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ABSTRACT Title of Document: from the BELLY of the HUAC: the RED PROBES of HOLLYWOOD, 1947-1952 Jack D. Meeks, Doctor of Philos
ABSTRACT Title of Document: FROM THE BELLY OF THE HUAC: THE RED PROBES OF HOLLYWOOD, 1947-1952 Jack D. Meeks, Doctor of Philosophy, 2009 Directed By: Dr. Maurine Beasley, Journalism The House Un-American Activities Committee, popularly known as the HUAC, conducted two investigations of the movie industry, in 1947 and again in 1951-1952. The goal was to determine the extent of communist infiltration in Hollywood and whether communist propaganda had made it into American movies. The spotlight that the HUAC shone on Tinsel Town led to the blacklisting of approximately 300 Hollywood professionals. This, along with the HUAC’s insistence that witnesses testifying under oath identify others that they knew to be communists, contributed to the Committee’s notoriety. Until now, historians have concentrated on offering accounts of the HUAC’s practice of naming names, its scrutiny of movies for propaganda, and its intervention in Hollywood union disputes. The HUAC’s sealed files were first opened to scholars in 2001. This study is the first to draw extensively on these newly available documents in an effort to reevaluate the HUAC’s Hollywood probes. This study assesses four areas in which the new evidence indicates significant, fresh findings. First, a detailed analysis of the Committee’s investigatory methods reveals that most of the HUAC’s information came from a careful, on-going analysis of the communist press, rather than techniques such as surveillance, wiretaps and other cloak and dagger activities. Second, the evidence shows the crucial role played by two brothers, both German communists living as refugees in America during World War II, in motivating the Committee to launch its first Hollywood probe. -
The Roots of the Protest Era: Mccarthyism and the Artist's Voice in 1950S America
THE ROOTS OF THE PROTEST ERA: MCCARTHYISM AND THE ARTIST’S VOICE IN 1950S AMERICA OVERVIEW ESSENTIAL QUESTION How were musicians and artists affected by McCarthyism in 1950s America? OVERVIEW The so-called “Protest Era” in the United States is largely associated with the Civil Rights movement and anti-war demonstrations of the 1960s. But the roots of the protest era, and even some of the songs associated with it, came out of the late 1940s, during the early years of the Cold War. By the end of World War II in 1945, America’s diplomatic relationship with the Soviet Union, once its wartime ally, had grown strained. During the late 1940s, the Soviets expanded their influence across Eastern Europe and built up a stockpile of nuclear weapons—technology that had previously been in the exclusive possession of the U.S. military. Many people in the United States came to view the Soviets, and the Communist Party that controlled the Soviet Union, as a threat to America’s newfound economic prosperity and position as world leader. In that tension between Soviet and American powers, the Cold War was born—and with it, the U.S. entered into an era in which the flipside of an unprecedented economic boom and rise in world power was the “Red Scare,” a widespread fear and suspicion of Soviets and their ideas, which many viewed as a potential threat to American life. At the center of the Red Scare was Senator Joseph R. McCarthy, a Republican from Wisconsin, who by 1950 had become the face of a national campaign to identify communists in American society. -
CBS, Rural Sitcoms, and the Image of the South, 1957-1971 Sara K
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2013 Rube tube : CBS, rural sitcoms, and the image of the south, 1957-1971 Sara K. Eskridge Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Eskridge, Sara K., "Rube tube : CBS, rural sitcoms, and the image of the south, 1957-1971" (2013). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 3154. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/3154 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. RUBE TUBE: CBS, RURAL SITCOMS, AND THE IMAGE OF THE SOUTH, 1957-1971 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of History by Sara K. Eskridge B.A., Mary Washington College, 2003 M.A., Virginia Commonwealth University, 2006 May 2013 Acknowledgements Many thanks to all of those who helped me envision, research, and complete this project. First of all, a thank you to the Middleton Library at Louisiana State University, where I found most of the secondary source materials for this dissertation, as well as some of the primary sources. I especially thank Joseph Nicholson, the LSU history subject librarian, who helped me with a number of specific inquiries. -
Doherty, Thomas, Cold War, Cool Medium: Television, Mccarthyism
