Accidental Presidents and the Vice Presidency 1 Presented to the Department O

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Accidental Presidents and the Vice Presidency 1 Presented to the Department O 1 The Inadvertent Inheritors of the Moon and Stars: Accidental Presidents and the Vice Presidency 1 Presented to the Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree with honors of Bachelor of Arts Harvard College March 2013 1This title is inspired by Vice President Harry S. Truman’s statement upon hearing the news of President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s death: “I felt like the moon, the stars, and all the planets had fallen on me.” 2 Table of Contents Chapter One: Introduction ................................................................................. 3 Research and Methodology ................................................................................................. 8 Thesis Statement ................................................................................................................... 8 Significance .......................................................................................................................... 13 Overview.............................................................................................................................. 16 Chapter Two: Theoretical Discussion and Literature Review ....................... 17 Literature Review ................................................................................................................ 17 Theory Building and Discussion of Variables ................................................................ 21 Theory Summation ............................................................................................................. 30 Chapter Three: The Rogues ............................................................................. 33 John Tyler .......................................................................................................................... 33 Millard Fillmore ................................................................................................................ 48 Andrew Johnson .............................................................................................................. 62 Chester Arthur ................................................................................................................. 75 Theodore Roosevelt......................................................................................................... 90 Chapter Four: The Emulators ........................................................................ 102 Calvin Coolidge ............................................................................................................... 102 Harry Truman ................................................................................................................. 115 Lyndon B. Johnson ........................................................................................................ 131 Gerald Ford ..................................................................................................................... 147 Chapter Five: Concluding Remarks and Thoughts ....................................... 160 References and Bibliography ......................................................................... 165 3 Chapter One: The Most Insignificant Office Ever Contrived “Once there were two brothers; one ran away to sea, the other was elected vice president – and nothing was ever heard from either of them again.” – Vice President Thomas Marshall Introduction to the Problem: The Development of an After-thought Henry Clay was livid. For the second time in nine years, God had failed to save the Whig Party from an uncontrollable vice president. It had first happened in 1841 with the death of President Harrison and the arrival of “His Accidency” John Tyler. Determined to dismantle Clay’s Congressional agenda, Tyler spent his three years and eleven months in the Executive Mansion forsaking the principles of President Harrison and enacting programs that undermined core Whig beliefs. And now, in 1850, history was repeating itself as Vice President Millard Fillmore seemingly repudiated his predecessor’s policies…. It was not intended to happen this way. The notion of a disobedient vice president had not entered the minds of the Constitution’s framers. In fact, the delegates to the Philadelphia Convention in 1787 did not discuss the Office of the Vice President until ten days prior to the Convention’s adjournment.2 Even then, very little was debated. In truth, the vice presidency did not attract much debate or contention during the Constitution’s ratification wars. Within “Federalist No. 68,” Publius argued that the office resolved the problem of presidential succession and ensured that an impartial individual would preside over Senate proceedings and 2 Gordon Lloyd, “The Constitutional Convention: Day by Day Summary,” TeachingAmericanHistory.org, 2012, http://teachingamericanhistory.org/convention/summary.html. 4 serve as a tie-breaker vote if needed.3 Yet aside from these two explicit provisions, the subject of vice presidential duties and responsibilities remained one of the great mysteries of the Early Republic. Although prominent Americans such as John Adams (1789-1797) and Thomas Jefferson (1797-1801) served as the nation’s first vice presidents, the office failed to attain prestige. As Vice President, a frustrated John Adams bickered with the Senate over the amount of discretion he would have as the chamber’s presiding officer. Adams sparked a constitutional crisis when he attempted