Naval War College Review Volume 28 Article 17 Number 1 January-February

1975 January & February 1975 Issue The .SU . Naval War College

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PRESIDENT'S NOTES

Most military officers like to refer to fessional response in a perilous situ· themselves and to their occupation in ation-a response that came largely from terms of "professionalism." They like to within, but one that was also influenced consider themselves experts in a field by his sense of responsibility to the that, according to one definition of organization of which he was a part. professional, demands "advanced study Commander Na ugh ton and his fellow in a specialized field." Indeed, the prisoners have, in this issue of the raison d'etre of the Naval War College is Review, given us an example of which the professional development of of­ we can all be proud. ficers. This is, as any true professional lf we are to refer to ourselves as will recognize, far too narrow a defini­ professionals, we must, each and every tion-although advanced and continuing one of us, perform to a high profes­ study throughout one's career is essen­ sional standard in this larger definition tial to professionalism. of the word. These ideas of competence In the broadest sense, profes­ and personal commitment are certainly sionalism requires a high degree of skill not new. Professor Gibbs' fine paper­ and competence, but, more than that, also in this Review-reflects Clausewitz's professionalism is a state of mind which understanding of these ideas. Today, demands of those who would be called however, they take on special signifi­ professionals the highest ethical stand· cance. The American people no longer ards and morally responsible pattern of take for granted the performance of any conduct. of the professions, including the mili­ In the history of the Navy, prof es· tary. The responsibility of professionals sionalism has been manifested in many to their organization in this context is different ways-none, however, more crystal clear. unique or ennobling than the per­ formance of our prisoners of war in North Vietnam. One of the best expressions of how an organization can be enriched by the efforts of a few is to be found in the conduct of Comdr. Robert Naughton JULIEN J. LEBOURGEOIS during his 6-year confinement in enemy Vice Admiral, U.S. Navy hands. His was an extraordinarily pro· President, Naval War College Published by U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons, 1975 5 Naval War College Review, Vol. 28 [1975], No. 1, Art. 17 2 NAVAL WAR COLLEGE REVIEW

Throughout the years of poUtlCal dissonance created by the Vietnam war1 the one element tI1at could command aJmost universal support in the United States was concern for our prisoners of war. Through an unswerving loyalty to themselves, their fellow prisoners, and to tlrn Nation as a who}e, these men 1 confined, torwred1 and used for poJitical propaganda, were able to teturn llome with a11 honor and dignity often lost by men in similar circumstances, (This article represents an abridged version of an extensive researc11 effort conducted by the author.)

MOTIVATIONALFACTORS OF AMERICAN PRISIONERS OF WAR HELD BY THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM

An article prepared hy Commaruler ltoherl J. Naughton, U.S. Navy

Introduction, January 1973 wit• genuine show of interest and concern nessed the end of the longest continual for utheir" POW's, armed conflict in the 200,year history The Vietnam POW's, however, were of the United States. Sixty days after not the first prisoners of war who had the signing of the Paris agreement1 the received publicity. Those American men longest recorded incarceration of Ameri· who had been held prisoners in all can prisoners of war (POW's) ended for recent wars have been the subject of more than 500 men1 over 450 of whom public examination, and their return to had been held in the Democratic Repu b­ the United States has provided a great lic of Vietnam (DRV). Several of these deal of human interest news copy. men had endured more than 8 years as The post-Korean period was the most prisoners of the DRV, while one POW lucid example of such investigation. held by the Vie !Cong was detained over Eugene Kinkead 's widely read book, In 9 years. Every War But One, based on The POW's received a warm and tumultuous welcome from the people of The source material for this article is the United States. This served to create drawn £ram the author's 6 years of imprison· a unanimity among Americans which ment in the Democrallc Republic of Vietnam had been lacking during the long years •-his experience and observations plus the 1 narratives and reCTeclions of 118 other pris­ of the Vietnam conflict. The Nation s oners with whom he, at various times, shared public display of pride and relief was a a cell. https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol28/iss1/17 6 War College: January & February 1975 Issue

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1 Ciausewitz .'i dictum that uwar is an extension of policy by other mea!ls u has CLAUSEWITZ become an artjcJe of faith for the military professional. While this concept provides a much needed theoretical ON THE framework for understanding and deal· ing with the phenome11on, his discussion MORAL FORCES on the moral (psychological) forces pro­ vides an equally illuminating insight into the dynamics of war. IN WAR