doherty_FM 8/21/03 3:20 PM Page i COLD WAR, COOL MEDIUM TELEVISION, McCARTHYISM, AND AMERICAN CULTURE doherty_FM 8/21/03 3:20 PM Page ii Film and Culture A series of Columbia University Press Edited by John Belton What Made Pistachio Nuts? Early Sound Comedy and the Vaudeville Aesthetic Henry Jenkins Showstoppers: Busby Berkeley and the Tradition of Spectacle Martin Rubin Projections of War: Hollywood, American Culture, and World War II Thomas Doherty Laughing Screaming: Modern Hollywood Horror and Comedy William Paul Laughing Hysterically: American Screen Comedy of the 1950s Ed Sikov Primitive Passions: Visuality, Sexuality, Ethnography, and Contemporary Chinese Cinema Rey Chow The Cinema of Max Ophuls: Magisterial Vision and the Figure of Woman Susan M. White Black Women as Cultural Readers Jacqueline Bobo Picturing Japaneseness: Monumental Style, National Identity, Japanese Film Darrell William Davis Attack of the Leading Ladies: Gender, Sexuality, and Spectatorship in Classic Horror Cinema Rhona J. Berenstein This Mad Masquerade: Stardom and Masculinity in the Jazz Age Gaylyn Studlar Sexual Politics and Narrative Film: Hollywood and Beyond Robin Wood The Sounds of Commerce: Marketing Popular Film Music Jeff Smith Orson Welles, Shakespeare, and Popular Culture Michael Anderegg Pre-Code Hollywood: Sex, Immorality, and Insurrection in American Cinema, ‒ Thomas Doherty Sound Technology and the American Cinema: Perception, Representation, Modernity James Lastra Melodrama and Modernity: Early Sensational Cinema and Its Contexts Ben Singer -
What Americans Thought of Joseph Stalin Before and After World War II
A Thesis entitled “Uncle Joe”: What Americans Thought of Joseph Stalin Before and After World War II by Kimberly Hupp A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of The Masters of Liberal Studies ______________________________ Advisor: Dr. Michael Jakobson ______________________________ College of Graduate Studies University of Toledo May 2009 1 2 An Abstract of “Uncle Joe”: What Americans Thought of Joseph Stalin Before and After World War II by Kimberly Hupp A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of The Master of Liberal Studies University of Toledo May 2009 A thesis presented on the American public opinion of Josef Stalin before and after World War II beginning with how Russia and Stalin was portrayed in the media before the war began, covering how opinions shifted with major events such as the famine, collectivization, the Great Terror, wartime conferences, the Cold War and McCarthyism. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ................................................................................................................ii Table of Contents................................................................................................iii Acknowledgements .............................................................................................v List of Figures……………………………………………………………….vii List of Abbreviations……………………………………………………… .viii Introduction......................................................................................................... -
The Roots of Post-Racial Neoliberalism in Blacklist Era Hollywood
The Roots of Post-Racial Neoliberalism in Blacklist Era Hollywood A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Andrew Paul IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Lary May, Tracey Deutsch March 2014 © Andrew Paul 2014 Acknowledgements Writing this dissertation would not have been possible without the support of countless others. First, I acknowledge the generosity of my dissertation committee. My advisors, Lary May and Tracey Deutsch offered enthusiastic guidance, criticism, and support. Lary’s own contributions to the historiography of the blacklist were second in value only to his personal attention to my work, and his questions yielded important research leads. Tracey helped me to think across sub-fields and pushed me to improve my writing. Both of them encouraged me to take intellectual risks and to make bold claims and interventions. Elaine Tyler May, Riv-Ellen Prell, and Malinda Lindquist all shaped my development as a scholar as well. With thoughtful and critical attention to my writing, they challenged me to clarify my ideas and helped me to see how my work was entering different conversations, and how it might stand to enter others. It was a privilege to be able to discuss my ideas with this committee. I was awarded generous financial sums from the University of Minnesota’s Harold Leonard Memorial Film Studies Fellowship and the University of Minnesota Foundation, which allowed me travel to archives in California, Wisconsin, and New York. In these locales, at the Charles Young Research Library at the University of California Los Angeles, the Margaret Herrick Library and the Paley Center for Media, both located in Beverly Hills, the Wisconsin State Historical Society in Madison, and at the Center for Jewish History in New York City, numerous archivists assisted me in my work., and for this I owe them my gratitude. -
(Arof J. Sta6i[E