to propose legislation as “President of the Senate.” Guarding their power with jealousy, Senate leaders retaliated by relegating Adams’ role to a procedural one and prevented him from introducing bills.4 This fallout with the Senate limited the purview of the vice presidency. Not only did the Senate spurn the office but also the executive branch largely ignored the position. Vice President Jefferson’s refusal to assist with President Adams’ policies (due to theoretical and partisan concerns) alienated the Office of the Vice President from the White House.5 The executive branch further distrusted the vice presidency because it deemed it a creature of the legislature. The vice president’s physical office was maintained at the Capitol and not within any executive departments. By the onset of President Jefferson’s second term in 1805, the vice presidency had become an institutional no-man’s land – neither part of the legislative branch nor an active component of the presidency. 3 The Office of the Vice President is only mentioned twice in all of The Federalist essays. Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison, The Federalist Papers, Clinton Rossiter, ed., (New York, Signet Classic, 1999), 418. 4 Jeremy Lott, The Warm Bucket Brigade: The Story of the American Vice Presidency, (Nashville, Thomas Nelson, 2007), 17. 5 Irving Williams, The Rise of the Vice Presidency, (Washington D.C., Public Affairs Press, 1956), 25. 5 Following the tenures of Adams and Jefferson, the nineteenth century occupants of the vice presidency wallowed in obscurity and powerlessness. Due to the ramifications of the 12th Amendment, the runner-up in the presidential election no longer assumed the vice presidency. As a result, rather than have the second-best man for the presidency occupy the Office of the Vice President, the position, for most of the 1800s, was filled by second-rate men. However, Vice President John Tyler’s sudden ascendancy to Commander- in-Chief in 1841 changed everything. While the nation mourned the passing of the beloved President Harrison, Tyler quickly assumed the reins of power, asserting his authority as the new President of the United States. President Tyler rejected almost every major legislative program advanced by the Whig-dominated Congress, which the late Harrison had intended to pass. Tyler’s precedent of ignoring the policies of his predecessor was followed by accidental Presidents Millard Fillmore (1850-1853), Andrew Johnson (1865-1869), Chester A. Arthur (1881-1885), and Theodore Roosevelt (1901-1909). Although these “accidental presidents” executed different policies from those of their predecessors, this phenomenon has been largely ignored by vice presidential and presidential scholars. What is more intriguing is that this “going rogue” behavior is mainly confined to the nineteenth century.6 The 1800s provide several examples of accidental presidents unabashedly pursuing agendas that run counter to those of their immediate predecessors. John Tyler “killed” attempts to resurrect the National Bank despite support for the institution from his 6 Although Theodore Roosevelt inherited the presidency in 1901, after extensive research, I have determined that his accidental presidency falls under the going rogue category. A further exploration of Roosevelt is provided at the end of Chapter Three. 6 predecessor and a vast majority of the Whig Party. Chester Arthur reversed his stance on party patronage and pushed for civil service reform under the auspices of the Pendleton Act. Although he entered the presidency in 1901, Theodore Roosevelt’s completion of William McKinley’s term closely followed the model of a rogue accidental president. Shortly after McKinley’s death, Theodore Roosevelt declared, “I want you to understand at the start – I feel myself just as much a constitutionally elected President…as McKinley was.”7 The New York cowboy then upended the ideology and programs of the late President McKinley, bringing grief to Mark Hanna and other Old Guard Republicans. However, by the time Calvin Coolidge took the Oath of Office
Recommended publications
  • American Civil War Civil War Reconstruction
    American Civil War Civil War Reconstruction History >> Civil War Much of the Southern United States was destroyed during the Civil war. Farms and plantations were burned down and their crops destroyed. Also, many people had Confederate money which was now worthless and the local governments were in disarray. The South needed to be rebuilt. The rebuilding of the South after the Civil War is called the Reconstruction. The Reconstruction lasted from 1865 to 1877. The purpose of the Reconstruction was to help the South become a part of the Union again. Federal troops occupied much of the South during the Reconstruction to insure that laws were followed and that another uprising did not occur. A street in Charleston, SC after the war To Punish the South or Not Many people wanted the South to be punished for trying to leave the Union. Other people, however, wanted to forgive the South and let the healing of the nation begin. Lincoln's Plan for Reconstruction Abraham Lincoln wanted to be lenient to the South and make it easy for southern states to rejoin the Union. He said that any southerner who took an oath to the Union would be given a pardon. He also said that if 10% of the voters in a state supported the Union, then a state could be readmitted. Under Lincoln's plan, any state that was readmitted must make slavery illegal as part of their constitution. President Johnson President Lincoln was assassinated at the end of the Civil War, however, and never had the chance to implement his Reconstruction plan.