An article prepared by llr. Norman II. Gibbs

Clausewitz was deeply concerned about the importance of the moral with why men fight, what it is that forces in war. makes wars emerge and develop as they This is one of those points at which do 1 and what general factors contribute Clausewitz goes in a new direction in to victory and defeat. However, the which he is concerned with the impor­ writing and discussion about Clause• tance of the concept of ideology in war. witz's book On War which have taken But first a proviso. I think we have a place during the past 30 years or so have tendency to be overly narrow in our use H concentrated largely on his argument of the word "ideology and, therefore, that "war is an extension of policy by reduce its usefulness for our purpose. 0 other means. It is undoubtedly an Ideologies are not just politica\ creeds. argument basic to his whole concept of To be of full value in the analysis of the nature of wars that actually occur as warfare, or indeed any other part of distinct from any theoretical concept of social analysis, ideology should be seen war: or, to use his own words, it is an as something more comprehensive than argument which helps explain the con· simply political doctrine; something trast between real war on the one hand which, operating in the hearts and and absolute or ideal war on the other. minds of men, moves them and inspires But the view of war as an extension of them to action. Of course, it is true that policy was no discovery of Clausewitz, "something" can often be identified as I think he would have been the first with political doctrine and that such to admit. We do him an injustice by stopping at that point. I believe that he An adaptation of a lecture delivered at the has something equally significant to say Naval War CoUege, Published by U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons, 1975 19 Naval War College Review, Vol. 28 [1975], No. 1, Art. 17

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In their studies of Woodrov1 Wilson and the First World War, most historians have assumed that the near•pacifist Wilson had little appreciation for the concept of force as an extension of diplomacy, On more careful investigation, however, it becomes apparent that Wilson not only developed realistic and clearly articulated war goals but that he was able to coordinate his larger diplomatk purpose with the use of force perhaps better than any war President before or since,

WOODROW WILSON AND THE RECONCILIATION OF FORCE AND DIPLOMACY: 1917-1918

A lecture given al thi, Naval War College by l'rofessor ll.F. Trask

The questions most frequently ad• Wilson, specifical!y, and the U.S. Gov• dressed by historians in their study of ernment1 in general, paid scant attention American foreign policy during World to this question. It is certainly true that War 1 normally concern either why the Wilson gave less time to day-to-day United States entered the war or why operations than perhaps any other war­ she ultimately rejected the postwar time President; but if ever an American settlement, These questions lead schol• President put into practice the famous ars primarily to the study of neutrality Clausewitzian dictum that warfare from August 1914 to April 1917 and to should be conducted to achieve funda­ an examination of peacemaking from mental political purposes, it was Wood· November 1918 to March 1920. Un· row Wilson. This notion of Wilson being fortunately, the period of actual combat a grand strategist par excellence is a has, until recently, been al! but ne· direct contradiction to the generally glected. held image of Wilson as a lofty and One significant aspect of belligerency impractical idealist who knew little and that has never been thoroughly ex· cared less about the real world. Never­ amined is the process by which Presi­ theless, although the evidence supports dent Wilson sought to apply the military the proposition that he was a profound and naval power of the United States in idealist with high hopes for his country the service of larger political purposes and for mankind1 it also establishes during 1917-1918. Indeed, most his· Wilson as an example of the fact that torians seem to have assumed that realism and idealism often coexist in the Published by U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons, 1975 27 Naval War College Review, Vol. 28 [1975], No. 1, Art. 17

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Soviet policy in the Middle East-aompliaated1 expensive, and often frustrating� met per!iaps its greatest setback on 18 July 1972 w!wn Egyptian President Anwar Sadat announced the termination of the mis.don of tlw Soviet military advisers and experts in Egypt. Undaunted fiowever, Kremlin planners continued to pursue their goal of an "anti-imperialist" Arab union dependent on Russian arms and amenable to Russian influence, The Yorn Kippur war of 1973 apparently rewarded their efforts with success, but the long-sought prize of Arab sympathy was taken, if only temporarily, by their archival, the United States, via the diploma tic efforts of Henry Kissinger. SOVIET POLICY TOW ARD THE MIDDLE EAST FROM THE EXODUS OF 1972 TO THE YOM KIPPUR WAR

An article prepared

by Dr. Robert 0. Frnedman

Introduction. Since their 1955 arms Middle East remains quite limited. deal with Egypt, Soviet policymakers Soviet efforts have been plagued by the have sought to establish the Soviet numerous interstate and intrastate con­ Union as the dominant power in the flicts common to Arab politics, by the Middle East. The main thrust of this incessant competition for leadership strategy has been simply to replace the within the Arab bloc of nations-Egypt, Western Powers in their former posi� Syria, traq1 Libya, and Saudi Arabia - tions of political, military r and eco­ and by the problem of defining a proper nomic influence within the region. The role for the Communist Parties of the Soviet leaders have engaged in massive Middle East. Illegal in a number of Arab economic aid projects such as the countries and viewed vrith suspicion in Aswan and Euphrates Dams; they have all of them, the Communist Parties have contributed large amounts of sophisti­ embarrassed the Russians on a number cated military equipment to many of of oocasions. Most recently, Russian the states of the region; and more support for the Sudanese Communist recently they have sought to consolidate Party in the abortive coup attempt their influence through long-term against Sudanese President Ja'afar ''Friendship and Assistance" treaties Nimeri in July 1971-an attempt which such as the ones signed with Egypt in resulted in the decimation of the Suda­ l 971 and Iraq in l 972. nese Communist Party's leadership-all Yet1 as the expulsion of the Soviet but ended Soviet-Sudanese relations. military forces from Egypt in 1972 Finally, the Russians have had to indicated, with or without treaties, cope with competition from the United Kremlin influence in the highly volatile States and Communist China which https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol28/iss1/17 36 War College: January & February 1975 Issue