CHAPTER 6 WE CAN REMEMBER IT FOR YOU WHOLESALE,' LESSONS OF THE BROADCAST BLACKLIST (arofJ. Sta6i[e What the world supplies to myth is an historical reality, defined, even if rhis goesback quite a while, by the way in which men have produced or used it; and what mych gives in return is a natural im- age of this realiry.And just as bourgeois ideology is defined by the abandonment of the name'bourgeois,' mych is constituted by the loss of the historical quality of things: in it, things lose the memory thar they once were made. (Barthes 1989, I42) N PHILIP K. DICK'S STORY,,,WE CAN REMEMBER IT FOR YOU wHoLESALE/'Douglas Quail purchases implanted or "extra- factual" memories in order to inexpensivelyfu16l1 his dream of visiting Mars. But the implantation revealsthat that Quail s memory has alreadybeen tampered with-he actually is a gov- ernment assassin-and further attempts to implant memories reveal older suppressedmemories. The metaphor of Quails extra-factual, manipulated memories ofFersa starting-point for understanCingwhy U.S. culture recalls the 1950s through a certain set of images and ideas.In particular, U.S. culrure "remembers"the 1950s as the foun- tainhead of family and family valueslargely becauseour memories of family and the gender roles that underwrite this construction were in facr rememberedfor us "wholesalej'through a processof industrial production rhat has repressedeven the memory of any challengesto what would soon becomeche ideologicalstatus quo. "1!)e 107 106E J -hlomentoJ'Danger 6 tr" canremem\er it fortou w\ofesale" The following essay considers the ways in which the broadcast of television.Of course,in order to document resistanceto 1950sgen' blacklisr affectedhow media studies scholarsthink about and srudy der ideologieson the part of culrural producers we must also under- the 1950s, as well how we understand the role of gender and family stand the impact of what Raymond Williams (2001) describedas rhe in 1950spopular culture. -
Mccarthyism and the Second Red Scare
McCarthyism and the Second Red Scare Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History McCarthyism and the Second Red Scare Landon R. Y. Storrs Subject: 20th Century: Post-1945, Political History, Cultural History, Labor and Working Class History Online Publication Date: Jul 2015 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.6 Summary and Keywords The second Red Scare refers to the fear of communism that permeated American politics, culture, and society from the late 1940s through the 1950s, during the opening phases of the Cold War with the Soviet Union. This episode of political repression lasted longer and was more pervasive than the Red Scare that followed the Bolshevik Revolution and World War I. Popularly known as “McCarthyism” after Senator Joseph McCarthy (R-Wisconsin), who made himself famous in 1950 by claiming that large numbers of Communists had infiltrated the U.S. State Department, the second Red Scare predated and outlasted McCarthy, and its machinery far exceeded the reach of a single maverick politician. Nonetheless, “McCarthyism” became the label for the tactic of undermining political opponents by making unsubstantiated attacks on their loyalty to the United States. Page 1 of 25 PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, AMERICAN HISTORY (americanhistory.oxfordre.com). (c) Oxford University Press USA, 2016. All Rights Reserved. Personal use only; commercial use is strictly prohibited (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). date: 16 April 2018 McCarthyism and the Second Red Scare The initial infrastructure for waging war on domestic communism was built during the first Red Scare, with the creation of an antiradicalism division within the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the emergence of a network of private “patriotic” organizations. -
Communism and National Security: the Menace Emerges by Ellen Schrecker from Chapter 3 of the AGE of MCCARTHYISM: a BRIEF HISTORY with DOCUMENTS (Boston: St
Communism and National Security: The Menace Emerges by Ellen Schrecker from chapter 3 of THE AGE OF MCCARTHYISM: A BRIEF HISTORY WITH DOCUMENTS (Boston: St. Martin's Press, 1994) The restored tolerance for American communism that grew out of the wartime alliance with the Soviet Union did not long survive the victory over Hitler in the spring of 1945. Though there was an ostensible revival of the Popular Front collaboration between Communists and liberals during the war, it was a temporary and essentially superficial phenomenon. The party's patriotism did little to overcome the hostility of its traditional enemies or make it any more popular with the general public. And once World War II ended and the cold war began, the Communist party again came under attack. This time, however, because of the struggle against the Soviet Union, anticommunism moved to the ideological center of American politics. The cold war transformed domestic communism from a matter of political opinion to one of national security. As the United States' hostility toward the Soviet Union intensified, members of the Communist party came increasingly to be viewed as potential enemy agents. Since that perception was to provide the justification for so much that happened during the McCarthy period, it is important to examine its development in some detail. The cold war began even before the fighting stopped. At the Yalta Conference in February 1945, Roosevelt had tried to negotiate an amicable postwar settlement with Stalin, but after FDR's death in April, American policymakers became concerned about the Soviet Union's obvious attempt to dominate the areas of Eastern Europe that its army controlled. -