    [Show full text]
  • WHCA): Videotapes of Public Affairs, News, and Other Television Broadcasts, 1973-77
    Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library White House Communications Agency (WHCA): Videotapes of Public Affairs, News, and Other Television Broadcasts, 1973-77 WHCA selectively created, or acquired, videorecordings of news and public affairs broadcasts from the national networks CBS, NBC, and ABC; the public broadcast station WETA in Washington, DC; and various local station affiliates. Program examples include: news special reports, national presidential addresses and press conferences, local presidential events, guest interviews of administration officials, appearances of Ford family members, and the 1976 Republican Convention and Ford-Carter debates. In addition, WHCA created weekly compilation tapes of selected stories from network evening news programs. Click here for more details about the contents of the "Weekly News Summary" tapes All WHCA videorecordings are listed in the table below according to approximate original broadcast date. The last entries, however, are for compilation tapes of selected television appearances by Mrs. Ford, 1974-76. The tables are based on WHCA’s daily logs. “Tape Length” refers to the total recording time available, not actual broadcast duration. Copyright Notice: Although presidential addresses and very comparable public events are in the public domain, the broadcaster holds the rights to all of its own original content. This would include, for example, reporter commentaries and any supplemental information or images. Researchers may acquire copies of the videorecordings, but use of the copyrighted portions is restricted to private study and “fair use” in scholarship and research under copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code). Use the search capabilities of your PDF reader to locate specific names or keywords in the table below.
    [Show full text]
  • Martin Van Buren: the Greatest American President
    SUBSCRIBE NOW AND RECEIVE CRISIS AND LEVIATHAN* FREE! “The Independent Review does not accept “The Independent Review is pronouncements of government officials nor the excellent.” conventional wisdom at face value.” —GARY BECKER, Noble Laureate —JOHN R. MACARTHUR, Publisher, Harper’s in Economic Sciences Subscribe to The Independent Review and receive a free book of your choice* such as the 25th Anniversary Edition of Crisis and Leviathan: Critical Episodes in the Growth of American Government, by Founding Editor Robert Higgs. This quarterly journal, guided by co-editors Christopher J. Coyne, and Michael C. Munger, and Robert M. Whaples offers leading-edge insights on today’s most critical issues in economics, healthcare, education, law, history, political science, philosophy, and sociology. Thought-provoking and educational, The Independent Review is blazing the way toward informed debate! Student? Educator? Journalist? Business or civic leader? Engaged citizen? This journal is for YOU! *Order today for more FREE book options Perfect for students or anyone on the go! The Independent Review is available on mobile devices or tablets: iOS devices, Amazon Kindle Fire, or Android through Magzter. INDEPENDENT INSTITUTE, 100 SWAN WAY, OAKLAND, CA 94621 • 800-927-8733 • [email protected] PROMO CODE IRA1703 Martin Van Buren The Greatest American President —————— ✦ —————— JEFFREY ROGERS HUMMEL resident Martin Van Buren does not usually receive high marks from histori- ans. Born of humble Dutch ancestry in December 1782 in the small, upstate PNew York village of Kinderhook, Van Buren gained admittance to the bar in 1803 without benefit of higher education. Building on a successful country legal practice, he became one of the Empire State’s most influential and prominent politi- cians while the state was surging ahead as the country’s wealthiest and most populous.
    [Show full text]
  • Movies and Cultural Contradictions
    < I 1976 Movies and Cultural Contradictions FRANK P. TOMASULO In its bicentennial year, the United States was wracked by dis- illusionment and mistrust of the government. The Watergate scandal and the evacuation of Vietnam were still fresh in everyone's mind. Forced to deal with these traumatic events, combined with a lethargic economy (8.5 per- cent unemployment, energy shortages and OPEC price hikes of 5 to 10 per- cent, high inflation (8.7 percent and rising), and the decline of the U.S. dollar on international currency exchanges, the American national psyche suffered from a climate of despair and, in the phrase made famous by new California governor Jerry Brown the previous year, “lowered expectations.” President Gerald R. Ford's WIN (Whip Inflation Now) buttons--did nothing bolster consumer/investor confidence and were widely perceived to be a public rela- tions gimmick to paper over structural difficulties in the financial system. Intractable problems were apparent: stagflation, political paranoia, collective anxiety, widespread alienation, economic privation, inner-city decay, racism, and violence. The federal government's “misery index,” a combination of the unemployment rate and the rate of inflation, peaked at 17 percent. In short, there was a widespread perception that the foundations of the American Dream bad been shattered by years of decline and frustration. Despite these negative economic and social indicators in the material world, the nation went ahead with a major feel-good diversion, the bicen- tennial celebration that featured the greatest maritime spectacle in Ameri- can history: “Operation Sail,” a parade of sixteen “Tall Ships,” fifty-three warships, and more than two hundred smaller sailing vessels in New York harbor.
