slender" Khakitown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Kilballyquilty Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilbarry Cill Barra Irish 1 Yes "Barra's Church" Kilbarrymeaden Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilbeg Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilbrack Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilbree Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilbride Cill Bhride Irish 1 Yes "Brigid's Church" Kilbrien Cill Bhrain Irish 1 Yes "Church of Brian" Kilbryan Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilcalf Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilcana Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilcannon Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilcaragh Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilcarton Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilcloher Cill Chololchir Irish 1 Yes "Church of the Stony Place" Kilclooney Cill Chluana Irish 1 Yes "Church of the Pasture" Kilcockan Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilcohan Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilcolman Cill Cholmain Irish 1 Yes "Church of Colman" Kilcomeragh Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilcooney Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilcop Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilcreggane Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilcullen Cill Chuillinn Irish 1 Yes "Church of the Steep Slope" Kildermody Cill Dhiarmada Irish 1 Yes "Church of Diarmaid" Kilderriheen Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kildroughtaun Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilduane Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilfarrasy Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilgabriel Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilgainy Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilgobnet Cill Ghobnait Irish 1 Yes "Church of Gobnait" Kilgreany Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilgrovan Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilkeany Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kill An Chill Irish 1 Yes "Church" Kill St. Nicholas Irish 2 Yes "Church of St. Nicholas" Killadangan Coill an Daingin Irish 1 Yes "Wood of the Fortress" Killahaly Irish 1 Yes "Kill-" means "Church" Killanthony Irish 1 Yes "Kill-" means "Church" 76 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Killatoor Irish 1 Yes "Kill-" means "Church" Killawlan Irish 1 Yes "Kill-" means "Church" Killea Cill Aodha Irish 1 Yes "Church of Aodh" Killeagh Cill la Irish 1 Yes "Church of La" Killenagh Cill Eanach Irish 1 Yes "Church of the Marsh" Killeeshal Irish 1 Yes "Kill-" means "Church" Killelton Irish 1 Yes "Kill-" means "Church" Killerguile Irish 1 Yes "Kill-" means "Church" Killineen Irish 1 Yes "Kill-" means "Church" Killinoorin Cillan Fhuarthainn Irish 1 Yes "Kill-" means "Church" Killone Cill Eoghain Irish 1 Yes "Eoghan's Church" Killongford Irish 1 Yes "Kill-" means "Church" Killossearagh Irish 1 Yes "Kill-" means "Church" Killoteran Cill Odhrain Irish 1 Yes "Kill-" means "Church" Killowen Cill Eoin Irish 1 Yes "Eoin's Church" Killure Irish 1 Yes "Kill-" means "Church" Kilmacleague Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilmacomma Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilmacthomas Coill Mhic Thomaisin Irish 2 Yes "Wood of the Sons of Thomas" Kilmagibboge Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilmaloo Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilmanahan Cill Mainchin Irish 1 Yes "Manchan's Church" Kilmanicholas Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilmaquague Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilmeadan Cill Mhiadain Irish 1 Yes "Church of Miadan" Kilmeedy Cill Mide Irish 1 Yes "Church of Ide" Kilminnin Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilmolash Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilmore Cill Mhor Irish 1 Yes "Big Church" Kilmovee Cill Mobhi Irish 1 Yes "Church of Mobhi" Kilmoyemoge Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilmoylin Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilmurrin Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilmurry Cill Mhuire Irish 1 Yes "Mary's Church" Kilnacarriga Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilnacomb Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilnafarna Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilnafrehan Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilnagrange Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilnamack Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilnockan Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilronan Cill Ronain Irish 1 Yes "Ronan's Church" Kilrossanty Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilrush Cill Rois Irish 1 Yes "Church of the Grove" Kilsheelan Cill Siolain Irish 1 Yes "Solan's Church" 77 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Kilsteague Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilwatermoy Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kilwinny