Report on Blacklisting: II. Radio-Television
$1.25 reporton BLACKLISTING II Radio -Television JOHN COGLEY THE FUND FOR THE REPUBLIC, INC. report on BLACKLISTING II Radio - Television JOHN COGLEY THE FUND FOR THE REPUBLIC, INC. Copyright 1956 by The Fund for the Republic, Inc. CONTENTS Acknowledgment v Foreword vii Counterattack and Red Channels 1 The First Cases 22 Blacklisting: An Institution 49 Newsmen and Commentators 7 1 "Clearance" 89 The Syracuse Crusade 1 00 "Take Their Word" 110 Security on Madison Avenue 115 "Clearance" at CBS 122 Aware, Inc. 129 The Theatrical Unions 1 43 Some Interviews 163 Blacklisting Experiences 173 Industry Viewpoints 192 Blacklisting and Broadway 210 Appendix 218 Anti-Communism and Employment Policies in Radio and Television 221 by MARIE JAHODA Research Center for Human Relations New York University Index 282 iii Acknowledgmento THIS REPORT is based on the findings of a staff of researchers and reporters Edward Engberg, Harriet Davis, Gwendolyn Boulkind, Saul Blackman, Margaret Bushong and William Pfaff. The study conducted by Dr. Marie Jahoda of the Research Cen- ter for Human Relations, New York University, was wholly independent. I am indebted to the Fund for the Republic, which sponsored the study, and to all who supplied the material on which the report is based. This latter group includes not only the research staff but some two hundred persons in the radio-television industry who gave are freely of their time for lengthy interviews. Special thanks due to my assistant Michael Harrington, who gave invaluable help in organizing the mass of material collected, and to James Greene, the project secretary. The conclusions found in these pages are mine alone. -
The Hunt for Red Menace, Full Report
The Hunt for Red Menace The Hunt for Red Menace: How Government Intelligence Agencies & Private Right-Wing Groups Target Dissidents & Leftists as Subversive Terrorists & Outlaws by Chip Berlet Political Research Associates Revised 19941 ”Our First Amendment was a bold effort. .to establish a country with no legal restrictions of any kind upon the subjects people could investigate, discuss, and deny. The Framers knew, better perhaps than we do today, the risks they were taking. They knew that free speech might be the friend of change and revolution. But they also knew that it is always the deadliest enemy of tyranny.” -U. S. Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black Since the colonial period in the late 1690s liberties for illusionary national security our land has been swept by witch hunts, moral safeguards. Some observers of this phenomenon panics, and fears of collectivist plots. Following see it as having fueled Cold War antagonisms the end of World War II, a coalition of and resulted in what they term the “National conservative, ultra-conservative, right-wing and Security State.” liberal anti- communist political movements and Within the United States there developed a groups organized support for high levels of covert apparatus to suuport domestic anti- military spending, promoted the use of covert communism in the form of a loosely-knit action abroad, and cultivated the acceptance of infrastructure where both public and private obsessive governmental secrecy, surveillance intelligence agents and right-wing ideologues and repression at home. In the domestic public shared information both formally and sphere this coalition shaped an overwhelming informally. The result was an ad-hoc domestic willingness among citizens to trade real civil counter-subversion network. -
The Hollywood Ten
Sabnis 1 Ela Sabnis Mrs. Nimmer 8/2020 The Hollywood Ten When asked why he never disclosed his political affiliations, Herbert Biberman replied “Citizens in cultural pursuits, such as myself, had to choose in such a way that history will not label us as cowards or chumps.”("Herbert Biberman Dead at 71.") Biberman, along with 9 other artists working in film, was abruptly put on trial and asked whether he was or was not affiliated with the communist party. When all ten of the witnesses (they would soon be called the Hollywood Ten) refused to disclose their political views, their names were placed on a blacklist. A blacklist was a list of names that would be ostracized and have difficulty keeping or finding employment due to their presumed problematic or inconvenient political views(Burnette). Despite this blatant obstruction of his first amendment rights, Biberman was sent to jail for six months, while most of the other Hollywood Ten members were sent to jail for one year. During this period, more and more names were added to the blacklist. This era marked a period of humiliation, betrayal, and the pressure to maintain one’s reputation. While artists in the Hollywood film industry with alleged communist affiliations suffered due to being registered on a blacklist which also initiated an immediate anti-communist movement in Hollywood film production, artists and their alleged affiliations actually became glorified in the late 1950s and ’60s once the blacklist was dismissed, causing there instead to be a stigma against those who had turned in artists to the House Un-American Activities Committee.