    [Show full text]
  • Corrupt Bargain" Charge Against Clay and Adams
    THE "CORRUPT BARGAIN" CHARGE AGAINST CLAY AND ADAMS: AN HISTORIOGRAPHICAL ANALYSIS BY WILLIAM G. MORGAN Oral Roberts University Tulsa, Oklahoma The election of 1824 provided a substantial portion of the ground- work for the notable political changes which emerged from the some- what misnamed "Era of Good Feelings," while at the same time involv- ing several unusual political phenomena. A cardinal feature of this electoral struggle was the large number of prominent candidates. Early in the contest the serious contenders totaled as many as "16 or 17," in- cluding William H. Crawford, Secretary of the Treasury; John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State; Henry Clay, long-time Speaker of the House; John C. Calhoun, Secretary of War; Smith Thompson, Secretary of the Navy; Vice-President Daniel D. Tompkins; Governor DeWitt Clinton of New York; Representative William Lowndes of South Carolina; and a comparative latecomer to politics, General Andrew Jackson] As the campaign progressed, several of these men dropped from conten- tion: Lowndes died in 1822, while Thompson, Tompkins, and Clinton fell from the ranks for lack of support, though there was mention of the latter's possible candidacy late in 1823.2 Calhoun subsequently withdrew from the race, deciding to delay his bid for the presidency to accept the second office.8 Of the prominent contenders remaining in the contest, Crawford was the administration favorite, and his position as Treasury Secretary had enabled him to build a significant following in various circles.4 Despite these advantages, Crawford's success proved illusory: among other difficulties, the Georgian suffered a severe stroke in the summer of 1823 and was the victim of the growing antagonism toward the caucus, the very insti- nation on which he was relying to bring him broad party support.5 Adams, Clay, and Jackson fought actively to secure an electoral majority or, failing that, to gain sufficient votes to be included in the top three who would be presented to the House of Representatives for the final decision.
    [Show full text]
  • Nixon Pardon Hungate Subcommittee – Ford Testimony, 1974/10/17 (3)” of the Philip Buchen Files at the Gerald R
    The original documents are located in Box 34, folder “Nixon Pardon Hungate Subcommittee – Ford Testimony, 1974/10/17 (3)” of the Philip Buchen Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald R. Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Exact duplicates within this folder were not digitized. Digitized from Box 34 of the Philip Buchen Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library \( ~,- STATEt·1EIH OF PRESIDENT GERALD FORD HOUSE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY Subcommittee on Criminal Justice October 17, 1974 We meet here today to review the facts and circumstances that were the basis for my pardon of .former President Nixon on September 8, 1974. · I \'/ant very much to have those facts and circumstances known. The American people want to know them. And members of the Congress want to know them. The two Congressional resolutions of inquiry now before this Committee serve those purposes. That is why I have volunteered to appear before you this morning, and I welcome and thank you for this opportunity to speak to the questions raised by the resolutions.