Irish 1 Yes "Kil-" means "Church" Kinsalebeg Baile an Phoill Irish 2 Yes "Head of the Sea" Knoateemore Irish 2 Yes "More" common English element Knockacaharna Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockacomortish Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockacoola Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockacronaun Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockacullen Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockacurrin Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockadav Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockadoonlea Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockadreey Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockadrumalea Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockadullaun Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaharaun Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockalafalla Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockalahara Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockalassa Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockalisheen Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockanacullin Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockanaffrin Cnoc an Aifrinn Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockanagh Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockananna Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockand Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockanduff Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockane Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockanearis Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaniska Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockannanagh Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockannia Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockanore Cnoc an Oir Irish 1 Yes "Hill of Gold" Knockanpaddin Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockanpower Cnocan Phaoraigh Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockanroe An Concan Rua Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaraha Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockatoor Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockatouk Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockatrellane Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaturnory Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaun Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaunabulloga Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaunacuit Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaunagloon Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" 78 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Knockaunapeebra Conocan Phiopaire Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaunarast Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaunbrandaun Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaunfargarve Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaungarriff Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaunnaglokee Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaunnagoun Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaunroe Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockavannia Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockaveelish Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockavelish Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockbaun Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockboy An Conc Bui Irish 1 Yes "Yellow Hill" Knockbrack Cnoc Breac Irish 1 Yes "Speckled Hill" Knockcorragh Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockeen Cnoicin Irish 1 Yes "Little Hill" Knockeengancan Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockgarraun Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockhouse Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocklucas Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockmahon Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockmaon Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockmeal Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockmealdown Cnoc Mhaoldomhnaigh Irish 2 Yes "Warrior of the Fort" Knockmeelmore Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknaboul Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknabrone Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknacreha Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknacrohy Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknacrooha Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknafreeny Cnoc an Fhreinigh Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknafrehane Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknagappul Conc na gCapall Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknageragh Summerhill Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknaglogh Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknagoppal Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknagranagh Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknahoola Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknalooricaun Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknalougha Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknamona Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknamuck Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknamulee Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknaraha Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknaree Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" 79 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Knocknasheega Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknaskagh Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocknastooka Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockparson Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockroe Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockrour Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knocksheegowna Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockyelan Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Knockyoolahan Irish 1 Yes "Knock-" means "Hill" Lackaduff Irish 1 Yes "Lacka-" means "Hillside" Lackandarra Irish 1 Yes "Lackan-" means "Hillside" Lackanroe Irish 1 Yes "Lackan-" means "Hillside" Lacken Irish 1 Yes "Lacken-" means "Hillside" Lackenagreany Irish 1 Yes "Lacken-" means "Hillside" Lackendarra Irish 1 Yes "Lacken-" means "Hillside" Lackenfune Irish 1 Yes "Lacken-" means "Hillside" Lackenrea Irish 1 Yes "Lacken-" means "Hillside" Lackensillagh Irish 1 Yes "Lacken-" means "Hillside" Lackmore Irish 1 Yes "Lack-" means "Flagstone" Lagnagoushee Log na Giumhaisi Irish 1 Yes "Lag-" means "Elm" Landscape Glen English 3 NA "Glen" is an English element Lauragh Laithreach Irish 1 Yes "Site" Leckaun Leacan Irish 1 Yes "Hillside" Lemybrien Leim Ui Bhriain Irish 1 Yes "Leap of O Briain" Leperstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Lisard Irish 1 Yes "Lis-" means "Fort" Lisduggan Irish 1 Yes "Lis-" means "Fort" Lisfennel Irish 1 Yes "Lis-" means "Fort" Lisfinny Irish 1 Yes "Lis-" means "Fort" Lisglass Irish 1 Yes "Lis-" means "Fort" Lisgriffin Irish 1 Yes "Lis-" means "Fort" Lisheen Irish 1 Yes "Lis-" means "Fort" Lisheenoona Irish 1 Yes "Lis-" means "Fort" Liskeelty Irish 1 Yes "Lis-" means "Fort" Lisleagh Irish 1 Yes "Lis-" means "Fort" Lismore Lios Mor Irish 2 Yes "Big Fort" Lisnageragh Irish 1 Yes "Lis-" means "Fort" Lisnagree Irish 1 Yes "Lis-" means "Fort" Lisnakill Lios na Cille Irish 1 Yes "Fort of the Church" Lisroe Lios Ruadh Irish 1 Yes "Red Fort" Liss Irish 1 Yes "Liss" means "Fort" Lissahane Irish 1 Yes "Liss-" means "Fort" Lissaniska Lios an Uisce Irish 1 Yes "Fort of the Water" Lissarow Irish 1 Yes "Liss-" means "Fort" Lissasmuttaun Irish 1 Yes "Liss-" means "Fort" 80 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Lissaviron Irish 1 Yes "Liss-" means "Fort" Lissavironbeg Irish 1 Yes "Liss-" means "Fort" Lisselan Irish 1 Yes "Liss-" means "Fort" Lisselty Irish 1 Yes "Liss-" means "Fort" Listeige Irish 1 Yes "Lis-" means "Fort" Logleagh Irish 1 Yes "Log-" means "Elm" Logloss Irish 1 Yes "Log-" means "Elm" Loskeran Loiscrean Irish 1 Yes "Burnt Ground" Loughaniska Irish 1 Yes "Lough-" means "Lake" Loughanunna Irish 1 Yes "Lough-" means "Lake" Loughdeheen Irish 1 Yes "Lough-" means "Lake" Loughnasollis Irish 1 Yes "Lough-" means "Lake" Loughnatouse Irish 1 Yes "Lough-" means "Lake" Lyranearia Irish 1 Yes "Lyra-" means"Fork" Lyrattin Irish 1 Yes "Lyra-" means"Fork" Lyre Irish 1 Yes "Fork" Lyrenacallee Irish 1 Yes "Lyre-" means"Fork" Lyrenacarriga Irish 1 Yes "Lyre-" means"Fork" Lyrenaglogh Irish 1 Yes "Lyre-" means"Fork" Magaha Irish 1 Yes "Plain" Mapestown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Matthewstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Mayfield English 2 NA ""-field" is an English element Middlequarter English 2 NA "-quarter" is an English element Milk Hill English 2 NA "Hill" is an English element Millerstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Millstreet English 2 NA "-street" is an English element Mine Head Mionn Ard Irish 1 Yes "High Crown Head" Moanballyshivane Irish 1 Yes "Moan-" means "Bog" Moanbrack An Mhoin Bhreac Irish 1 Yes "Moan-" means "Bog" Moanfoun An Mhion Fhionn Irish 1 Yes "Moan-" means "Bog" Moanfune Irish 1 Yes "Moan-" means "Bog" Moanyarha Irish 1 Yes "Moan-" means "Bog" Moat An Mota Irish 1 Yes "Mound" Modelligo Ma Deilge Irish 1 Yes "Plain of the Thorn" Monabreeka Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monacullee Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monadiha Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monafehadee Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monagally Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monageela Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monagilleeny Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monagoush Moin an Ghiunhais Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monagyreroe Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monakirka Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" 