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That a vital interest of both the United States and the industrial West lies in free access to the Middle Eastern oil supply has been made abundantly clear by the embargo and subsequent increases in the price of oil. Threats to this vital interest range from Soviet adventurism to the inherent domestic instabilities of the region. A firm and mutually profitable relationship with Iran, perhaps the most militarily potent and politically stable state in the region, seems to be the best policy against realization of these threats. IRAN AND AMERICAN SECURITY POLICY IN THE MIDDLE EAST

An article prnpared by Major Uard E. O'Neill, U.S. Air Force and Captain Paul R. Viotti, U.S. Air Force

Introduction. In October 1973 the conservation measures and the develop­ Organization of Arab Petroleum Ex­ ment of domestic oil and other energy porting Countries (OAPEC) sent shock resources, the developed nations began a waves through the industrialized world search for long-term external petroleum when it decreased the overall produc­ supplies at reasonable prices. In their tion of oil and embargoed the United scramble to obtain Middle Eastern oil, States, Portugal, South Africa, and the the European countries and Japan Netherlands. The impact of these de­ moved quickly to endorse the Arab velopments and a subsequent quantum demand that the Israelis withdraw from rise in oil prices for the Western states all of the territories occupied in the and Japan was immediate and far reach­ June 1967 Middle Eastern war, actions ing. On both sides of the Atlantic and in which reflected the extreme depend­ Tokyo there were fears of recession and ency of Japan (over 90 percent) and even depression, the possibility of mil­ Europe (over 70 percent) on external lions unemployed, and of massive defi­ sources of oil. Such a course of action cits in the balance of payments. was judged unacceptable by the United Although in the ensuing months the States which instead stressed active and experts debated the magnitude of the intensive diplomacy as the best means cutback, the behavior of the indus­ to deal with the oil problem. The more trialized states suggested that they con­ moderate reaction on Washington's part sidered the threats both real and serious. was, of course, related to the fact that Besides turning their attention to America was far less dependent on https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol28/iss1/17 58 War College: January & February 1975 Issue

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The fact that management has virtu• ally chosen to ignore the cost of in­ INFORMATION formation highlights the need for an awareness of informational practices and their respective costs. Such an awareness can lead to culling out 11might COST need, nice to have" information and is essential to combat the development of those internal and external power bases AWARENESS that are detrimental to both the eco­ nomic and general health of the organi­ zationa.l whole.

A research l'"I'"' prepared in the l)cfcnse Economies and l)ccisionmaking Course al llic Naval Wm· College by

Lieutenant Colonel Donald R, Miller, IJ,S. Marine Corps

Although the seed for this paper was information. Similarly, although infor­ sown early in the Defense Economics mation is an essential element in a and Decisionmaking course taught at cost/benefit analysis, managers have the Naval War College, it could have as apparently found it convenient to give easily been planted in any management the problem less than full attention. curriculum where the need for informa· Nevertheless, the collection, trans· tion is repeatedly stressed. Lectures on mission, storage, processing, and distri­ decisionmaking procedures, courses in bution of information obviously do ana,ytical methods, and case study dis· have a hard dollar cost. In a personal cussions atl drive one point home: in­ sense this can be observed in outlays for formation is invaluable. It is required to newspapers, books 1 magazines, tele­ observe trends, develop statistical bases, vision sets, tetephones, and education. conduct day-to-day operations, and re· Organizational activities rapidly extend duce the uncertainty from plans. How· this list by additional outlays for sophis· ever, a curious thing develops during ticated communication and electronic such courses: there is virtually no men• processing equipmen t1 special forms and lion of the cost of information, It is as reports, and staffs devoted to various if information were a free and readily aspects of the information process. The attainable commodity, available for the epitome of the situation probably rests asking. Traditional economic theories with our bureaucratic Government on supply and demand, production, et where countless number of forms and cetera, evidently are not applicable to reports alone cost the Nation billions of https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol28/iss1/17 70 War College: January & February 1975 Issue

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