    [Show full text]
  • Missouri Compromise (1820) • Compromise Sponsored by Henry Clay
    Congressional Compromises and the Road to War The Great Triumvirate Henry Clay Daniel Webster John C. Calhoun representing the representing representing West the North the South John C. Calhoun •From South Carolina •Called “Cast-Iron Man” for his stubbornness and determination. •Owned slaves •Believed states were sovereign and could nullify or reject federal laws they believed were unconstitutional. Daniel Webster •From Massachusetts •Called “The Great Orator” •Did not own slaves Henry Clay •From Kentucky •Called “The Great Compromiser” •Owned slaves •Calmed sectional conflict through balanced legislation and compromises. Missouri Compromise (1820) • Compromise sponsored by Henry Clay. It allowed Missouri to enter the Union as a Slave State and Maine to enter as a Free State. The southern border of Missouri would determine if a territory could allow slavery or not. • Slavery was allowed in some new states while other states allowed freedom for African Americans. • Balanced political power between slave states and free states. Nullification Crisis (1832-1833) • South Carolina, led by Senator John C. Calhoun declared a high federal tariff to be null and avoid within its borders. • John C. Calhoun and others believed in Nullification, the idea that state governments have the right to reject federal laws they see as Unconstitutional. • The state of South Carolina threatened to secede or break off from the United States if the federal government, under President Andrew Jackson, tried to enforce the tariff in South Carolina. Andrew Jackson on Nullification “The laws of the United States, its Constitution…are the supreme law of the land.” “Look, for a moment, to the consequence.
    [Show full text]
  • Presidential Illness and Disability: the Health And
    PRESIDENTIAL ILLNESS AND DISABILITY: THE HEALTH AND PERFORMANCE OF PRESIDENTS FROM 1789-1901 A THESIS IN Political Science Presented to the Faculty of the of Missouri-Kansas City in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree MASTER OF ARTS by CHAD LAWRENCE KING B.A., University of Missouri-Kansas City, 2008 Kansas City, Missouri 2013 © 2013 CHAD LAWRENCE KING ALL RIGHTS RESERVED PRESIDENTIAL ILLNESS AND DISABILITY: THE HEALTH AND PERFORMANCE OF PRESIDENTIAL TICKETS FROM 1789-1901 Chad Lawrence King, Candidate for the Master of Arts Degree University of Missouri-Kansas City, 2013 ABSTRACT Presidential health and performance has been a subject of study by both political scientists and historians, many of whom have examined the health of our nation’s presidents. This study of presidential history is not new. Many monographs and articles have examined this subject in great detail. While these have led to new interpretations of presidential history, they are inadequate for understanding the problem that presidential ill health and disability have presented during our nation’s history. Most studies focus only on the twentieth century and the importance of health into the modern presidency. While the focus of health on the modern presidency has greatly changed our understanding of individual presidents and their effect on history, it nonetheless presents only a partial picture of the problem, since it neglects the effect of presidential health during the early years of the republic. I argue that presidential health has always been of prime importance and its effect is certainly not limited to recent decades. This study will also focus, when appropriate, on the health of the vice president during certain administrations.
    [Show full text]
  • To the William Howard Taft Papers. Volume 1
    THE L I 13 R A R Y 0 F CO 0.: G R 1 ~ ~ ~ • P R I ~ ~ I I) I ~ \J T ~' PAP E R ~ J N 1) E X ~ E R IE S INDEX TO THE William Howard Taft Papers LIBRARY OF CONGRESS • PRESIDENTS' PAPERS INDEX SERIES INDEX TO THE William Ho-ward Taft Papers VOLUME 1 INTRODUCTION AND PRESIDENTIAL PERIOD SUBJECT TITLES MANUSCRIPT DIVISION • REFERENCE DEPARTMENT LIBRARY OF CONGRESS WASHINGTON : 1972 Library of Congress 'Cataloging in Publication Data United States. Library of Congress. Manuscript Division. Index to the William Howard Taft papers. (Its Presidents' papers index series) 1. Taft, William Howard, Pres. U.S., 1857-1930.­ Manuscripts-Indexes. I. Title. II. Series. Z6616.T18U6 016.97391'2'0924 70-608096 ISBN 0-8444-0028-9 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price $24 per set. Sold in'sets only. Stock Number 3003-0010 Preface THIS INDEX to the William Howard Taft Papers is a direct result of the wish of the Congress and the President, as expressed by Public Law 85-147 approved August 16, 1957, and amended by Public Laws 87-263 approved September 21, 1961, and 88-299 approved April 27, 1964, to arrange, index, and microfilm the papers of the Presidents in the Library of Congress in order "to preserve their contents against destruction by war or other calamity," to make the Presidential Papers more "readily available for study and research," and to inspire informed patriotism. Presidents whose papers are in the Library are: George Washington James K.