81 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Monalour Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monalummery Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monaman Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monameean Moin na mBian Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monamelagh Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monamintra Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monamraher Mion na mBrathar Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monaneea Moin na Fhia Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monang Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monard Moin Ard Irish 1 Yes "High Bog" Monarud Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monataggart Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monatarriv Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monatouk Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monatray Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monatrim Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monavaud Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monavugga Irish 1 Yes "Mona-" means "Peatbog" Monavullagh Moin an Mhullaigh Irish 1 Yes "Bog of the Summit" Monboy Irish 1 Yes "Yellow Bog" Monea Ma Niadh Irish 1 Yes "Plain of the Champion" Moneygorm Irish 1 Yes "Money-" means "Bog" Monkeal Irish 1 Yes "Mon-" means "Bog" Monloum Irish 1 Yes "Mon-" means "Bog" Monminane Irish 1 Yes "Mon-" means "Bog" Monvore Irish 1 Yes "Mon-" means "Bog" Monvoy Irish 1 Yes "Mon-" means "Bog" Monyvroe Irish 1 Yes "Mon-" means "Bog" Moorehill English 3 NA "Hill" is an English element Mothel Moathail Irish 1 Yes "Soft Place" Mountaincastle English 3 NA "Mountain-" is an English element Mountainfarm English 3 NA "Mountain-" is an English element Mountainrea English 3 NA "Mountain-" is an English element Mountbolton English 3 NA "Mount-" is an English element Mountcongreve Bruachaill English 3 NA "Mount-" is an English element Mountmelleray English 3 NA "Mount-" is an English element Mountodell English 3 NA "Mount-" is an English element Mountrivers English 3 NA "Mount-" is an English element Mountstuart English 3 NA "Mount-" is an English element Munsburrow English 2 NA "Burrow-" means "Fortified Place" Mweelahorna Maoil na Choirnigh Irish 1 Yes "Hill of the Barley" Mweeling Irish 1 Yes "Mweel-" means "Barley" Newport English 2 NA "New-" is an English element Newtown An Balie Nua English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Nicholastown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element 82 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Norrisland English 3 NA "Land" is an English element Oldgrange English 3 NA "Grange" is an English element Orchardstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Pallis French 1 Yes "Palisade" or "Stockade" Park Pairc Irish 1 Yes "Field" Parkatobeen Irish 1 Yes "Park-" means "Field" Parkbeg Irish 1 Yes "Park-" means "Field" Parkdotia Irish 1 Yes "Park-" means "Field" Parkeenagarra Irish 1 Yes "Park-" means "Field" Parkeennaglogh Irish 1 Yes "Park-" means "Field" Parkgarriff Irish 1 Yes "Park-" means "Field" Parkmore Pairc Mhor Irish 1 Yes "Big Field" Parknoe Irish 1 Yes "Park-" means "Field" Parkswood Irish 1 Yes "Park-" means "Field" Pembrokestown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Pickardstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Pigeon Hill English 3 NA "Hill" is an English element Pillpark English 3 NA "Park" is an English element Pilltown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Portally Port Ailigh Irish 1 Yes "Port-" is "Platform" or "Bank" Portlaw Port Lach Irish 1 Yes "Platform of the Hill" Portnaboe Irish 1 Yes "Port-" is "Platform" or "Bank" Poulavone Irish 1 Yes "Poul-" means "Pool" Poulbautia Irish 1 Yes "Poul-" means "Pool" Poulboy Irish 1 Yes "Yellow Pool" Poulfadda Irish 1 Yes "Poul-" means "Pool" Poulnagunoge Irish 1 Yes "Poul-" means "Pool" Poul-maddra-ruadh Irish 1 Yes "Poul-" means "Pool" Powersknock Irish 1 Yes "-knock" means "Hill" Pulla Irish 1 Yes Anglicized for "Pool" Quilly Coillidh Irish 1 Yes "Woodland" Raheen An Raithin Irish 1 Yes "Little Fort" Raheens Irish 1 Yes "Little Forts" Ralph English 3 NA Personal Name Raspberry Hill English 3 NA "Hill" is an English element Rath Irish 1 Yes "Fort" Rathanny Irish 1 Yes "Fort" Rathgormuck Rath O gCormaic Irish 1 Yes "Fort of Ui Chormaic" Rathlead Irish 1 Yes "Fort" Rathmaiden Irish 1 Yes "Fort" Rathmoylan Irish 1 Yes "Fort" Rathnameneenagh Rath na mBinineach Irish 1 Yes "Fort" Rathnaskilloge Irish 1 Yes "Fort" Rathquage Irish 1 Yes "Fort" Readoty An Re Dhoite Irish 1 Yes "Rea-" means "Grey" 83 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Reamanagh An Re Mheanach Irish 1 Yes "Rea-" means "Grey" Reanabarna Irish 1 Yes "Rea-" means "Grey" Reanaboola Irish 1 Yes "Rea-" means "Grey" Reanaclogheen Re na gCloichin Irish 1 Yes "Clearing of the Little Stones" Reanacoolagh Irish 1 Yes "Rea-" means "Grey" Reanadampaun Irish 1 Yes "Rea-" means "Grey" Reanagullee Re na gGuili