    [Show full text]
  • 5, Webisode 7
    Please note: Each segment in this Webisode has its own Teaching Guide Rutherford B. Hayes Reconstruction—the process by which the Confederate states returned to full membership in the Union—jolted along not under the generous and steady leadership of Abraham Lincoln but under the late president’s successor, Andrew Johnson. Johnson, a Southerner, thwarted almost all congressional moves to assure African Americans the rights of full citizenship. The South was in ruins, its economy flattened. Fields were empty, and so were Southern pocketbooks. Many Southerners were angry; they had lost their enslaved work force and political clout, and now they had to accept former slaves as equals. While Johnson looked the other way, Southern legislators created black codes, which restricted the civil rights of African Americans. Other white men, hiding under white hoods, terrified African Americans by using violence and intimidation. African Americans saw the hard-earned reforms of Reconstruction evaporate under black codes, voting restrictions, and the intimidation of the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacy groups. Johnson’s successor, Civil War hero Ulysses S. Grant, was an ineffective president whose administration was immobilized by the corruption of those he appointed. Reconstruction policies eventually determined the disputed election of 1876 between Samuel Tilden and Rutherford B. Hayes; when Hayes promised to pull federal troops out of the South, an election commission awarded him all the disputed votes and thus the presidency. Teacher Directions 1. Use the following questions to guide class discussion. • Which amendment gave African American men the right to vote? • What obstacles did African Americans in the South face? • What were Redeemers? • Why was Ulysses S.
    [Show full text]
  • George Edmunds of Vermont: Republican Half-Breed
    As much as any U. S. Senator of the post-Civil War genera­ tion, George F. Edmunds represents the character, ideas, and influence of a particular wing of the Republican Party.... George Edmunds of Vermont: Republican Half-Breed By RICHARD E. WELCH, JR. AMONG the major New England politicians of the post-Civil War J-\. generation, one of the more elusive is George F. Edmunds of Vermont. A United States senator torm 1866 to 1891, he was recognized by leaders of both parties as one of the hardest workers iri the senate and perhaps its ablest constitutional lawyer. After his retirement from politics, he was a highly successful corporation lawyer, a prominent spokesman for the Anti-Imperialist movement of 1898-1900, and a family monarch until his death in 1919 at the age of ninety-one. His was a full and an active life, but it has received little attention from historians. There exists no biography of Edmunds, nor even a biographi­ cal notice later than the publication of the Dictionary of American Biography in 1931. He has faded into the shadow-land reserved for the footnote figures of American history. One reason for this is the absence of a collection of "Edmunds Papers." There is a strong correlation between the size of a man's documentary legacy and the fascination he holds for historians. Ed­ munds left orders that all his personal papers be burned upon his death, and they were. There are, of course, other possible reasons for Edmunds' neglect by the historical profession. The biographer who seeks a colorful subject would not find Edmunds attractive.
    [Show full text]
  • Uniting Mugwumps and the Masses: the Role of Puck in Gilded Age Politics, 1880-1884
    Uniting Mugwumps and the Masses: The Role of Puck in Gilded Age Politics, 1880-1884 Daniel Henry Backer McLean, Virginia B.A., University of Notre Dame, 1994 A Thesis presented to 1he Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of English University of Virginia August 1996 WARNING! The document you now hold in your hands is a feeble reproduction of an experiment in hypertext. In the waning years of the twentieth century, a crude network of computerized information centers formed a system called the Internet; one particular format of data retrieval combined text and digital images and was known as the World Wide Web. This particular project was designed for viewing through Netscape 2.0. It can be found at http://xroads.virginia.edu/~MA96/PUCK/ If you are able to locate this Website, you will soon realize it is a superior resource for the presentation of such a highly visual magazine as Puck. 11 Table of Contents Introduction 1 I) A Brief History of Cartoons 5 II) Popular and Elite Political Culture 13 III) A Popular Medium 22 "Our National Dog Show" 32 "Inspecting the Democratic Curiosity Shop" 35 Caricature and the Carte-de-Viste 40 The Campaign Against Grant 42 EndNotes 51 Bibliography 54 1 wWhy can the United States not have a comic paper of its own?" enquired E.L. Godkin of The Nation, one of the most distinguished intellectual magazines of the Gilded Age. America claimed a host of popular and insightful raconteurs as its own, from Petroleum V.
    [Show full text]