Irish 1 Yes "Rea-" means "Grey" Reanaskeha Irish 1 Yes "Rea-" means "Grey" Reanaviddoge Irish 1 Yes "Rea-" means "Grey" Reisk Norse 1 NA NA Rincrew Irish 1 Yes "Rin-" means "Point" Ringaphuca Irish 1 Yes "Ring-" means "Point" Ringcrehy Irish 1 Yes "Ring-" means "Point" Ringnasilloge Irish 1 Yes "Ring-" means "Point" Ringville An Rinn Mhil Irish 1 Yes "Point of the Animal" Robertstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Rockfield English 2 NA "-field" is an English element Ross Ros Irish 1 Yes "Grove" Rossduff Irish 1 Yes "Ross-" means "Grove" Rossgrilla Irish 1 Yes "Ross-" means "Grove" Russellstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Salterbridge English 2 NA "Bridge" is an English element Sapperton English 1 NA "-ton" is short for "-town" Savagetown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Scart Scairtin Irish 1 Yes "Thicket" Scartacrooka Irish 1 Yes "Scart-" means "Thicket" Scartandriny Irish 1 Yes "Scart-" means "Thicket" Scartlea Irish 1 Yes "Scart-" means "Thicket" Scartmountain Irish 1 Yes "Scart-" means "Thicket" Scartnacroona Irish 1 Yes "Scart-" means "Thicket" Scartnadriny Irish 1 Yes "Scart-" means "Thicket" Scartore Irish 1 Yes "Scart-" means "Thicket" Seafield English 3 NA "Field" is an English element Seefin Sui Finn Irish 1 Yes "Fionn's Seat" Seemochuda Irish 1 Yes "See-" means "Seat" Shanaclone Irish 1 Yes "Shana-" means "Old" Shanacloon Irish 1 Yes "Shana-" means "Old" Shanacool Irish 1 Yes "Shana-" means "Old" Shanacoole Irish 1 Yes "Shana-" means "Old" Shanakill An tSeanchill Irish 1 Yes "Shana-" means "Old" Shanapollagh Irish 1 Yes "Shana-" means "Old" Shanavoola Irish 1 Yes "Shana-" means "Old" Shanbally An Seanbhaile Irish 1 Yes "Old Homestead" Shanballyanne Irish 1 Yes "Anne's Old Homestead" Shean Sian Irish 1 Yes "Fairy Mound" 84 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Sheskin Irish 1 Yes "Swamp" or "Marsh" Sleveen Irish 1 Yes "Mountain" Slieveburth Irish 1 Yes "Mountain Burth" Slievegrine Hill Sliabh gCruinn Irish 1 Yes "Mountain Grine Hill" Slieveroe Irish 1 Yes "Mountain Roe" Snugborough English 2 NA "-borough" is a "Fortified Place" Southpark English 3 NA "Park" is an English element Springfield English 2 NA "-field" is an English element Sruh Sruth Irish 1 Yes "Stream" Stonehouse English 3 NA "-house" is an English element Stradbally An tSraidbhaile Irish 1 Yes "Street Town" Strancally Irish 1 Yes "Stran-" means "Street" Summerville English 3 NA "Ville" is an English element Tallow Tulach an Iarainn Irish 2 Yes "Little Hill of the Iron" Tankardstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Templemichael Teampall Mhichil Irish 1 Yes "Michael's Church" Templeyvrick Irish 1 Yes "Temple-" means "Church" Tiknock Irish 1 Yes "-knock" means "Hill" Tinahalla Irish 1 Yes "Tina-" means "House" Tinalira Irish 1 Yes "Tina-" means "House" Tinnabinna Irish 1 Yes "Tinna-" means "House" Tinnagroun Irish 1 Yes "Tinna-" means "House" Tinnalyra Irish 1 Yes "Tinna-" means "House" Tinnascart Irish 1 Yes "Tinna-" means "House" Tintur Irish 1 Yes "Tin-" means "House" Tircullen Irish 1 Yes "Cullen's Land" Tober Tobar Irish 1 Yes "Well" Toberagattabrack Irish 1 Yes "Tober-" means "Well" Toberagoole Irish 1 Yes "Tober-" means "Well" Tobernahulla Irish 1 Yes "Tober-" means "Well" Toor Tuar Irish 1 Yes "Bleach-Green" Tooracurragh Irish 1 Yes "Toor-" means "Bleach-Green" Toorala Irish 1 Yes "Toor-" means "Bleach-Green" Tooraneena Tuar an Fhiona Irish 1 Yes "Toor-" means "Bleach-Green" Tooreen Irish 1 Yes "Little Bleach-Green" Toornageeha Irish 1 Yes "Toor-" means "Bleach-Green" Toornagoppoge Irish 1 Yes "Toor-" means "Bleach-Green" Toorneena Irish 1 Yes "Toor-" means "Bleach-Green" Toorreagh Irish 1 Yes "Toor-" means "Bleach-Green" Toortane Irish 1 Yes "Toor-" means "Bleach-Green" Torradoo Irish 1 Yes "Torr-" means "Bleach-Green" Torranaraheen Irish 1 Yes "Torr-" means "Bleach-Green" Tourin Irish 1 Yes "Tour-" means "Bleach-Green" Tournore Irish 1 Yes "Tour-" means "Bleach-Green" Townparks English 3 NA "Town" is an English element 85 Name Alternative Origin Source Anglicized Meaning

Tramore Tra Mhor Irish 2 Yes "Big Strand" Tubbrid Tiobraid Irish 1 Yes "Well" Vicarstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Villerstown An Baile Nua English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Waterford Port Lairge Norse 2 Yes "Wether Inlet" Westtown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Whitechurch English 3 NA "White-" is an English element Whitefield English 2 NA "-field" is an English element Whitehouse English 3 NA "-house" is an English element Whitesfort English 3 NA "-fort" is an English element Whitestown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Whitfield English 2 NA "-field" is an English element Williamstown English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Woodhouse Tinakilly Irish 1 NA "Tinakilly" was Original Name Woodstock English 2 NA "-stock" is an English element Woodstown Ceann Chnoc Mhilis English 1 NA "Town" is an English element Woodville English 3 NA "Ville" is an English element